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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Cultural policy – Europe – 1970-2000"
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Sojcher, Fréderic. « The Economics of Cinema : History, Strategic Choices and Cultural Policy ». Contemporary European History 11, no 2 (mai 2002) : 305–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302002084.
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Pierre-Jean Benghozi and Christian Delage, eds., Une histoire économique du cinéma français (1895–1995): Regards croisés franco-américains (Paris: L'Harmattan, 1997), 364pp., €28.97, ISBN 2-7384-5852-1. Laurent Creton, Economie du cinéma: perspectives stratégiques (Paris: Nathan, collection ‘Nathan Université’, 1994), 288 pp., €21.19, ISBN 209-190-219-5. Laurent Creton, Cinéma et marché (Paris: Armand Colin, collection ‘U’, 1997), 254 pp., €20.58, ISBN 2-200-01769-3. Eric Dubet, Economie du cinéma européen: de l'interventionnisme à l'action entrepreneuriale Paris: L'Harmattan, 2000), 286 pp., €22.87, ISBN 2-7384-9043-3. Martin Dale, The Movie Game: The Film Business in Britain, Europe and America (London: Cassell, 1997), 340 pp., $19.95 (pb), ISBN 0-304-33387-5. Jean-Michel Frodon, La projection nationale: cinéma et nation, collection ‘Le champ méthodologique’ (Paris: Odile Jacob, 1998), 248 pp., €20.58, ISBN 2-7381-0586-6. Andrew Higson and Richard Maltby, eds., Film Europe and Film America: Cinema, Commerce and Cultural Exchange (1920–1939) (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1999), 406 pp., £40.00, ISBN 0-85989-546-7. Albert Moran, ed., Film Policy: International, National and Regional Perspectives (London: Routledge, 1996), 286 pp., $24.99, ISBN 0-415-09791-6. David Puttnam, The Undeclared War: The Struggle for Control of the World's Film Industry (London: HarperCollins, 1997), 414 pp., £7.99 (pb), ISBN 0-00-255675-8. Jonathan Rosenbaum, Movie Wars: How Hollywood and the Media Conspire to Limit What Films We Can See (Chicago: A Cappella, 2000), 228 pp., $24.00, ISBN 1-55652-406-4.
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Valtysson, Bjarki. « Camouflaged Culture : The ‘Discursive Journey’ of the EU’s Cultural Programmes ». Croatian International Relations Review 24, no 82 (1 juin 2018) : 14–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cirr-2018-0008.
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Abstract This article inspects discursive shifts in the EU’s cultural policy and how these relate to the four ‘generations’ of EU cultural programmes: Raphaël, Ariane, Kaleidoscope; Culture 2000; Culture 2007; and the current Creative Europe programme. This paper therefore accounts for a ‘discursive journey’ that started in the 1970s and culminated with Article 128 in the Maastricht Treaty, which formally constituted the EU’s cultural policy. The article reveals that there can be detected certain shifts in discourses concerning the EU’s cultural programmes, but these shifts are aligned to older discourses within the cultural sector which, prior to the Maastricht Treaty, applied implicit cultural interventions. These therefore represented ‘camouflaged’ cultural understanding and appliances, which were instrumental and promoted economically and politically induced discourses. The major shift detected in the recent Creative Europe programme is a step away from discourses that facilitate the political construction of a ‘people’s Europe’, thereby utilising further discourses that promote aims which adhere to the Union’s Europe 2020 Strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth.
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Donfried, Karen. « Three Looks at German Foreign Policy before September 11 : A Landscape Shifts ». German Politics and Society 20, no 4 (1 décembre 2002) : 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782385327.
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Wolf-Dieter Eberwein and Karl Kaiser, Germany’s New Foreign Policy: Decision-Making in an Independent World (Hampshire: Palgrave, 2001)Adrian Hyde-Price, Germany & European Order: Enlarging NATO and the EU (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000)Matthias Kaelberer, Money and Power in Europe: The Political Economy of European Monetary Cooperation (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001)
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NAHODILOVA, LENKA. « Communist Modernisation and Gender : The Experience of Bulgarian Muslims, 1970–1990 ». Contemporary European History 19, no 1 (16 décembre 2009) : 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309990221.
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AbstractThis article, which is part of a wider project, ‘Experiences of Communist Modernisation in a Bulgarian Muslim Village, 1945–2005’, examines the assimilation of Bulgarian-speaking Muslims in the Rhodope Mountains in the 1970s. By analysing communist efforts to ‘modernise’ Bulgarian Muslims, it sheds light on the relationship between modernity and the views of the communist state on such cultural categories as ‘nation’, ‘ethnicity’, ‘gender’ and ‘religion’. It argues that this particular campaign was not simply the latest chapter in an ongoing effort by the Bulgarian authorities to assimilate such populations, but should rather be seen as a specific response by the communist regime to ideas of modernity. Despite national and patriotic elements, the aim of the communist assimilation campaign was to introduce ‘modernity’ and ‘civilisation’ to the whole of Bulgarian society, especially those living at the social, cultural and political peripheries. In Bulgaria, as elsewhere in communist eastern Europe, gender and ethnic policy merged. Gender equality was one of the essential aims of the modernisation programme, but for the communist modernisers introducing gender equality among ethnically marginal groups, such as the rural Muslim group of Pomaks, was even more important. ‘Emancipating’ Muslim women was more significant than the ‘struggle against religion’ or the ‘fight for national homogeneity’.
