Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Cultural pluralism – European Union countries »

Cultural identity at both levels - national and international - remains one of the main psychological and spiritual needs. The inability to preserve their own identity automatically and naturally leads to conflicts within a society or within societies in a particular region. There is tolerance, but not sincere acceptance by peoples on a higher stage of technological and civilization advancement, the values of the new countries that have entered or will enter the European Union.Harmonizing the different cultural systems within the European Union gives the European integration model itself a long-term perspective. This process involves knowledge and respect for cultures and awareness of the European and global interdependence phenomenon, based on the elements and specifics of cultural pluralism, excluding the imposition of a unique learning model while recognizing the importance of respect for the values of other cultures in the spirit of the cultivation of universal values, giving a greater role to international exchanges so that people can move to the European space.Understanding the implications of cultural diversity is one of the challenges of the contemporary world, being one of the main objectives of a new orientation in the globalization process.

The introduction to this issue is meant to address the ways in which turbulent immigration is challenging European democratic countries’ capacity to integrate the pluralism of cultures in light of the current state of economic instability, strong public debt, unemployment and an aging resident population. The Reset-Dialogues on Civilizations Association has organized its annual İstanbul Seminars in order to fill the need for constructive dialogue dedicated to increasing understanding and implementing social and political change. Turkey’s accession to the European Union represents in this light a challenge to our liberal views, which must become more open-minded in order to address adequately cultural and religious differences, Islam included. We must set ourselves the task of finding a new perspective so that we may defuse the populist radicalization, fear-mongering politicians and xenophobia that are emerging in many countries. Yet it is equally essential that we reconfigure and recontextualize the traditional secular battle for freedom from the dominance of the Christian majority away from a binary opposition to a plural dimension that takes into account other religious communities. After introducing the major challenges our seminars were organized to address, the introduction will summarize and explain the articulation of the contents of this issue in the following three parts: (1) realigning liberalism in the context of globalization (with contributions by Nilüfer Göle, Alain Touraine, Albena Azmanova, Stephen Macedo, Zygmunt Bauman); (2) different paths: towards modernity and democracy from within different cultures and religions (Fred Dallmayr, Sadik Al Azm, Irfan Ahmad, Ibrahim Kalin); and (3) philosophical presuppositions of intercultural dialogue and multiculturalism (Maeve Cooke, Sebastiano Maffettone, Volker Kaul).

This study addresses the issue of the history of democratic transformation from the general dictatorial regime of General Francois to his death, which opened the door for transformation through gradual political reform, especially after the return of the monarchy led by Juan Carlos. The democratic forces succeeded in light of an open policy that believes in pluralism, and the freedom of Parties and unions, and the freedom of the media which guaranteed by the Constitution issued in 1978. In addition to these factors, European countries and the United States of America have played a supporting moral, cultural and economic role in the process of democratization in Spain in the contemporary history.

The presented work is devoted to highlighting the processes of evolution of the EU sports law and policy, identifying facts and events that have contributed to the development of communitarian regulation in this area and establishing trends and directions significant for Ukraine in the European integration aspect. Integration processes, first purely economic and then increasingly multidirectional, could not but affect this vital sphere of social life on the European continent and internationally. Sport is an essential element of the self-realization of a human personality and a sphere of economic activity. It is also a form of international communication, cross-cultural communication, the assertion of authority, and a positive image of countries. Also, sports can be an instrument of political and diplomatic influence or even a means of responding to violations of international law and order. The evolution of EU sports policy and law has been a difficult and long way in the general context of European integration processes. Initially, the sport was not covered by Community law and the spheres of competence of the Communities. However, since the 60s of the last century, the foundations of the European sports model began to form. Implementing the Council of Europe’s standards in the Member States’ practice was essential in forming this model. The European sports model implies, on the one hand, the unity of values and sports traditions of Europe. On the other hand, it is based on considering the national characteristics of European countries, pluralism, and diversity of the organization of sports relations and activities of non-governmental sports organizations. To the main features of the European sports model, which have developed historically and are preserved to this day, the author refers voluntary participation in sports competitions, non-discrimination, democracy, solidarity, compliance with the rules of “fair play,” good governance, and prevention of corruption and abuse. The article characterizes the role of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) in the creation of the EU acquis in the field of sport. CJEU developed the legal criteria system for extending communitarian rules and principles to the economic aspects of sports activities, including regulating relations with non-state actors such as national Olympic committees, sports federations, etc. Relevant CJEU decisions are analyzed in the study, approaches to the application of EU competition rules in sports, as well as to labor relations, freedom of movement of workers, and the provision of services, are revealed. Further integration and reform of the EU under the provisions of the Lisbon Treaty led to the emergence of a sector of the EU policy in the field of sports and several regulations and organizational measures aimed at realization of this policy. Implementation of the relevant standards in the national legislation, introduction of the best practices of governance in the field of sports in the state policy and activities of non-governmental sports organizations are important components of the implementation of Ukraine’s European integration aspirations, fulfillment of obligations under the Association Agreement and prospectively – the criteria for the EU membership.

