Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Czechoslovakia – Foreign relations – Sweden »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Czechoslovakia – Foreign relations – Sweden"
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Martiushev, Aleksandr, Oleg Eduardovich Terekhov et Oksana Nikolaevna Terekhova. « Foreign policy of the First Czechoslovak Republic in the coverage of Soviet historiography ». Исторический журнал : научные исследования, no 4 (avril 2020) : 84–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2020.4.33287.
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The goal of this article consists in determination of the key aspects of foreign policy of the First Czechoslovak Republic, described in the Soviet historical science since the end of the World War II until dissolution of the Soviet Union. The subject of this research is the writings of Soviet historians dedicated to examination of foreign policy of interwar Czechoslovakia. The object of this research is the Soviet historiography of the late 1940s – late 1980s. The interest towards foreign policy problematic is substantiated by its crucial importance for the existence of the First Republic, which fully depended on the stability of the Versailles System of international relations that gave rise to it and was eliminated along with it. Analysis the works of Soviet historians allows concluding that the main vectors in examination of foreign policy of the First Czechoslovak Republic and its assessment were formed by the early 1960s, and with no significant changes lasted until dissolution of the Soviet Union. It is worth noting that the national historiography at that time significantly advances in studying various aspects of foreign policy of the First Czechoslovak Republic, namely Czechoslovakia–Soviet Union relations and events preceding the Munich Agreement and liquidation of the First Republic. However, the prevalent in Soviet science class approach, with all its significance, did not allow giving an unbiased assessment to the events of 1938, as well as to foreign policy of the interwar Czechoslovakia overall.
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Bedi̇r, Ayşe. « EVREN KÜÇÜK, Türkiye-İsveç İlişkileri (1914-1938) / Turkey-Sweden Relations (1914- 1938), Publications of Turkish Historical Society, Ankara 2017. [Book Review] ». Belleten 82, no 294 (1 août 2018) : 759–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2018.759.
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The purpose of this book review is to fulfi ll the absence of comprehensive study on the Turkey-Sweden relations both Sweden and Turkey yet. Turkey-Sweden Relations (1914- 1938) is an original work, which is suitable for scientifi c criteria and prepared as a doctoral thesis, receives the details of the relations of both countries for the fi rst time in detail, and sheds light on the last years of the Ottoman Empire and the early Republican period of Turkey. Very rich sources are used in this work with a simple language and style. As it is seen that in preparation of the book the sources of the foreign archives and local archives such as Sveria Riksarkivet (Sweden State Archives), Sveria Krigsarkivet (Sweden Military Archives), Kungliga Bibliotek (Sweden Royal Library), Uppsala University, Carolina Rediviva Library, The National Archives (London), League of Nations Photo Archive, Prime Ministry Republican Archives, Prime Ministry Ottoman Archives, Red Crescent Archives, Presidency Archive, Foreign Ministry Archives, Istanbul Sea Museum Archive, Turkish Revolution History Institute Archives have been used. Additionally, the book uses domestic and foreign literature, newspapers and magazines.
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Taterová, Eva. « Proměny přístupu československé diplomacie k arabsko-izraelskému konfliktu v letech 1948–1967 ». Mezinárodní vztahy 57, no 1 (7 avril 2022) : 43–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.1795.
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This study examines the evolution of Czechoslovak foreign policy towards selected actors of Arab-Israeli conflict in 1948–1967. Once very friendly relations of Czechoslovakia with Israel were soon replaced by a gradually developing cooperation with some Arab actors. However, even this partnership encountered several difficult moments. Despite long-term ideological disputes with Arab nationalist leaders, Czechoslovakia demonstrated unconditional support for the Arab coalition in the Six-Day War (1967), and the pro-Arab orientation had become the unquestionable line of Czechoslovak Middle East policy in the Cold War. Since the article is based on the New Cold War History approach, in addition to the previously unpublished information from the archival documents it also aims to offer a partial interpretation of Czechoslovakia’s diplomatic position as a satellite state of the Soviet Union with regard to its foreign policy strategies towards selected Middle Eastern Third world countries in the first two decades of the Cold War.
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Dmytryshyn, Basil. « The Legal Framework for the Sovietization of Czechoslovakia 1941–1945 ». Nationalities Papers 25, no 02 (juin 1997) : 255–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408502.