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Armstrong, Charles K. « The Cultural Cold War in Korea, 1945–1950 ». Journal of Asian Studies 62, no 1 (février 2003) : 71–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3096136.
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By definition, the cold war was understood on both sides of the conflict to be a global struggle that stopped short of direct military engagement between the superpowers (the U.S. and the USSR). In Europe, the putative center ofthat struggle, the geopolitical battle lines were fixed after the early 1950s, or they at least could not be altered by normal military means without provoking World War III—which would result in mutual annihilation. Therefore, each side hoped to make gains over the other by using more subtle, political, and often clandestine methods, winning the “hearts and minds” of people in the other bloc (as well as maintaining potentially wayward support in one's own bloc), hoping to subvert the other side from within. The cold war was an enormous campaign of propaganda and psychological warfare on both sides. A vast range of cultural resources, from propaganda posters and radio broadcasts to sophisticated literary magazines, jazz bands, ballet troupes, and symphony orchestras, were weapons in what has recently come to be called the “Cultural Cold War” (Saunders 1999). Studies of the cultural cold war have proliferated since the late 1990s, most of which focus on U.S. cultural policy and are concerned with the European “theater” of this conflict (Hixson 1997; Fehrenbach and Poiger 2000; Poiger 2000; Berghahn 2001).
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Tost, Michael, Gloria Ammerer, Alicja Kot-Niewiadomska et Katharina Gugerell. « Mining and Europe’s World Heritage Cultural Landscapes ». Resources 10, no 2 (23 février 2021) : 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/resources10020018.
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This study examines the four cases of World Heritage protected cultural landscapes in Europe that are characterized by mining in order to identify the role mining plays today in such cultural landscapes, the legal requirements for their protection, and also the exploration and exploitation in these areas and the differences that exist between the five European countries concerned. Using a qualitative comparative case study approach, the authors find that active mining is taking place in the Austrian case, and exploration is happening adjacent to the German/Czech protected cultural landscape. The legal protection of the cases is mainly based on heritage and monument protection legislation as well as environment protection legislation including the Natura 2000 network. Differences exist, as other than in Germany, exploration and mining could be allowed in protected areas, which is also contrary to the position of the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization, and the International Council on Mining and Metals.
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Garavini, Giuliano. « Rüdiger Graf, Oil and Sovereignty. Petro-Knowledge and Energy Policy in the Unites States and Western Europe in the 1970 ». Journal of Contemporary History 55, no 3 (juillet 2020) : 709–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009420921295o.
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Bielicki, Pawel. « THE MIDDLE EAST IN YUGOSLAVIA’S FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGY IN THE 1970s ». Istorija 20. veka 39, no 2/2021 (1 août 2021) : 397–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2021.2.bie.397-414.
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The main purpose of this article is to present the most important conditions and variables characterizing the role of the Middle East in Yugoslavia’s foreign policy strategy in the 1970s, based on available literature and documentation. I also intend to analyze the conditions that contributed to intensifying Yugoslavia’s position in the region and led to a decrease in Yugoslavia’s importance in the Middle East in the second half of the decade. Firstly, I will describe Yugoslavia’s relations with the countries of the Middle East in 1970–1973, especially with Egypt, where Gamal Abdel Nasser, after his death, was succeeded by the country’s Vice President, Anwar Al-Sadat. It will also be important to shed light on the Yugoslav Government’s stance regarding the Middle East conflict from the point of view of the situation in Europe. Next, I will present the significance of the Yom Kippur War for Yugoslavia’s foreign policy and its implications for Belgrade’s relations with Cairo and Tel-Aviv. Moreover, it will be extremely important to explain why Yugoslavia’s importance in the Middle East gradually diminished as of the middle of the decade. In addition, I will address the issue of Yugoslav President Josip Broz-Tito’s position toward the Islamic Revolution in Iran and the fading of Yugoslavia’s interest in the region following Tito’s death and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. In the summary, I want to note that the period under analysis in Yugoslav-Middle Eastern relations was decisive for the country’s foreign policy and its internal situation, as Yugoslavia never again played a significant role in the Arab world.
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Helbig, Adriana, Nino Tsitsishvili et Erica Haskell. « Managing Musical Diversity Within Frameworks of Western Development AID : Views from Ukraine, Georgia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina ». Yearbook for Traditional Music 40 (2008) : 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0740155800012091.