Alpa provides an examination of the problems and prospects for the development of a European private law. As a protagonist of the harmonisation of private law through codification, he first identifies the work in progress and some of the broad issues that have had to be addressed (such as the need to develop rules that transcend national characterisations of sphere of private law and the distinction between civil and commercial laws). He then sets out the advantages of a unified private law: rules in conflict between themselves in the various countries of the European Union can develop as a real market hindrance, while uniform private law rules emerge as conditions precedent for the implementation of the single market. Projects directed towards the harmonisation of private law through codification have faced various criticisms. Alpa tries to address these. He notes first the trend towards convergence of (some aspects of) national laws that has been observed by comparative lawyers and the existence of unifying frameworks such as the constitutional law of the EU and the European Convention on Human Rights. He then briefly addresses three particular issues: (i) the problems allegedly created by the difference between common law and civil law structures, (ii) claims concerning value of legal pluralism and the undesirability of eliminating national cultural characteristics, and (iii) the argument that techniques of harmonisation other than the drafting of a Civil Code are more appropriate. The paper concludes with a note on issues of the drafting and structure of a possible future Code.

Researchers have increasingly begun to critically assess local engagements with globalizing notions of civil society that have been introduced via Western-based supranational political, economic, financial, and cultural programmes (Fischer 1997; Okongwu and Mencher 2000; Yúdice 2003). Following the notion of thinking globally and acting locally, such programmes are usually set up by transnational structures such as the World Bank, UNESCO, the European Union, or global foundations such as the Open Society Institute, and put into practice by local actors, among them non-governmental organizations. This article positions music within intra-national discourses that work hand-in-hand with the political and cultural economics of Western cultural initiatives and aim to promote an understanding of pluralism in countries throughout Eastern and South Eastern Europe. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork conducted by Nino Tsitsishvili, Erica Haskell, and myself in Georgia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Ukraine, respectively, this study juxtaposes the perspectives of policy makers and grant givers in Western Europe and the United States with the views of people in post-socialist conflict zones for whom such initiatives are intended. It analyses the political and cultural implications of UNESCO's declaration of Georgian polyphony as a masterpiece of intangible cultural heritage of humanity, the local effects of internationally sponsored music projects in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the role of national minority music festivals sponsored by Western philanthropic organizations in nation-building processes in Ukraine.

The COVID-19 pandemic has disrupted higher education, imposing the need to add new strategies to academic educational models to facilitate young people’s transitions from education to work. Among the new challenges, the research study focuses on the importance of valuing and incrementing inclusion, raising awareness of equality, diversity, and inclusion (EDI) strategies and policies. Many universities have yet to develop inclusive processes and cultures that provide equality of opportunity for all, regardless of gender, ethnicity, social class, sexual orientation, physical ability, identity, and cultural background. Since 2019, the European Commission has financed “European Universities”, networks of universities creating international competitive degrees that combine excellent study programmes in different European countries. Today, 340 institutions in 44 European University Alliances (EUAs) promote European values and identity and revolutionise their quality and competitiveness to become the "universities of the future". This article proposes a comprehensive approach to promote EDI within the EUA “ULYSSEUS” involving Spanish, Italian, Austrian, French, Finnish, and Slovakian universities through micro-actions to apply EDI principles at the project level. The authors will frame the theoretical basis of the experience through documentary analysis and their academic expertise in promoting strategies connected with the European values enshrined in Article 2 of the Treaty on European Union: pluralism, tolerance, justice, solidarity, non-discrimination and equality. Implementing these values through visible micro-actions could document and counteract the disadvantages underrepresented groups face in academia. In the mid-term, the experience had by the students in the EUA could facilitate the higher education-to-work transition, allowing them to replicate their EDI-related experience as students to their future roles as citizens and workers. The outcome could thus contribute to a life-wide learning perspective for a more inclusive Europe in the long term.

Three countries: Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine have concluded European Union Association Agreements, under similar terms and conditions of European Partnership. Analytical review allowed determining that in their political integrative development, they have similar problems and ways to overcome them. They are distinguished by a relatively high level of democratic freedoms and political pluralism; however, none of them can be considered as a consolidated democracy, these countries have hybrid political regimes. Among the main obstacles occurring on the way of their integration processes, one can distinguish problems associated with ethical, regional, and cultural conflicts; specific features of the formation of constitutional systems; features of the formation of PR technologies of government and society; deep-rooted corruption and influence of oligarchs in party systems and, as a consequence, propensity to use non-constitutional means of political struggle and economic development. Despite these structural problems, favouring European values and norms demonstrated by societies of the three countries holds the promise of consolidating democratic institutions and overcoming problems. The purpose of the article is to determine problems and prospects of deepening relations of the EU with three countries: Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia, and to substantiate theses stating that consistent and reinforced integration of the European Union in this region is crucial for further success and development of all actors of this process. Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine do not compose a single region (both in a geographical and economic context); however, since 2014 they are developing according to the same scenarios. Their aspiration to integration has provoked problems in relations with Russia and intensified opposition to the policy of Europeanisation within the countries. In Ukraine, the most difficult and severe events took place: it passed through government overthrow, loss of territory, and military actions in Donbas caused by Russia, which continue to this day. For Moldova and Georgia, the choice of democratic imperatives also had grave consequences. In Georgia, they were identified as two long-term wars for the separation in Abkhazia and South Ossetia; ended with the defeat of central authorities and creation of two unrecognized states. Moldova has faced a similar problem in Transnistria in 1992. In all countries, Russian armed forces were important actors who played an important role in determining the results of these conflicts. According to the Democracy Index, Moldova is evaluated as “imperfect democracy”; Georgia – as “hybrid regime”; Ukraine has moved below, from the category of “imperfect democracy” to the lowest “hybrid regime”. Over the political pressure of Russia, the EU and Ukraine postpone the provisional application of the DCFTA (Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area) to January 1, 2019. There are marked positive consequences of Ukrainian export to the EU, which volume has increased by 30% in 2017. The structure of exports to the EU has shifted towards machines and equipment, fats and oils of vegetable or animal origin, ready-made meals, and products of animal origin. The EU share in Ukrainian exports and imports has also increased due to a significant reduction in trade with Russia. The application of the EU tariff quotas for agricultural production has increased over the 2014–2017 years because Ukrainian producers have gradually overcome the problems with food safety and weak demand for their production. European choice is an extremely important factor for continuous democratization of all these three countries. In spite of competition among European and Eurasian identities, each of them considers itself a European country. The choice to continue the path of association with Europe, made by these countries, despite obvious political risks (especially severe for Ukraine), is the best evidence of their real adherence to European development path.