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Literature in many languages (documentary, monographic, memoir-like and periodical) is abundant on the sovietization of Czechoslovakia, as are the reasons advanced for it. Some observers have argued that the Soviet takeover of the country stemmed from an excessive preoccupation with Panslavism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries by a few Czech and Slovak intellectuals, politicians, writers and poets and their uncritical affection and fascination for everything Russian and Soviet. Others have attributed the drawing of Czechoslovakia into the Soviet orbit to Franco-British appeasement of Hitler's imperial ambitions during the September 1938, Munich crisis. At Munich, Czechoslovakia lost its sovereignty and territory, France its honor, England its respect and trust; and the Soviet Union, by its abstract offer to aid Czechoslovakia (without detailing how or in what form the assistance would come) gained admiration. Still others have pinned the blame for the sovietization of Czechoslovakia on machinations by top leaders of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, who, as obedient tools of Moscow, supported Soviet geopolitical designs on Czechoslovakia, who sought and received political asylum in the USSR during World War II, and who returned to Czechoslovakia with the victorious Soviet armed forces at the end of World War II as high-ranking members of the Soviet establishment. Finally, there are some who maintain that the sovietization of Czechoslovakia commenced with the 25 February 1948, Communist coup, followed by the tragic death of Foreign Minister Jan Masaryk on 10 March 1948, and the replacement, on 7 June 1948, of President Eduard Beneš by the Moscow-trained, loyal Kremlin servant Klement Gottwald.
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Marjina, V. « Gustáv Husák, Prague Spring of 1968, Czechoslovakia, USSR foreign policy, Brezhnev doctrine, Soviet-Czechoslovak relations ». Славяноведение, no 5 (octobre 2018) : 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869544x0000854-2.
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Thomson, Jennifer. « What's Feminist about Feminist Foreign Policy ? Sweden's and Canada's Foreign Policy Agendas ». International Studies Perspectives 21, no 4 (24 janvier 2020) : 424–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekz032.
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Abstract Across politics and public discourse, feminism is experiencing a global renaissance. Yet feminist academic work is divided over the burgeoning use of the term, particularly in reference to economic and international development policy. For some, feminism has been co-opted for neoliberal economic ends; for others, it remains a critical force across the globe. This article explores the nascent feminist foreign policies of Sweden and Canada. Employing a discourse analysis of both states’ policy documents, it asks what the term “feminist” meant in preliminary attempts at constructing a feminist foreign policy. It argues that although both use the term “feminist,” they understand the term very differently, with Sweden centering it in domestic and international commitments to change, while Canada places greater emphasis on the private sector. This suggests that this policy agenda is still developing its central concepts, and is thus ripe for intervention on the part of policymakers and civil society organizations.
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Serapionova, Elena. « The Interim treaty between the RSFSR and Czechoslovakia : on the 100th anniversary of signing ». Slavic Almanac, no 1-2 (2022) : 68–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2022.1-2.1.04.
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The article is devoted to establishing contacts of Soviet Russia and Czechoslovakia. It also deals with the signing of the first treaty between the countries on June 5, 1922. The centenary of the document and the complicated Russian-Czech relations in recent years determine the relevance of addressing these subjects. The aim of the article is on the basis of documents found in the Russian Foreign Policy Archive (the correspondence of the Soviet representatives in Prague S. I. Gillerson and P. N. Mostovenko with the People’s Commissar for Foreign Affairs V. G. Chicherin and his deputy M. M. Litvinov), as well as on published materials on the history of Soviet-Czechoslovak relations, to explain the contradictions that existed between the parties and to show ways of overcoming them. Based on the latest research by Russian and Czech historians, the author analyses the international situation of that time, the terms of the agreement, draws attention to the fact that the agreement was not ratified by the Parliament of the Czechoslovak Republic, but came into effect by a government decree. It is concluded that the strategic goal of the Soviet foreign policy to achieve a de jure recognition was not implemented at that time. However, the Interim Treaty meant a de facto recognition of the RSFSR and created conditions for the development of trade and economic cooperation.
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Elder, N. C. M. « Democracy and foreign policy : the case of Sweden ». International Affairs 63, no 4 (1987) : 685–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619712.