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Researchers have increasingly begun to critically assess local engagements with globalizing notions of civil society that have been introduced via Western-based supranational political, economic, financial, and cultural programmes (Fischer 1997; Okongwu and Mencher 2000; Yúdice 2003). Following the notion of thinking globally and acting locally, such programmes are usually set up by transnational structures such as the World Bank, UNESCO, the European Union, or global foundations such as the Open Society Institute, and put into practice by local actors, among them non-governmental organizations. This article positions music within intra-national discourses that work hand-in-hand with the political and cultural economics of Western cultural initiatives and aim to promote an understanding of pluralism in countries throughout Eastern and South Eastern Europe. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork conducted by Nino Tsitsishvili, Erica Haskell, and myself in Georgia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Ukraine, respectively, this study juxtaposes the perspectives of policy makers and grant givers in Western Europe and the United States with the views of people in post-socialist conflict zones for whom such initiatives are intended. It analyses the political and cultural implications of UNESCO's declaration of Georgian polyphony as a masterpiece of intangible cultural heritage of humanity, the local effects of internationally sponsored music projects in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the role of national minority music festivals sponsored by Western philanthropic organizations in nation-building processes in Ukraine.
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Čavoški, Jovan. « U POTRAZI ZA NOVIM SMISLOM : JUGOSLAVIJA I KRIZA GLOBALNE NESVRSTANOSTI 1965–1970. » Istorija 20. veka 39, no 2/2021 (1 août 2021) : 353–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2021.2.cav.353-374.
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This article is dedicated to the first crisis period in the history of global non-alignment, when in the latter half of the 1960s, a time when a number of leading non-aligned leaders had finally left the historical scene, mostly under the pressure of army coups or war defeats, there were no summits or other multilateral non-aligned meetings being held, with the first significant gatherings taking place only at the very end of this period, thus opening a historical stage marked by a paralysis of action on behalf of many countries adhering to this foreign policy course. These were also years when global non-alignment was facing a mounting challenge of becoming increasingly irrelevant in world affairs, since none of the great powers seriously took into consideration their opinion, while the number of crisis situations all around the non-aligned world had been steadily on the rise. This evident lack of capability of leading non-aligned countries to act in a coordinated and timely fashion proved to many worldwide observers that global non-alignment had finally reached its limit and could not be resuscitated again to exercise a proactive and dynamic role in international politics as had been the case in the early 1960s. Facing such a complex situation, often bordering on desperate, while being especially well aware that without this global non-aligned framework Yugoslavia was facing isolation and serious political constraints in Europe, Tito and other Yugoslav officials decided to undertake a number of diplomatic initiatives to re-galvanize the non-aligned group, tighten the ranks between some of the leading non-aligned countries, with the aim of reinventing the meaning and role of non-alignment in world politics, while setting up a more permanent mechanism for cooperation that could transform all non-bloc factors into a more relevant and widespread international movement ready to set off a constructive dialogue with the great powers over the major international issues of security and development. In spite of many ups and downs in these endeavors, as this article scrupulously analyzed them, eventually Yugoslavia did manage to reignite the spirit of cooperation and collective action among the various non-aligned countries, which finally led to the formal establishment of the Non-Aligned Movement at the Third Summit in Lusaka in September 1970.
Thèses sur le sujet "Cultural policy – Europe – 1970-2000"
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Grabowski, Camille. « L'éducation artistique dans le système scolaire français de 1968 à 2000 ». Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013IEPP0059/document.
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Dans les années d’après-guerre entrent en ligne de compte des données démographiques et économiques nouvelles qui font évoluer la société française et lui imposent d’adapter son système éducatif, de décloisonner les disciplines et de favoriser l’interdisciplinarité. Seule l’école peut vaincre le déterminisme social lié à la naissance. C’est le colloque d’Amiens (1968) qui pose les bases d’une réflexion qui a nourri toutes les avancées sur l’éducation artistique depuis. Les années 70 sont celles de la réforme pour l’Education nationale et celles de la réflexion et des premières expérimentations pour la Culture. Les années 80 marquent une réelle ouverture de l’école, que ce soit vers les établissements culturels, à l’intervention de partenaires extérieurs au milieu scolaire ou à de nouvelles matières. Ouverture, mais aussi compromis entre les acteurs. Le protocole d’accord d’avril 1983 signé entre le ministère de la Culture et celui de l’Education nationale et la loi sur les enseignements artistiques de 1988 ont cédé aux compromis. Dans les années 90, penser l’éducation artistique de manière globale et à l’échelle d’un territoire apparaît comme le meilleur moyen de faire travailler ensemble les écoles et les équipements culturels à l’échelle d’une ville, d’un département ou d’une région, de garantir un maillage parfait du territoire et donc d’atteindre à la démocratisation culturelle. Mais finalement s’impose surtout le constat d’un empilement quelque peu désordonné des dispositifs. Le plan Lang/Tasca qui doit se réaliser sur cinq ans à partir du 14 décembre 2000 ouvre un nouveau chapitre. Mais l’exécution de ce nouveau plan n’est pas garantie par sa décisionAfter the 2nd world war, the french society has to deal with new demographic and economic datas. It has to be taken into account by the french education system which should adapt, break down barriers between disciplines and promote intedisciplinary because just school can overcoming social determinism linked at birth. The Amiens’ symposium (1968) lays the foundation for reflection which fed all the thoughts about artistic education. The seventies see the amendment for School and first thinking and experimentations for Culture. Eighties tag an actual opening of school for cultural institutions, the mediation of external partners and new topics. Opening, but also agreement between all the characters. The protocole d’accord signed in April 1983 between ministry of culture and ministry of education and the law about arts education (1988) are the results of an agreement. In the nineties, thinking globally about arts education and on a territory scale seem to be the best way to make work together schools, cultural facilities and to ensure a perfect network coverage, and so to reach cultural democratisation. But actually, we observe a stack of messy contracts. The plan Lang/Tasca which should come true till december 14, 2000, opens a new chapter. But the achievement of that brand new plan is not insured by its decision
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O'Brien, David Thomas. « 'The rules of the game' : a comparative study of local cultural policy decision making for the European Capital of Culture in Liverpool and Newcastle-Gateshead, 2000-2006 ». Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.533952.