This paper describes contemporary changes in marriage, relationships and family in European populations, and then their evolution from the last decade of the twentieth century till present day, as well as various forms and types, in which plurality of contemporary partnership unions is revealed. The other goal of this supplement was to provide a wider theoretical-hypothetical, explanatory framework for understanding what is happening in population (on appearance level) but now in the context of contemporary societies. Three variables are introduced: macro (paradigm of modernization, namely social, i.e. structural and cultural changes), micro (paradigm: resources-limitations-behavior) and mezzo (differences in social and demographic development of countries of North, Western, South and Central and Eastern Europe (former socialistic countries in transition). Cautious predictions on what could be expected in future concerning: empirical documented differences of living arrangements of European populations of the West, but also of the East, as well as relative demographic consequences. On the macro level (paradigm structure/culture) the responses depend on the rate the two main social processes will develop: 1) development of "European society", and 2) the birth of "world" (global) society. Most of the authors conclude on the convergence of social and demographic development on the territory of Western, but not Eastern Europe (and especially the Balkans). This conclusion concerns even the countries of the South European region, considering that it is uncertain in which direction and speed will their integration into the European Union develop. With regards to the trend of decreasing fertility, a continuance of existing secular tendencies may be expected in future as well, even on the whole European territory, and that it will be supported by social changes of (post) modernization, individualization and rational behavior, so that it will become a general model. For now it is evident that convergence of social and demographic development may be demonstrated on the territory of Western but not Eastern Europe as well (and especially of the Balkans). The later is also valid when the Southern European region is in question, considering that it is uncertain in which direction and at what speed will their integration into the European Union develop. With regards to the trend of decreasing fertility, a continuance of tendencies may be expected in future as well, on the whole European territory, and that it will be supported by social changes of (post) modernization, individualization and rational behavior, so that in most cases parents will satisfy their needs with only one child. On the contrary, family forms and life styles will probably reflect differences between countries of the North and Western Europe in future as well on the one hand, and Southern on the other hand, and Central and Eastern Europe (former socialistic countries) on the third hand. Readiness for marriage, partnership styles, as well as aspirations to forming families will depend on individual decisions, which will result from personal resources and limiting factors (macro, mezzo and micro). On the aggregate level of population, the result will be polarization between non-family and family households. Social conditions of foregoing modernization (increase of risks, job uncertainty, country prosperity crisis) as well as globalization will probably contribute to increasing the polarization process. The same conclusion may be derived for the group of former socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe (and the Balkans) as well, whose key problem now is finishing the process of transformation towards market economy.

This paper explores media pluralism in two European former communist countries, which have regressed to electoral authoritarianism in recent years, after a period of democratic transition and partial consolidation - the Republic of Hungary and the Republic of Serbia. The aim of the study is to describe similarities and differences in the media policies of these countries regarding media pluralism, and to explain social and political context that generates the growing risk for media pluralism. Descriptive comparative methods were used, based on the original set of data quantified within the annual national MPM reports. The reference time frame covers 2020 and 2017. The risk assessment indicators for media pluralism were compared in three areas: normative protection, political independence and media market plurality. The research finds that competitive authoritarian regimes? methods for free, independent and pluralistic media suppression have been intensively used in both countries regardless of membership status in the European Union.