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Zorin, Artem. « The February 1948 Crisis in Czechoslovakia : Reaction, Assessments And Consequenses for the USA Foreign Policy ». Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no 2 (avril 2022) : 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.2.6.
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Introduction. The article examines the reaction of American diplomatic, political and media circles, who were involved in the development of the US political course and the formation of mass sentiments, to the crisis in Czechoslovakia in February 1948. It reveals connections between the perceptions of political processes in Eastern Europe by various segments of the American political elite and the nature of political decisions made by the US government. Methods. The research is based on archival documents and articles of leading American papers. Their analysis allows us to consider the transformation of the image of Czechoslovakia, perceptions of its domestic and foreign policy, the evolution of assessments of Czechoslovak realities in the US, depending on the domestic and international situation and changing world situation. Analysis. In February 1948, during the tense political crisis, a communist regime was established in Czechoslovakia. This event completed the creation of the Soviet bloc in Europe, and influenced the development of the US containment policy towards the USSR and the escalation of the Cold War. The February crisis caused a tangible reaction in the United States. It was considered in American media, diplomatic and political circles in general context of growing international tension and Soviet-American controversies. Results. The author concludes that the US government was convinced that the communists’ coup d’état was inspired by the Kremlin. The Americans were shocked by its suddenness and speed, the lack of resistance from democratic forces. This effect was used by the US government to whip up anti-Soviet sentiments and to adopt the Marshall Plan.
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Lampe, John R. « Yugoslavia’s Foreign Policy in Balkan Perspective : Tracking between the Superpowers and Non-Alignment ». East Central Europe 40, no 1-2 (2013) : 97–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04001001.
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From 1960 forward, Yugoslavia based its independent foreign policy on three “special relationships”, balancing its accommodation with the Soviet Union by close relations with the United States and the new Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). Paying special attention to the roles of Yugoslavia’s Foreign Ministry and the US State Department as well as President Tito, this article addresses three crucial periods in which the intersection of Yugoslavia’s relations with the US, the USSR and the NAM prompted a decisive turn in its foreign policy. In 1961–63, Tito’s support for the NAM damaged its US relations to Soviet benefit. But in 1967–71, NAM indifference to the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia turned Tito back toward the US, as advocated by his Foreign Ministry. And in 1976-79, Soviet and Bulgarian efforts to coopt the NAM through Cuba’s Presidency prompted a successful rebuff led by Yugoslavia and appreciated in Washington. After 1979, however, Belgrade’s post Tito reliance on economic relations with the NAM members had unintended and damaging domestic consequences, obstructing the Slovenian and Croatian commitment to West European trade while also dividing Bosnian Muslims from Bosnian Serbs.
Thèses sur le sujet "Czechoslovakia – Foreign relations – Sweden"
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Hempson, Donald Allen. « The lion with two tales Czechoslovak economic and foreign policy-making and its impact on U.S. relations, 1919-1929 / ». Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1155052806.
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Marinov, Marin kandidat na i︠u︡ridicheskite nauki. « Foreign direct investment in Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia and Hungary : a comparative study of the current legislation ». Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26212.
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The author's goal is to illuminate the current business legislation in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) through a comparison of three countries from the region, namely, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary.The present study is divided into four parts. The first part states the thesis itself, the goals, and the structure of the discussion.
The second part provides the basic premises of the analysis, with emphasis on the current data on foreign investment in the three countries.
The third part presents the core of the comparative study and deals with the following issues: basic foreign investment laws, including corporate laws, property rights of foreign persons, currency regimes. Among other important aspects, attention is paid to the following subjects: general treatment of FDI, foreign investment in corporate capital, branches of transnational corporations, forms of FDI, special procedures for banking and insurance, closed sectors for FDI, financing of investment, incentives of FDI, domestic and international guarantees for FDI etc. The set of criteria used to assess the compared legislation focuses primarily on the essential features of that legislation. This narrow approach is expedient in terms of the huge area that relates to foreign investment.
The final part uses the findings of the comparative study of the relevant legislation in order to determine the reasons for the lagging interest of foreign investors in Bulgaria. These reasons are found not to be due to any deep-seated differences in the pertinent legislation, but rather to some other factors, such as historical, socio-cultural, and geopolitical.
The law in the present work is stated as of 1 January 1994. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Piahanau, Aliaksandr. « Policy of Hungary towards Czechoslovakia in 1918–1936 ». Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018TOU20014.