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It is commonplace for cities across the world to use aspects of culture as part of their strategies for development and as a response to economic restructuring in light of the increasing interconnectedness of the global economy. This use of cultural policy takes place against the backdrop of the move to an economy based on consumption of commodities, rather than their production. The policies take several forms, including the use of megaevents (Roche 2000), the construction of iconic buildings, and the rebranding of places based on aspects of their culture. The use of cultural policy at local level is therefore a crucially important aspect of the political economy of the modem city. Several authors (Mooney 2004, Garcia 2004, Wilks-Heeg and Jones 2004, Miles 2005, Paddison 1993, Evans and Shaw 2004, Evans 2005, McGuigan 2004) are concerned with looking at the impacts of cultural policy, or government policy that employs a rhetorical element of culture. However the process of decision making around cultural policy seems to be an uncritically accepted consensus in academic literature. Moreover academic research on cultural policy tends to centre on what forms cultural policy takes (McGuigan 2004, Hewison 1995, Quinn 1998) or on the impacts of cultural policy (Garcia 2004, Evans 2001, Bianchini and Parkinson 1993, Landry 2004). Current research, therefore, often lacks an exploration of how the policy process operates in different places, and at different levels of government. Academic literature often adopts a 'one size fits all' approach that sees cultural policy as continuous across many different places and levels of government (McGuigan 2004, Garcia 2004). This form of academic research into cultural policy also lacks a sustained engagement with what analysts of policy would understand as the policy process (Rhodes 2003).Where this type of policy analysis does exist (e.g. Quilley 1999,2000, Cochrane et a11996) it is specific to geographical areas, and thus raises questions concerning the comparisons of cultural policy in different sites. In order to supplement existing research into cultural policy with an analysis of local decision making the thesis undertakes a comparison between Liverpool and NewcastleGateshead during the years 2001-2005, when the two areas were involved in bids for European Capital of Culture status. The comparison between the two cities shows how local history, politics and culture all shape the governance of cultural policy, creating very different governing arrangements in the two areas. Using insights from political science and urban studies the thesis shows the extent to which cultural policy is enabled or constrained by local circumstances, offering insights that will be of interest to academics, policy-makers and the art and cultural sector.
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JEWACHINDA, MEYER Morakot. « Architectural heritage and polity making : a cultural policy of the European community 1970s-1990s ». Doctoral thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5845.
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Defence date: 14 May 2004Examining board: Prof. Gerard Delanty, University of Liverpool ; Prof. Cris Shore, University of Auckland ; Prof. Alan Milward, European University Institute ; Prof. Bo Stråth, European University Institute (Supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
Livres sur le sujet "Cultural policy – Europe – 1970-2000"
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Londáková, Elena. Slovenská kultúra v rokoch 1968-1970. Bratislava : VEDA, 2015.
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Benjamin, Seel Peter, dir. High-definition television : A global perspective. Ames : Iowa State University Press, 1998.
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Doyle, Bill. The Aran Islands : Another world. Dublin : Lilliput Press, 1999.
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Abbas, Haider. Immigration and Integration Policy in Europe : Denmark and Sweden, 1970 - 2010. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.
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Immigration and Integration Policy in Europe : Denmark and Sweden, 1970 - 2010. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.
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Kaarninen, Mervi, Johanna Annola et Ulla Aatsinki. Families, Values, and the Transfer of Knowledge in Northern Societies, 1500-2000. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.
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Families Values and the Transfer of Knowledge in Northern Societies 1500¿2000. Taylor & Francis Group, 2018.
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Seel, Peter Benjamin, et Michel Dupagne. High-Definition Television : A Global Perspective. Iowa State Press, 1997.
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Strecker, Amy. Landscape Protection in International Law. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198826248.001.0001.