Defence date: 26 July 2021
Examining Board: Professor Dennis M. Patterson (European University Institute); Professor Gábor Halmai (European University Institute); Professor Jan Komárek (University of Copenhagen); Professor Alexander Somek (University of Vienna)
The aim of this thesis is to offer a comprehensive and critical analysis of one of the most popular and prolific strands in European legal scholarship, i.e., constitutional pluralism. Specifically, the thesis seeks to challenge the central claim advanced by pluralist scholars with regard to the legal structure of the European Union: namely that the relationship between the EU and national legal orders is best conceptualized and understood as a heterarchical rather than hierarchical one. To that purpose, the thesis examines the work of leading scholars of pluralism– –Neil MacCormick, Kaarlo Tuori, Mattias Kumm, and Miguel Poiares Maduro–– all of whom advanced such heterarchical rather than hierarchical understandings of the aforesaid relationship. In so doing, the thesis attempts to address two main questions: first, does pluralism succeed in offering a descriptively and analytically sound account of the common European legal ordering; and second, how do the traditional, positivist, and hierarchical accounts of law fare in comparison with their pluralist contenders? The thesis concludes that while pluralist scholars should be given credit for bringing to light certain distinctive features of the European legal ordering, upon closer examination, their analyses appear to confirm (rather than deny) some crucial insights of said positivist theories, along with their allegedly outdated and distorting, hierarchical understanding of law and legality. Furthermore, it is argued that the pluralist attempts to set aside the positivist questions about the ultimate grounds of law, final authority and constitutional supremacy in the European Union prove unsuccessful in view of the growing constitutional disagreement therein. Finally, the thesis suggests that the nature of the current European legal or constitutional setting is better captured by the notion of national constitutional supremacy, rather than the core pluralist idea of heterarchy.

Defence date: 21 January 2022
Examining Board: Professor Gábor Halmai, (EUI); Professor Martijn Hesselink, (EUI); Professor Alexander Somek, (University of Vienna); Professor Neil Walker, (University of Edinburgh)
‘Constitutional identity’ has become a key argument in the negotiation of authority between national legal orders and the legal order of the European Union. Many national constitutional courts have declared that the reach of EU law is limited by certain core elements of the national constitution, often labelled ‘constitutional identity’. However, the rise of ‘illiberal democracies’ within the European Union, especially exemplified by the democratic backsliding of Hungary and Poland, has put constitutional identity into a questionable spotlight. Both countries have been leaning on the constitutional identity to both erode European legality and defend their authoritarian constitutional projects againstEuropean criticism. This dissertation deals with the question of how to delimit legitimate invocations of constitutional identity from abuses of constitutional identity. It develops a typology of constitutional identity abuse in three dimensions: The generative, the substantive, and the relational. The generative dimension is concerned with how a constitutional identity claim has come about, its relation to constituent power, constitutional enactment and amendment, the independence of courts, and the regulation of historical memory. The substantive dimension deals with what a constitutional identity claim entails, digging into the normative expectations invoked by the concept and the ways in which it ought to be regarded as intertwined with and embedded in a normative conception of constitutionalism. Finally, the relational dimension is concerned with how a constitutional identity claim is advanced. Advancing a constitutional identity claim in the European legal space evokes notions of diversity, dialogue, recognition, and pluralism, which need to be reciprocated. In each of these dimensions, ways in which constitutional identity can be abused will be identified, using Europe’s ‘backsliding democracies’ Hungary and Poland as the primary case studies, while discussing other countries where appropriate.

This thesis provides new insight into the EMU’s impact on the Euro-area firms’ performance, by examining the firms’ accounting rates of return and financial cash flows. The impact is evaluated separately for the EMU formation and the physical Euro adoption, and over different time horizons. The existing literature does not directly examine these issues. This study uses the regression model of the difference-in-differences approach to examine 121 Euro-area and North American firms, covering 14 sectors, over the period from 1992 to 2008. The results indicate a positive impact of the EMU on the firms’ financial cash flows, especially after the Euro adoption, which support the related literature. However, the accounting rates of return suggest a mostly negative impact. The magnitude of the impacts declines over time. The results are robust with respect to GDP as a control variable. The study also reports the EMU’s impact on 4 major industrial sectors.
viii, 68 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm