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L’éclatement de l’Autriche-Hongrie en un ensemble des nouvelles nations en 1918 constitue un événement clé dans l’historiographie de l’Europe centrale. Cette thèse porte sur les relations bilatérales entre deux Etats « nouveau nés » – la Hongrie et la Tchécoslovaquie. Elle se concentre plus particulièrement sur la politique extérieure hongroise et sur les perceptions, motivations et décisions du gouvernement hongrois et de ses différents organes politiques vis-à-vis de la République tchécoslovaque. Cette thèse questionne l'historiographie dominante qui décrit les relations entre Budapest et Prague dans l’entre-deux-guerres à travers le prisme de leur conflit territorial sur la Slovaquie et la Ruthénie – deux provinces hongroises annexées par la Tchécoslovaquie en 1918–1919. Cette recherche confirme que les élites hongroises et les cercles gouvernementaux espéraient récupérer ces territoires, mais elle démontre aussi que Budapest s’est efforcé d'éviter un conflit ouvert avec Prague, considérant que la Tchécoslovaquie était plus peuplée, industrialisée, militarisée et avait plus d'alliances internationales que la Hongrie. A partir des sources primaires principalement en hongrois et en tchèque, mais aussi en slovaque, en français et en anglais, trouvées dans les archives de Budapest et de Prague et dans des ouvrages publiés, cette thèse soutient que le gouvernement hongrois envisageait sérieusement de développer la coopération politique, économique et internationale avec Prague dans les années médianes de l'entre-deux-guerres. Cette thèse est organisée en cinq parties. Quatre périodes se distinguent: l’après-guerre (1918-21, part. 2), les années 20 (1922-1930, part. 3), le début des années 30 (1931-36, part. 5). La première partie traite des sources et de l'historiographie, tandis que la partie 4 s’intéresse plus en détails aux liens de l'opposition démocratique hongroise avec Prague en 1919–1932The replacement of Austria-Hungary by series of new nations in 1918 is a key event in the historical reflections in Central Europe. This thesis deals with the bilateral relations between two "new born" states - Hungary and Czechoslovakia.This thesis pays special attention the topic of the foreign policy of Hungary, by exploring the perceptions, motives, and the decisions that the government of Budapest and its different political bodies expressed in regard to the Czechoslovak Republic. This thesis aims to challenge the mainstream historiography which portrays the Budapest-Prague relations between the two World Wars through the prism of the territorial dispute over Slovakia and Ruthenia, two Hungarian provinces that were annexed by Czechoslovakia in 1918–1919. This research confirms that the Hungarian elites and the governmental circles were indeed unsatisfied with the loss of these two regions. However, the historiography has over-estimated the impact of territorial dispute on the practical and every day political attitudes and the decision making process in Budapest. This thesis claims that the Hungarian government tended to avoid open conflicts with Prague, considering that Czechoslovakia was more populous, industrialized, militarized and had more international alliances than Hungary. Analyzing primary sources mainly in Hungarian, and Czech, but also in Slovak, French and English, found both in the archives in Budapest and Prague and in published versions, this thesis argues that the government of Hungary seriously considered developing political, economic and international cooperation with Prague in the middle years of the Interwar. This thesis is organized into five parts. The opening part deals with the sources and the historiography. Part 2 examines the Hungarian policy on Czechoslovakia in 1918–1921. Part 3 tackles the Budapest-Prague relations between 1922 and 1930. Part 4 portrays the connections of the Hungarian democratic opposition with Prague in 1919–1932. Part 5 uncovers the changes of the foreign policy of Hungary towards Czechoslovakia in 1931–1936
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Doeser, Fredrik. « In search of security after the collapse of the Soviet Union : foreign policy change in Denmark, Finland and Sweden, 1988-1993 / ». Stockholm : Department of Political Science, Stockholm University, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-7484.
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Bàtonyi, Gàbor. « Britain and Central Europe, 1918-1932 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4364e5ed-bbf2-44c3-8d4b-587cb14f69cc.