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This book explores the various avenues—institutional, substantive, and procedural—for the protection of landscape in international law. Since the inclusion of ‘cultural landscapes’ within the scope of the UNESCO World Heritage Convention in 1992, landscape has gained increasing importance at the international level. ‘Cultural landscapes’ were intended to give recognition to the intangible and associative values attached to certain landscapes, to sustainable agricultural practices, and to ‘people and communities’—essentially the human dimension of landscape. This shift came full circle with the adoption of the European Landscape Convention (ELC) in 2000. The European Landscape Convention conceives of landscape above all as a people’s landscape and accordingly, provides for the active participation of the public in the formulation of plans and polices. It not only focuses on outstanding landscapes, but also on the everyday and degraded landscapes where most people live and work. This brings ‘landscape’ back to its early etymological origins—when it corresponded to a close up, human perspective—and has a number of implications for human rights, democracy, and spatial justice. How does international law, which deals for the most part with universality, deal with something so region-specific and particular as landscape? What is the legal conception of landscape and what are the various roles played by international law in its protection? This book assesses the institutional framework for landscape protection, analyses the interplay between landscape and human rights, and links the etymology and theory of landscape with its articulation in law.
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Doyle, Bill. The Aran Islands : Another World. Lilliput Press, 2002.
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Pandolfini, Valeria, Borislava Petkova et Thomas Verlage. « Youth Aspirations Towards the Future : Agency, Strategy and Life Choices in Different Structural Contexts ». Dans Landscapes of Lifelong Learning Policies across Europe, 63–87. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-96454-2_4.
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AbstractThrough a comparative analysis of three case studies built on the intersection of three young adults’ trajectories and three LLL policies in Germany, Italy and Bulgaria, this chapter aims to explore the interplay between opportunity structures and subjective choices. We focus on the educational and professional dimensions, putting them in relation within the LLL policy young adults accessed with their aspirations, self-representations, the living conditions they face in the local context and the welfare (Esping-Andersen, The three worlds of welfare capitalism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990) and transition (Walther, YOUNG, 14(2), 119–139, 2006) regimes characterizing their countries. Relying on the Capability Approach (Sen, Development as freedom. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999; Nussbaum, Women and human development. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), we explore how young people’s capacity to cope with challenges and their ability to actively navigate obstacles are influenced by the wider discursive and institutional opportunity structures in which they unfold their life paths. The analysis reveals how youths make their choices according to their “capacity to aspire” (Appadurai 2004) and the social, cultural and economic factors at play in exercising their navigational capacities; being able (or unable) to define life plans potentially constitutes a “new” factor of inequality. The possibilities of better capturing the complex relationship between structural limits, possibilities and subjective aspirations in shaping individuals’ choices and actions within specific opportunity structures are discussed.
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Boyer, John W. « Conclusion ». Dans Austria 1867–1955, 962–80. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198221296.003.0012.
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Abstract The Conclusion briefly takes the narrative of the book from the State Treaty of 1955 to the end of the Socialist government led by Bruno Kreisky in 1983. The political culture of the Republic of Austria that exists today (2022) is essentially the product of the political reconciliation engineered by the Great Coalition between 1945 and 1955 and Kreisky’s massive cultural and social revolution accomplished between 1970 and 1983. Kreisky’s revolution was based on the slow transformation of the Austrian economy to an urban service basis, the radical numerical decline of agrarian voters, the emergence of new social-interest movements related to environmentalism and women’s rights, and the frustration on the part of many younger state officials, educators, media professionals, artists, and journalists about the conservative cultural policy priorities of elements of the Catholics, which seemed to be retarding Austria’s social modernization. Kreisky sought to resolve the profound tensions between Otto Bauer and Karl Renner relating to the strategy and identity of the Social Democratic Party that were discussed in Chapters 8 and 9 of this book. Rather than a social revolution confined to Red Vienna, the egalitarian and libertarian impulses of the 1920s were uploaded into Austrian national culture on a state level. Sensitive to the anti-bureaucratic, youth-based cultural revolutions that were sweeping Western European societies in the 1960s and 1970s, Kreisky brilliantly combined appeals to heightened individual liberty and new private cultural prerogative—abortion rights, higher educational opportunities—with invocations of the eudemonistic power of the state in social welfare.
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Amy, Strecker. « Part II Substantive Aspects, Ch.12 Landscape as Cultural Heritage ». Dans The Oxford Handbook of International Cultural Heritage Law. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198859871.003.0012.
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This chapter examines the protection of landscape in international cultural heritage law. Since the inclusion of ‘cultural landscapes’ within the scope of the UNESCO World Heritage Convention in 1992, landscape has gained increasing importance at the international level. However, given the focus of the World Heritage Convention on landscapes of ‘outstanding universal value’, it was not until the adoption of the European Landscape Convention (ELC) in 2000 that landscape became democratized. The ELC conceives of landscape above all as a people’s landscape and, accordingly, provides for the active participation of the public in the formulation of plans and polices. It focuses not only on outstanding places but also on the everyday and degraded landscapes where most people live and work. This ostensibly brings ‘landscape’ back to its early etymological origins—when it corresponded to a close-up, lived-in perspective—and has a number of implications for human rights and democracy.
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Thirunavukkarasu, R. « On Studying Elections and Democracy ». Dans The Algebra of Warfare-Welfare, 334–56. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199489626.003.0013.