International relations can be reviewed from different perspectives. One of them is through culture. In general, a lecture and an analysis of it from this specific point of view has been neglected, attracting much less attention comparing to other issues, like the political science, the international law, or the economics. The cultural perspective offers a mirror of the reality and can contribute to a better understanding of the external relations and on what is happening at other levels, usually considered as more relevant in the foreign policies and the traditional diplomacy, like politics, trade and commerce, or military issues. At the same time, this cultural perspective needs a transversal focus to offer a real insight and overview of the actual scope, due to the multifaceted feature of culture considered in its broad approach. The international presence and the role of culture within the bilateral relations is conditioned by the definition of the external cultural policies and the priorities and strategies in its bilateral relations with third countries. Sometimes the external cultural policies can have a close link with the internal cultural policies as well, being a projection of the internal priorities in the international context. The institutional structure and the competences of the different institutions can also influence in the role of culture in the bilateral relations of a specific country. Aside of that, there are other relevant factors that can be determinant in the bilateral relations, like the historical background or the bilateral political and commercial relations, among others. Culture in the context of the international relations and cooperation between Europe and Egypt includes from the institutional level, the bilateral and multilateral relations of the European Union, and its 28 Member States at an individual level as well. Otherwise, some of these European countries have had a long presence during the colonialist period, maintain historical ties, or have economic interests in Egypt. Within this framework, the different cultural policies are embedded in the external actions of the bilateral cultural relations and cooperation, where the cultural projection is a component of the public diplomacy as a form of soft power. The present research has as primary objective to get a deep inside of the bilateral relations, and the identification of some quantitative indicators and qualitative aspects of the European bilateral relations from the public sector, and makes a detailed analysis of which is the present situation of culture in the context of the international relations with a strategic country of the Arab world like Egypt. Getting an insight into the different facts, parameters and indicators allows to identify the different exogenous and endogenous factors which can have a determinant role, jointly with the explicit and implicit objectives, and other elements to consider, including priorities, strategies, instruments and activities. Actions taken into consideration are those from the European Union, and some of its Member States, which are reviewed and compared in a systematic way. This research takes as case study five of the European countries, the most populated of the European Union, and several specific fields. It starts checking the way how each individual country is presenting its external cultural policy in the official web, and followed by the cultural bilateral relations with Egypt. Then it is verified the role of the national cultural institutes, the archaeological cooperation, the higher education, the research and scientific cooperation, the presence of culture in the cooperation to development and the media. Finally it is revised the European Union's cultural presence through actions and initiatives in Egypt, and checked how the individual cultural bilateral relations of the selected countries fit together with them. The result offers a broad and comprehensive perspective of the presence of culture in international relations and cooperation in the particular case of Egypt. The analysis carried out allows concluding an insufficiently structured place of culture in the European external relations and cooperation with Egypt, the missed coordination among the different actors involved, the individual interests, and some incoherencies as well.
Les relacions internacionals poden ser examinades des de diferents perspectives. Una d'elles es des de la cultura. En general, una lectura i un anàlisi d'aquest punt de vista específic ha estat oblidat, i ha atret molta menys atenció comparat amb altres temes com són els temes polítics, el dret internacional o els econòmics. La perspectiva cultural ofereix un mirall on es reflexa la realitat, que pot contribuir a un millor enteniment de les relacions exteriors i sobre el que succeeix a altres nivells, normalment considerats com a més rellevants dins de la política exterior i la diplomàcia tradicional, com són els temes polítics, comercials o militars. Al mateix temps, aquesta perspectiva cultural necessita una mirada transversal per poder oferir una mirada profunda i al mateix temps global de la actual abast del tema, ja que abraça diferents àmbits de la cultura, que en aquest cas és considerada en la seva aproximació més amplia. La presència internacional i el rol de la cultura a les relacions bilaterals està condicionada per la definició de les polítiques culturals exteriors i de les prioritats i estratègies en les seves relacions bilaterals amb països tercers. De vegades les polítiques culturals externes poden tenir un vincle estret amb les polítiques culturals internes, sent una projecció de les prioritats internes en el context internacional. L'estructura institucional i les competències de les diferents institucions poden també tenir una influència en el rol de la cultura en les relacions bilaterals d'un país concret. A part d'això, hi ha altres factors rellevants que poden ser determinants de les relacions bilaterals, com són els antecedents històrics o les relacions bilaterals polítiques i comercials, entre d'altres. La cultura en el context de les relacions internacionals i la cooperació entre Europa i Egipte inclou des del punt institucional les relacions bilaterals i multilaterals de la Unió Europea, així com les dels seus 28 estats membres a nivell individual. Per altre banda, alguns d'aquests països europeus han tingut una llarga presència durant el període colonial, mantenen vincles històrics, o tenen interessos econòmics a Egipte. En aquest marc, les diferents polítiques culturals estan encaixades en les accions exteriors de les relacions culturals bilaterals i de la cooperació, on la projecció cultural és un component de la diplomàcia pública com a forma de soft power. La recerca té com a principal objectiu aprofundir sobre les relacions bilaterals, i la identificació d'alguns dels indicadors quantitatius i aspectes qualitatius de les relacions bilaterals des del sector públic, i fer un anàlisis detallat sobre quina és la situació present de la cultura en el context de les relacions internacional amb un país estratègic del món àrab com és Egipte. Aquest aprofundiment en els diferents factors, paràmetres i indicadors permet identificar els diferents factors exògens i endògens que poden ser determinants, juntament amb els objectius explícits i implícits, i altres aspectes que s'han de considerar, com les prioritats, estratègies, instruments, i activitats. Les accions que es prenen en consideració són les de la Unió Europea, i d'alguns dels seus estats membres, que són revisades i comparades d'una manera sistemàtica. Aquest treball agafa com a estudi de cas a Egipte, i també analitza a cinc països europeus, els cinc més poblats de la Unió Europea, i alguns dels camps culturals específics. Com a marc general es comença per veure la manera com cada un d'aquests països individuals presenta la seva política cultural exterior a les pàgines webs oficials, i es continua amb les relacions culturals bilaterals amb Egipte. Després es verifica el rol dels instituts nacionals de cultura, la cooperació arqueològica, l'educació universitària, la investigació i la cooperació científica, la presencia de la cultura a la cooperació al desenvolupament, i els media. Finalment es revisa la presencia cultural de la Unió Europea mitjançant les accions i les iniciatives a Egipte, i com les relacions culturals bilaterals individuals dels països seleccionats hi encaixen. El resultat ofereix una perspectiva àmplia i comprensiva de la presencia de la cultura a les relacions internacionals i la cooperació en aquest cas particular d'Egipte. L'anàlisi que s'ha portat a terme permet concloure que la cultura té un lloc insuficientment estructurat a les relacions exteriors europees amb Egipte, l'absència de coordinació entre els diferents actors involucrats, els interessos individuals, així com algunes incoherències.
Las relaciones internacionales pueden ser examinadas desde diferentes perspectivas, una de ellas es desde la cultura. En general una lectura y un análisis desde este específico punto de vista ha sido dejado de lado, atrayendo mucha menos atención en comparación con otros temas, como las ciencias políticas, el derecho internacional, o la economía. La perspectiva cultural ofrece un espejo donde se refleja la realidad, y que puede contribuir a una mejor compresión de las relaciones exteriores y sobre lo que sucede a otros niveles normalmente considerados como más relevantes en las relaciones exteriores y la diplomacia tradicional, como son los temas políticos, de comercio internacional o los temas militares. Al mismo tiempo esta perspectiva cultural necesita un enfoque transversal para ofrecer una visión detallada y al mismo tiempo global para conocer su alcance real, debido al carácter multidisciplinar de la cultura, considerada en su amplia aproximación. La presencia internacional y el rol de la cultura en las relaciones bilaterales están condicionados por la definición de las políticas culturales exteriores, además de las prioridades y estrategias en las relaciones bilaterales con países terceros. Por otro lado, frecuentemente las políticas culturales exteriores pueden tener vínculos estrechos con las políticas culturales a nivel nacional, siendo una proyección de las prioridades internas en el contexto internacional. La estructura institucional y las competencias de las diferentes instituciones públicas también pueden influenciar en el rol de la cultura en las relaciones bilaterales de un determinado país. Además de ello, también hay otros factores relevantes que pueden determinar las relaciones bilaterales, como los antecedentes históricos o las relaciones bilaterales políticas y comerciales, entre otras. La cultura en el contexto de las relaciones internacionales y la cooperación entre Europa y Egipto incluye, a nivel institucional, las relaciones bilaterales y multilaterales de la Unión Europea, así como sus 28 estados miembros a nivel individual. Además de ello, algunos de estos países europeos han tenido un larga presencia durante el periodo colonial, mantienen lazos históricos, o tienen intereses económicos en Egipto. Dentro de este marco las diferentes políticas culturales se encuentran incluidas en las acciones exteriores de las relaciones culturales bilaterales y la cooperación, donde la proyección cultural es uno de los componentes de la diplomacia pública como una forma de soft power. La presente investigación tiene como principal objetivo profundizar en las relaciones bilaterales y la identificación de indicadores centrados en diversos aspectos cuantitativos y cualitativos de las relaciones bilaterales europeas desde el sector público, y analiza en detalle sobre cuál es la situación presente de la cultural en el contexto de las relaciones internacionales con un país estratégico del mundo árabe como es Egipto. Esta profundización de los diferentes factores, parámetros y indicadores permite identificar los diferentes factores exógenos y endógenos que tienen un rol determinante, juntamente con los objetivos explícito se implícitos, y otros elementos que se deben considerar como son las prioridades, las estrategias, instrumentos y actividades culturales. Las acciones consideradas son las de la Unión Europea y las de algunos de sus estados miembros, la cuales son revisadas y comparadas de forma sistemática. Esta investigación se centra en el estudio de case de cinco países europeos, los cinco estados miembros de la Unión Europea más poblados, y en diferentes campos específicos. Se inicia supervisando la forma como cada país individualmente presenta su política cultural exterior en sus páginas web oficiales, seguido por una revisión de las relaciones culturales bilaterales con Egipto. Luego en diferentes capítulos se verifica el rol de los centros culturales nacionales, la cooperación arqueológica, la educación universitaria, la investigación y la cooperación científica, la presencia de la cultura en la cooperación al desarrollo, y los media. Finalmente se analiza la presencia cultural de la Unión Europea en Egipto a través de diferentes acciones e iniciativas, y como las relaciones culturales bilaterales de los países europeos seleccionados encajan con ellas. El resultado obtenido ofrece una amplia y comprensiva perspectiva sobre cuál es la presencia de la cultura en las relaciones internacionales y la cooperación en el caso particular de Egipto. El análisis llevado a cabo permite concluir un lugar insuficientemente estructurado de la cultura en las relaciones exteriores europeas con Egipto, la falta de coordinación entre los diferentes actores involucrados, los intereses individuales, así como algunas incoherencias.