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This thesis is a study of British policy towards three Central European states in the wake of World War I. The aim of this thesis is to illustrate the continual British attempts to promote a union or at least economic cooperation in 'Danubia'. The first section concerns Anglo-Austrian relations. Chapter I. deals with British plans for the federalisation of the Habsburg Monarchy during the war. Chapter II. compares the Austrian policy of the British Delegation in Paris, the Foreign Office in London, and the Military Representative in Vienna. Chapter III. explains British involvement in the reconstruction of Austria. Chapter IV. traces the reasons for British disentanglement from Austrian affairs after the failed * Eastern Locarno'. The second section deals with the x special relationship' between London and Budapest. Chapter I. highlights the role of two British individuals in exploding the x Hungarian myth' in London. Chapter II. shows how the Bolshevik Revolution affected British diplomatic activities in Hungary. Chapter III. documents British involvement in the establishment of the Horthy regime. Chapter IV. analyses the impact of Anglo-French rivalry in Budapest on the whole of Central Europe. Chapter V. elaborates on British economic policy and the rehabilitation of the 'Pariah of the New Europe'. Chapter VI. illustrates the gradual cooling in Anglo-Hungarian relations. The third section concerns Czechoslovakia. Chapter I. examines the conflict between Czechophiles and Czechophobes in London. Chapter II. is an account of British efforts to prevent French domination in Prague. Chapter III. deals with the manoeuvres of Benes in London and Paris, and the cooling in Anglo-Czech relations. Chapter IV. explores the origins of British indifference towards Czechoslovakia, which resulted in the Munich crisis. The thesis concludes that Britain lost interest in Central Europe because of its failed efforts to promote reconcilation in the Danubian triangle.
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Westerlund, Joel. « Perspectives on Development and Diplomacy : A Case Study of Swedish Foreign Relations with Mozambique ». Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-182472.
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This thesis presents a case study of Sweden’s foreign relations with Mozambique. It has been conducted in a deductive way departing from Arturo Escobar’s post-development theory, and with qualitative textual and content analysis combined with a semi-structured interview as methods. The aim of the study has been to test post-development theory on a least likely case, i.e. a case least likely to prove the theory right. The question being posed is whether countries giving foreign aid are doing so with altruistic or egoistic motives, and the starting point for this case study is the supposition that Sweden might exhibit a degree of altruism in its foreign policy. Sweden has been chosen as an example of an odd man out-state in international perspective, in order to ascertain whether structuralist critiques of the Western establishment and its development practices hold true or not. The results of this study show a mixed picture, where certain criteria of Escobar’s theory are found even in this least likely case; however, they are not fulfilled to the maximum, and the study also shows deep flaws in Escobar’s theory. The thesis presents a scrutiny of the historical relations between Sweden and Mozambique and moves on to a reading of official documents from Swedish authorities. Escobar’s cynical view of the Western establishment as consisting exclusively of malicious plutocrats is challenged, acknowledged and questioned at the same time. The study teaches us that there are exceptions to the rule, and that it might be dangerous to be so categorical in one’s assessments.
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Lindner, Jörg. « Den svenska Tysklands-hjälpen 1945-1954 ». Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Historiska studier, 1988. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-65859.
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Swedish postwar aid to Germany from 1945 to 1954 is described and analyzed, especially as an expression of Swedish attitudes developed over a long period of societal evolution. As early as 1943/44 both Swedish voluntary agencies and the Swedish government began to plan program of postwar aid to Germany. Older and more recent attitudes to Germany, the views of Germans living in exile in Sweden and the intentions of the Western allies toward a conquered Germany were central in determining the nature and scope of Swedish aid. Programs incorporated the values of traditional Christian charity, secularized philanthropy and applied methods developed for emergency aid abroad and for social assistance at home. The new concept of the welfare state, strong in Sweden at the time, led to aid also being aimed toward long-term socio-political goals. Children, young people, mothers, refugees, displaced persons and what was regarded as the German elite were the main recipients of various aid efforts. In the atmosphere of the Cold War, aid came to be increasingly directed to West Germany. Postwar aid, with Germany as the main non-Scandinavian recipient, was Sweden's first experience as a long-term aid donor. While the efforts of voluntary agencies were concentrated abroad, the Swedish welfare state developed rapidly at home, leaving no room for privately sponsored social work. Even after 1950/54, therefore, the work of Swedish voluntary agencies was directed at needs abroad, mainly to so-called undeveloped countries outside Europe. The premises underlying such aid and its contents were largely the same as for postwar aid to Germany.digitalisering@umu
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Helleberg, Elina. « Framing the role of Russia : An analysis of selected news articles and interviews with Swedish and German journalists on the annexation of Crimea in 2014 ». Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-196375.