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This conversation between R. Thirunavukkarasu and T.K. Oommen underscores the sociological significance of analysing electoral democracy. Electoral studies pre-supposes democracy which is a recent phenomenon; as recent as 2000, only 58 per cent of the world’s population had electoral democracies. These factors explain the rickety level of election studies in sociology. In West European countries, wherein democracy flourishes the co-terminality between political and cultural boundaries is either a fact or an ideal. However, in India cultural pluralism is both a fact and a valued goal. The three-tier Indian polity—local, provincial (linguistic states), and national—witnesses different behaviours. Along with factors such as class, gender, age, and rural–urban differences which are common to democracies, the specificity of caste is important in India. In addition to the horizontal factors, caste divides voters vertically and the intersectionality among these factors increases the complexity of democracy and electoral behaviour. The conversation also discusses the forthcoming 2019 general election.
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Wescoat, James L. « Water Resources ». Dans Geography in America at the Dawn of the 21st Century. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198233923.003.0030.
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Water resources geography expanded its spatial, regional, and intellectual horizons during the 1990s. Tobin et al. (1989) reviewed earlier US geographers’ contributions to the hydrologic sciences, water management, water quality, law, and hazards; and they identified three emerging topics: (1) theory development and model formulation; (2) applied problem-solving and policy recommendations; and (3) international water problems. This chapter assesses progress along those and other fronts, beginning with historical and disciplinary perspectives. Charting the progress of a field requires a sense of its history, and Platt’s (1993) review of geographic contributions to water resource administration in the US offers a useful perspective on policy-related research, beginning with George Perkins Marsh and John Wesley Powell. Doolittle (2000) reaches back to Native American antecedents in water resource management in North America (cf. chapters in this volume on cultural ecology, historical geography, and Native American geography). Carney (1998) sheds light on African influences on rice cultivation in the southeastern US. Research on European antecedents ranges from seventeenth-century “hydrologic” theories in England (Tuan 1968) to hydraulic engineering at the École des Ponts et Chausées in France, water courts in Spain, and more distant Muslim and Asian contacts (e.g. Beach and Luzzader-Beach 2000; Bonine 1996; Butzer 1994; Lightfoot 1997; Swyngedouw 1999; Wescoat 2000). In the field of water law and institutions, Templer (1997) has linked recent geographic work on Western water laws with earlier research in political geography. A historical geographic study of water rights transfers from irrigated ranches in the South Platte River headwaters to Denver, Colorado, has shed new light on how urban economic and political power employ and reshape water law (Kindquist 1996). The battle between Owen’s Valley and Los Angeles continues to stimulate historical geographic research on relations among facts, laws, and their social meanings (Sauder 1994). Although a geographic perspective of international water laws has yet to be written, databases on transboundary conflicts and agreements shed light on the evolution of international water law (Wolf 1997, 1999a, b; and <http://www.transboundarywaters.orst.edu>, last accessed 10 February 2003). Historical or contemporary, the pragmatic spirit of water resources geography remains strong (Wescoat 1992).
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Yip, Man-Fung. « Epilogue ». Dans Martial Arts Cinema and Hong Kong Modernity. Hong Kong University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888390717.003.0007.
Texte intégralRésumé :
An underlying premise of this book is that Hong Kong martial arts cinema from the mid-1960s through the end of the 1970s, marked by new aesthetic and thematic directions as well as by new practices of transnationality, is best conceptualized as a cultural counterpart and response to processes of modernization and modernity that were shaping the former British colony. But despite its specific time focus, the issues explored in the book have broader significance and are useful for understanding martial arts films of more recent times. Without doubt, Hong Kong continued and intensified its march towards urban-capitalist modernization throughout the 1980s, the 1990s, and beyond. The pace of growth—economically, socially, and demographically—showed no signs of slowing during the period. On the one hand, the population expanded from 4 million in 1970 to 6.7 million in 2000. On the other hand, although the economy underwent a process of restructuring in the 1980s when the “Open Door” policy of post–Cultural Revolution China and other factors resulted in the relocation of Hong Kong’s industrial sector to the mainland and triggered its transition from labor-intensive manufacturing to finance- and service-oriented industries, the city continued to enjoy great prosperity and had by the mid-1990s established itself as one of the world’s foremost centers of international trade and finance. Rapid growth spawned more transportation, shops, infrastructure, entertainment, and commodities. As a result, the city became more congested, frantic, and noisy—in short, perceptually busier and more intense—than ever before. Meanwhile, gender relations and identities were also in constant reformulation as both men and women tried to negotiate the changing social, economic, and political contexts of Hong Kong....
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Toland, Janet, Fuatai Purcell et Sid Huff. « Digital Government in Remote Locations ». Dans Global Information Technologies, 139–47. IGI Global, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59904-939-7.ch013.