Defence date: 27 May 2015
Examining Board: Professor Bruno de Witte (European University Institute, Supervisor); Professor Loïc Azoulai (European University Institute); Doctor Rachael Craufurd Smith (University of Edinburgh); Professor Roberto Mastroianni (Università di Napoli).
This thesis explores the legal and institutional settings that contribute to the creation of general preconditions for the freedom of expression and, primarily, genuine pluralism to prosper throughout the European audiovisual media space. Taking into account the intense legislative and judicial activity on audiovisual media matters in the European Union (EU) and bearing in mind the developments brought about by new digital communications and technological convergence, the analysis focuses on the institutional forms and modes of governance for the media that are apt to foster an effective and consistent supranational approach to the fundamental objective of media pluralism and the values it involves, considering notably the role and functioning of Independent Administrative Authorities (IAAs) for the media. To this end, the three Parts into which the Thesis is divided deal with, respectively: the notion of media pluralism and its employment in EU law, highlighting the limits of classical hard-law based approaches (Part I); an examination of the institutional features as well as the operation of three national IAAs for the media – namely, the French Conseil Supérieur de l'Audiovisuel (CSA), the UK Office of Communications (Ofcom) and the Italian Autorità per le Garanzie nelle Comunicazioni (AGCom) – selected as case studies to illustrate the role of these bodies in securing media pluralism (Part II); the investigation of EU action in setting the necessary institutional preconditions and some specific related requirements to guarantee attainment of this objective, also looking in some detail at the legislative developments that have occurred in comparable sectors, such as data protection legislation, equality law and electronic communication regulation, before considering the arrangements in place at the supranational level, as well as the incipient ones in the governance of audiovisual media (Part III).