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This M.A studied how Russia was represented in selected media in Sweden and Germany, focusing on the annexation of Crimea in 2014. The purpose was to study how and which factors that influenced the view of Russia in selected media. The study was accomplished through a qualitative framing analysis of 32 news articles in Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet, Süddeutsche Zeitung and Die Welt and by interviewing six Swedish and German journalists, applying a thematic analysis. Theoretical perspectives from framing, agenda setting and foreign policy theory were drawn upon to view how it influenced the media reporting. The results show that the representation of Russia was negative and President Putin was seen as the most dominant actor in all four newspapers. The Swedish newspapers DN and SvD took a larger international approach compared to the two German newspapers and focused less on national actors, while German Süddeutsche Zeitung and Die Welt focused and set the agenda for German actors in the conflict. Results from the interviews showed a low influence of foreign policy in the media reporting, that the views of Russia in Sweden and Germany are influenced by each country’s historical, cultural, political and economic factors and respective relations between Sweden and Germany’s relations to Russia.
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Škorpilová, Barbora. « Postavení německé menšiny v meziválečném Československu (1918-1939) ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193405.
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This thesis deals with the issue of the German minority in the interwar Czechoslovakia as a factor of foreign policy of Germany. The aim is to analyse how German foreign policy misused this minority to expand his power. It will be also demonstrated which consequences this policy brought and how it affected the Czech-German relations to the present.
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Smrčinová, Tereza. « Tradice a současnost česko-nizozemských vztahů ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113564.
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The master thesis analyzes a development of Czech-Dutch relations from the first contacts in the Middle Ages till the present. The thesis is divided into chapters chronologically but the emphasis is placed on the 20th century also because of the number of sources. Bilateral relations of these two actors of the international relations are examined on the political, economic and cultural level. The master thesis is based first of all on the archival sources of the Ministry of Foreign Affaires of the Czech Republic and it is the first overview which is given on the mutual Czech-Dutch relations according to the three above mentioned levels.
Livres sur le sujet "Czechoslovakia – Foreign relations – Sweden"
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Prečan, Vilém. British attitudes towards Czechoslovakia, 1944-1945. [Mun̈chen : R. Oldenbourg, 1988.
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1978-, Waisová Šárka, dir. Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic in world politics. Lanham, Md : Lexington Books, 2011.
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Dvořák, Ladislav. Czechoslovakia and the Non-Aligned Movement. Prague : Orbis Press Agency, 1988.
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Tahir, Naveed Ahmad. Sweden in contemporary world politics. [Karachi] : Area Study Centre for Europe, University of Karachi, 1990.
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Czechoslovakia between Stalin and Hitler : The diplomacy of Edvard Beneš in the 1930s. New York : Oxford University Press, 1996.
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Bakhchʻinyan, Artsvi. Armenia-Sweden : Historical and cultural relations. Yerevan : [s.n.], 2006.
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Grosjean, Alexia. An unofficial alliance : Scotland and Sweden 1569-1654. Leiden, netherlands : Brill, 2003.
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Sviták, Ivan. The unbearable burden of history : The Sovietization of Czechoslovakia. Praha : Academia, 1990.
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Valenta, Jiri, et Jiri Valenta. Soviet intervention in Czechoslovakia, 1968 : Anatomy of a decision. Baltimore : Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991.
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Valenta, Jiri. Sovetskoe vtorzhenie v Chekhoslovakii︠u︡, 1968. Moskva : Progress, 1991.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Czechoslovakia – Foreign relations – Sweden"
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Bekaj, Armend. « Kosovo and Sweden ». Dans Kosovo’s Foreign Policy and Bilateral Relations, 211–25. London : Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003371588-11.
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Thomson, S. Harrison. « Foreign Relations : 1918-1935 ». Dans Czechoslovakia in European History, 347–74. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429400391-15.
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Tönsmeyer, Tatjana. « The German Advisers in Slovakia, 1939–1945 : Conflict or Co-operation ? » Dans Czechoslovakia in a Nationalist and Fascist Europe, 1918–1948. British Academy, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263914.003.0010.