Texte intégralRésumé :
All governments face difficulties in trying to ensure the full participation of every citizen. The further a citizen is located from the centre of power and administration, such as a capital city, the less engaged they are likely to be. This phenomenon can be observed at both a national and an international level. At the global level countries located in close proximity to major world markets are more likely to have well-developed e-government services, than more marginally located countries, particularly those with low population densities. Within individual countries, there is typically a marked variation between rural and urban areas both in terms of access to available infrastructure and uptake by citizens (Parker, 2000). In general, the more remote the location and the smaller the population density, the lower the rate of participation will be. This can be observed in even in the most highly developed, highly populated countries; for example, the Japanese government struggles to provide the often elderly residents of remote islands with government services (Hayashi & Hori, 2002). In a country that is less developed without easy access to major world markets, the effects on rural citizens are intensified. The small island developing states of the South Pacific are some of the most remotely located nations in the world; their economies are relatively underdeveloped and they have low population densities. By researching the difficulties faced in attempting to implement e-government in some of the most distant corners of the earth, lessons can be learned about the way that information and communication technologies (ICTs) can overcome the barriers of geography. The insights gained from this exercise are relevant worldwide; as many economically developed countries also have pockets of population that are hard to reach. A counter argument is that some of these differences may be attributable to a country’s level of economic development rather than it’s actual geographic location. A notable example of a remotely located country that has a highly developed e-government system is New Zealand. Despite having only four million inhabitants, and being placed on the other side of the globe from the major world markets of Europe and the USA, in 2001 New Zealand was nominated by the UN as the country with the third most advanced e-government system in the world (Boyle & Nicholson, 2003). ICTs now make it possible to connect a citizen in even the most far-flung location directly to central government services. This article investigates the status of e-government in remote locations. Representatives from ten different South Pacific Islands were surveyed to discover what they perceived as the main barriers and opportunities in developing e-government in each of their different countries. The island states of the South Pacific have developed independently and are culturally diverse. However, they all share some common features with regards to adoption of ICTs. In order to appreciate these factors more fully, one country, Samoa, has been used as an example. By comparing Samoa with New Zealand, lessons can be learned about how to utilise ICT to overcome the disadvantages of distance and low population. E-government is sometimes viewed as a subset of e-commerce. However, it needs to be remembered that there are substantive differences between the private and public sectors. Governments have a duty to make sure that services are available to all citizens, and usually the citizens who are the most needy are those who have the least access to government services (Curthoys & Crabtree, 2003). Often this is because such citizens live in remote rural locations. The public sector is a law-based system, and government includes many processes that are different from processes encountered in private sector settings such as retail or banking, for example: complex decision making; negotiations between stakeholders; policy formulation; and democratic participation (Lenk, 2002). An example is the highly contentious issue of land ownership in the South Pacific; the use of e-government could potentially help land boards to demonstrate a fair and transparent approach to this issue.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Cultural policy – Europe – 1970-2000"
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Омельченко, Е. А. « Problems of Supporting Identity among Russian-Speaking Emigrants in the Educational Environment of Russian Schools Abroad ». Dans Современное образование : векторы развития. Роль социально-гуманитарного знания в подготовке педагога : материалы V международной конференции (г. Москва, МПГУ, 27 апреля – 25 мая 2020 г.). Crossref, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37492/etno.2020.51.79.058.
Texte intégralRésumé :
вопросы развития «европейской идентичности» русскоязычных эмигрантов, проживающих в Европе, рассматриваются в контексте русскоязычного образования за рубежом. Культурный концепт европейской идентичности все более размывается и становится неприемлемым в реальной интеграционной политике, особенно в связи с событиями в Европе последних двух лет. Автор исследует процессы, происходящие внутри многочисленной русскоязычной диаспоры, прежде всего, в той ее части, которая состоит из эмигрантов с постсоветского пространства, выехавших на постоянное проживание в Европу после распада Советского Союза, в 1990–2000-е гг. В последнее десятилетие в европейских государствах фиксируется рост числа образовательных организаций с обучением на русском языке и преподаванием русского языка. Длительные наблюдения автора за деятельностью этих образовательных организаций убеждают в том, что они выполняют запрос семей русскоязычной диаспоры в связи с двумя реализуемыми адаптационными стратегиями. Первая родительская стратегия вызвана желанием сделать интеграцию своих детей в принимающее инокультурное общество психологически комфортным процессом, без разрыва с родным языком и культурой. Для другой части родителей характерна вторая адаптационная стратегия: они «прячутся» в пространстве своего языка и культуры, поскольку не готовы к быстрой социально-культурной и психологической адаптации в принимающее общество. Автор статьи делает вывод, что в европейских странах в основе развития образования на русском языке лежит не только решение задачи сохранения и поддержки родного языка и культуры. Создающиеся русские школы также способствуют сохранению ценностного «русского» взгляда на образование, его содержание и цели. Можно предположить, что в какой-то степени эти процессы помогают эмигрантам из России и вообще постсоветского пространства позиционировать свое отличие от других жителей Европы и конструировать особую идентичность, которую можно условно именовать «русскоязычные европейцы». the development of the “Russian identity” of Russian-speaking emigrants living in Europe is researched in the context of the processes in the sphere of Russian-language education abroad. We note that the cultural concept of European identity is becoming indistinct and unacceptable within the real integration policy, especially in connection with the events happening in Europe during the latest two years. That is why the author of the article is interested in the processes occurring inside the Russian-speaking diaspora, especially among those post-Soviet emigrants who left for Europe in the 1990–2000, after the destruction of the Soviet Union. During the latest seven – twelve years there can be fixed the growth of the number of educational organizations in European countries that teach Russian and in Russian. Long-term observation of their activities convinces the author that such schools and kindergartens satisfy the query of the families of Russian-speaking diaspora following two adaptation strategies. The first strategy that some parents follow is inspired by the wish to make integration of their children into the accepting foreign-culture society a psychologically comfortable process, without the break with mother language and culture. Other parents follow the other adaptation strategy and “hide” in the environment of their mother language and culture because they are not ready to be socially, culturally, and psychologically adapted to the accepting society. The basis of the development of Russian-language education in European countries is not only the aspiration to save and support mother language and culture. Russian schools also help to conserve the valuable “Russian” outlook on education, its content, and its aims. We can suppose that to some extent these processes help emigrants from Russia and post-Soviet countries to position their distinction from other people living in Europe, to construct their own identity that can be named, for example, “Russian-Speaking Europeans”.