Defence date: 5 November 2015
Examining Board: Professor Giorgio Monti, Supervisor-European University Institute; Doctor Rachael Craufurd-Smith, University of Edinburg; Professor Michal Gal, University of Haifa; Professor Peggy Valcke, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven.
Received the The Institute of Competition Law 2016 Concurrences PhD Award.
EU Competition Law is generally believed to play a negligible role in protecting media pluralism. Three arguments are usually put forward to support this position. First, the application of EU competition law ensures market access, thereby potentially delivering an outcome that is of benefit to media pluralism, but this outcome is entirely dependent on the economic concerns the European Commission attempts to address in each individual case and hence (at best) coincidental. Second, precisely because it is driven by efficiency considerations, EU competition law is incapable of grasping the qualitative dimension of media pluralism. Third, when exercising State aid control, the Commission can (and must) play only a marginal role in the planning and implementation of aid measures aimed at promoting media pluralism. This thesis puts forward the claim that EU competition law has potential that remains unexplored by questioning the accuracy of the above three assumptions. To test this claim, it examines a number of traditional and new media markets (broadcasting, print and digital publishing, online search, and news aggregation) and competition law issues (concentrations, resale price maintenance agreements, online agencies, abuses of dominance, and State aids to public service media). The study demonstrates that if relevant assessments are conducted properly, that is, by duly taking account of the dimensions that drive competition in the media, including quality, variety and originality, and by making appropriate use of the tools provided by the applicable legal framework, EU competition law may go a long way towards safeguarding media pluralism without the need to stretch the limits of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. Amidst a deregulatory trend towards the media and given that the likelihood that action with far-reaching implications under other branches of EU law is low, the normative suggestions put forward in this thesis possibly form the only realistic proposal on the contribution the EU can make to the protection of pluralism.

Defence date: 17 May 2004
Examining board: Prof. Giuliano Amato (Supervisor, European University Institute) ; Prof. Enzo Cheli (Presidente dell'Autorità per le Garanzie delle Comunicazioni) ; Prof. Petros Mavroidis (Columbia Law School and University of Neuchatel) ; Prof. Hanns Ullrich (European University Institute)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

Defence date: 13 December 2012
Examining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck (European University Institute); Professor Ruth Rubio Marín (European University Institute); Professor Joseph Carens (University of Toronto); Professor David Owen (University of Southampton).
In this thesis, I analyse justifications for preferential admission to citizenship based upon ethno-cultural grounds. My point of departure is the puzzling observation that, in matters of membership, states not only differentiate between citizens and foreigners, but also between different categories of foreigners, as well as between different categories of citizens. In the first part of this work, I explore possible justifications for boundaries of membership. I look into arguments of justice, nationalism, liberalism and democracy in order to identify principles for demarcating boundaries and for assessing various claims of inclusion/exclusion. In the second part, I address more specific questions related to the regulation of admission to citizenship. For this purpose, I examine a set of concrete rules of citizenship presently enforced by 27 EU countries. My proposal is to overcome the boundary problem by shifting the focus from the constitution of the boundary towards policies of boundary making. I affirm the principle of general openness of membership that is intended to provide normative corrections to the actual structure of boundaries. Against the common view that perceives citizenship as a fruit that is soft on the inside and hard on the outside, I argue that citizenship should be seen as soft on the inside and even softer on the outside. In order to respond to different claims of admission, I suggest breaking up the unitary concept of citizenship and distinguishing between legal, political, and identity memberships. This proposal is not meant to weaken or devaluate citizenship, but to reaffirm its essentially political value. By rejecting ideas of automatic and inherited citizenship and by insisting upon democratic recognition and commitment to political membership, I aim at recasting admission to citizenship as a transformative process through which individuals not merely receive membership but become members in a political community.

Abstract This chapter describes patterns, trends and determinants of public Euroscepticism in East Central Europe (ECE). It investigates whether public opinion on European integration in this region is connected to the contestation of both the immigration policies and the constitutional principles of the EU by the respective national governments. By applying longitudinal and comparative analyses based on European Election Studies from 2004 to 2019, it shows public support for European integration in ECE as more closely linked to instrumental performance assessments than in the EU average and as structured by country-specific rather than region-specific patterns. Cultural issues, like immigration and conceptions of democracy, which dominate ECE governmental politics, are only related to public Euroscepticism in some of those countries. Based on these results, the chapter suggests that the connection between the illiberal and anti-EU politics of ECE national governments and public Euroscepticism is loose and conditional upon the national context.