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Just days after the Slovak state was created, it signed with Nazi Germany a ‘treaty of protection’ and a protocol on co-operation in financial and economic matters. As a result of these measures, Slovakia would be labelled a German vassal state and the government a puppet regime. This chapter examines the nature of the wartime Slovak state and reconsiders the concept of a puppet regime and a native version of fascism (so-called ‘clerical fascism’). It examines the ways in which Germany tried to influence the Slovak government, who the German protagonists were, and how and according to what guidelines Slovak politicians reacted to these manoeuvres. It first outlines how Slovak nationalists demanded autonomy during the later years of the First Czechoslovak Republic, and then assesses the Slovak-German relations from March 1939 to the summer of 1940. By this time, the German minister of foreign affairs, Joachim von Ribbentrop, had labelled the Slovak case an example of ‘revolutionary foreign politics’.
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Klymchuk, Iryna. « FEATURES OF THE SCANDINAVIAN MODEL OF PUBLIC DIPLOMACY OF THE KINGDOM OF SWEDEN ». Dans Development of scientific, technological and innovation space in Ukraine and EU countries. Publishing House “Baltija Publishing”, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-151-0-28.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article is devoted to the studying of the functioning of features of public diplomacy of the Kingdom of Sweden. The author covered the evolution of Swedish public diplomacy as a bright example of «niche» public diplomacy. It has been proved that the initial goal of county’s public diplomacy was to get rid of the negative consequences of the neutrality policy during World War II, and during the 1950s and 1980s – to make the Sweden more visible in the international arena by promoting its national features and interests. The institutional and legal principles and tools for the implementation of public diplomacy are also revealed. In particular, it has been established that the main country’s public diplomacy institutions are: the Swedish Institute, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Swedish Arts Council, Natioanal Heritage Fund, Team Sweden, Nordic Council of Ministers. Today, Sweden successfully implements its public diplomacy through cooperation with Eastern European countries, among which special attention is paid to the development of relations with European Union, as well as countries in South Africa, the Middle East, Latin America and Asia. The priority areas of country’s public diplomacy are environmental protection, gender equality, education, combating sexual violence and others. Also, a set of theoretical and empirical methods have been used during the study of the topic. Thanks to the use of the historical method, it was possible to investigate the origins, causes and preconditions of the public diplomacy’s institution development. Due to the systematic method, public diplomacy was considered as a set of appropriate tools and mechanisms responsible for improving the image, visibility and attractiveness of the Scandinavian state in the eyes of the world community. With the help of swat analyze it was possible to summarize the advantages and disadvantages, as well as challenges and potential threats of the Swedish public diplomacy. The study object is the public diplomacy as an element of Swedish foreign policy. The subject of the study is the peculiarities of the functioning of public diplomacy in the Kingdom of Sweden. The aim of the study is to analyze the features and prospects of the public diplomacy model of the Kingdom of Sweden. During the research it has been founded that the strengths of Swedish public diplomacy are: convenient geographical location, membership in international organizations (UN, Nordic Council, EU), democratic style in decision making, international corporations that promote products and services associated with Swedish quality and standards (IKEA, Flippa K, H&M, Spotify, Ericsson, COS); great cultural heritage (music, cinema, literature, design, fashion, cuisine); active academic mobility and cooperation, intensive implementation of Internet technologies Web 2.0; attractive tourist infrastructure. Instead, one of the shortcomings are: the weak migration policy, which has led to the large influx of immigrants from Africa and the Middle East, that affects the economic and social climate in the country and further more the blurring of national identity; lack of clear long-term strategy for the development of foreign affairs.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Czechoslovakia – Foreign relations – Sweden"
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. « EU Enlargement to the Balkans : Membership Perspective to the Balkan Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01163.
Texte intégralRésumé :
After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into the EU on January 1st, 2007, the number of the EU member countries reached up to 27, and finally extending to 28 with the membership of Croatia to the EU on July 1st, 2013. Removing the Western Balkan States, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the scope of external relations, the EU included these countries in the enlargement process in 2005.The European Commission has determined 2014 enlargement policy priorities as dealing with the fundamentals on preferential basis. In this context, the developments in the Balkans will be closely monitored within the scope of a new approach giving priority to the superiority of law. The enlargement process of the EU towards the Balkans and whether or not the Western Balkan States will join the Union will be analyzed.