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Broniewicz, Piotr. « Architecture of culture as a way to the revitalisation of cities of today : what can we learn from the Polish and Spanish experience ? » Dans Virtual City and Territory. Barcelona : Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.8061.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Once again the architecture of culture has begun to play a significant role in the structure of cities, redefining their space, creating their character, and shaping their modern face. This trend has become particularly evident in Europe after year 2000. Cultural objects have been en masse constructed both in big metropolitan areas, as well as in small towns.
Based on the observation and the analysis of architecture of music realisations, we can extrapolate conclusions which will allow to ascertain when these buildings became a functioning part of the urban structure. We also get the opportunity to learn from the mistakes: despite significant financial expenses, the architecture of culture has failed to meet users’ expectations, becoming a dead space in many cases.
The study of the presented examples forces us to discuss directions and purposefulness of investing in the architecture of culture. Introducing clear goals will provide guidance for creating the city of the future.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Cultural policy – Europe – 1970-2000"
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Coulson, Saskia, Melanie Woods, Drew Hemment et Michelle Scott. Report and Assessment of Impact and Policy Outcomes Using Community Level Indicators : H2020 Making Sense Report. University of Dundee, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.20933/100001192.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Making Sense is a European Commission H2020 funded project which aims at supporting participatory sensing initiatives that address environmental challenges in areas such as noise and air pollution. The development of Making Sense was informed by previous research on a crowdfunded open source platform for environmental sensing, SmartCitizen.me, developed at the Fab Lab Barcelona. Insights from this research identified several deterrents for a wider uptake of participatory sensing initiatives due to social and technical matters. For example, the participants struggled with the lack of social interactions, a lack of consensus and shared purpose amongst the group, and a limited understanding of the relevance the data had in their daily lives (Balestrini et al., 2014; Balestrini et al., 2015). As such, Making Sense seeks to explore if open source hardware, open source software and and open design can be used to enhance data literacy and maker practices in participatory sensing. Further to this, Making Sense tests methodologies aimed at empowering individuals and communities through developing a greater understanding of their environments and by supporting a culture of grassroot initiatives for action and change. To do this, Making Sense identified a need to underpin sensing with community building activities and develop strategies to inform and enable those participating in data collection with appropriate tools and skills. As Fetterman, Kaftarian and Wanderman (1996) state, citizens are empowered when they understand evaluation and connect it in a way that it has relevance to their lives. Therefore, this report examines the role that these activities have in participatory sensing. Specifically, we discuss the opportunities and challenges in using the concept of Community Level Indicators (CLIs), which are measurable and objective sources of information gathered to complement sensor data. We describe how CLIs are used to develop a more indepth understanding of the environmental problem at hand, and to record, monitor and evaluate the progress of change during initiatives. We propose that CLIs provide one way to move participatory sensing beyond a primarily technological practice and towards a social and environmental practice. This is achieved through an increased focus in the participants’ interests and concerns, and with an emphasis on collective problem solving and action. We position our claims against the following four challenge areas in participatory sensing: 1) generating and communicating information and understanding (c.f. Loreto, 2017), 2) analysing and finding relevance in data (c.f. Becker et al., 2013), 3) building community around participatory sensing (c.f. Fraser et al., 2005), and 4) achieving or monitoring change and impact (c.f. Cheadle et al., 2000). We discuss how the use of CLIs can tend to these challenges. Furthermore, we report and assess six ways in which CLIs can address these challenges and thereby support participatory sensing initiatives: i. Accountability ii. Community assessment iii. Short-term evaluation iv. Long-term evaluation v. Policy change vi. Capability The report then returns to the challenge areas and reflects on the learnings and recommendations that are gleaned from three Making Sense case studies. Afterwhich, there is an exposition of approaches and tools developed by Making Sense for the purposes of advancing participatory sensing in this way. Lastly, the authors speak to some of the policy outcomes that have been realised as a result of this research.