<p>Conservation of cultural heritage buildings is a demand from society, which recognizes this heritage as a part of their identity, but it is also an economic issue. In Europe, tourism accounts for 10% of the gross domestic product (GDP) and 12% of the employment, if linked sectors are considered. The European Union (EU) is the world’s number one tourist destination, with 40% of arrivals in the world and with seven European countries among the top ten. According to the World Trade Organization (WTO) estimates, international tourist arrivals in Europe will increase signifi cantly. The built European heritage, namely monuments or historical centres, is a main attractor for tourism, with 45% of the United Nations Educational, Scientifi c and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) World Heritage sites situated within the EU. Therefore, the need for their conservation is unquestionable.</p>

AbstractApplications of AI, in particular data-driven decision-making, concern citizens, governments, and corporations. China was one of the first countries to have identified AI as a key technology in which to invest heavily and develop a national strategy. This in turn has led to many other countries and the European Union (EU) to develop their own strategies. The societal investments and applications of AI are so far-reaching that looking only at the resulting technological innovations is insufficient. Instead, we need to be aware of the societal implications of AI applications—of which there are many—as well as the geopolitical role of business and academic players.

AbstractThe main objective of this chapter is to understand the link between parental socio-economic status (SES) and union formation and dissolution processes from a cross-national comparative perspective. According to the Second Demographic Transition (SDT) theory, it can be expected that the impact of parental background on these union dynamics differs across societal contexts. Integrated results from prior studies using meta-analytical tools indicate that in many European countries, young adults from advantaged backgrounds delay their first co-residential union and have a higher risk to dissolve their union compared to young adults from disadvantaged backgrounds. The strength of this link between parental SES and union dynamics varies across countries. There is suggestive evidence that the link between parental SES and union dynamics is weakest in North-Western European countries that are most advanced in the SDT. However, next to these SDT-related indicators that focus more on cultural change, institutional country-level indicators, like the extent of educational expansion, and economic country-level indicators, such as the level of economic uncertainty, might also play a role.

AbstractThe “innovation divide” has been a common and persistent problem since the onset of Framework Programmes for Research and Innovation. Especially, for the group of countries that joined the European Union after 2004. Several initiatives have been implemented by the Union for encouraging the participation of these countries in these collaborative programmes, trying to maximize and extend the benefits of a knowledge economy across the EU. In this chapter, we explore how these instruments have been deployed paying special attention to the origins of “Spreading Excellence and Widening Participation” Horizon 2020 Work Programme. We explore its objectives and rationale, and we address some of its weaknesses and pitfalls. We argue that the “innovation divide” is not only a matter of providing adequate resources and encouraging participation for these countries and they cannot be treated as a homogeneous group. Particularly, in a moment of transition regarding innovation policies.

Media pluralism is one of the basic principles of EU media policies, which enables the protection of cultural diversity and the representation of different voices in the media. One aim of media pluralism is to provide a cultural flow between all member and candidate countries that make up the Union, giving right of representation to each component, while the other is to ensure that the different voices in the countries are heard. However, this economy-centered audio-visual policy, which is based on the free circulation of television broadcasts within the Union, has been criticized for increasing the commercialization, not supporting public service broadcasting enough, and for being inadequate against the concentration in the sector. This chapter examines steps taken when reviewing the legislation on media pluralism in the EU and the reflection of Turkey's media policies and media pluralism in the application of these policies.

This chapter discusses the strengthening of ties between the EU and Israel during the breakdown of Oslo as well as during other fruitless peace initiatives. Shortly after the Oslo process began, the EU and Israel initiated negotiations on broadening their cooperation. This led to the signing of the EU–Israel Association Agreement in 1995. As well as economic cooperation, which was established as early as 1975 in a cooperation agreement, this new treaty included other areas, such as scientific and technical research. In more recent years the relationship between the EU and Israel has been deepened further. In 2014 the EU and Israel signed the Horizon 2020 scientific cooperation agreement, which gives Israel equal access with EU member states to the largest-ever EU research and innovation program. In itself, there is nothing wrong with the deepening of economic, scientific, cultural, and political relations between countries. However, the deepening of relations between the EU and Israel means indirect support for the Israeli occupation and the policy of expanding the settlements.

The article deals with the ethno-cultural aspects of globalization on the example of European countries, members of the European Union. The influence of the ethno-cultural factor on political, economic and cultural relations within the EU member-states, between the EU member-states and relations with immigrants from Africa, Asia and the Middle East is shown. The forecast for the further development of the European Union as a major factor of globalization is given.

With a long and complicated history with Turkey's EU relations began in 1963 with Ankara Agreement. Turkey has been engaged the full membership since 2005 but nevertheless it could not have achieved results during the negotiations. Behind the slow pace of Turkey's membership, many political and cultural barriers can be shown. The events showed that reveals Turkey cannot be an EU member as soon as possible. This case may cause the Turkey have different pursuits in the political world arena. Turkey moved away from the EU, it can be motivated to participate in different political and economic union at the same time. Because, the world is constantly changing in terms of economic and political conditions and Turkey is hard to question the position in these new conditions. Founded in 2015 Eurasian Union has similar cultural and historical heritage alongside the geographical closely EAEU with Turkey. This common history may create opportunities for both sides. In this study, economic, social and political relations between Turkey and the EAEU countries are briefly discussed. Datas about this issue were gathered by Eurostat, europa.eu, wto.org and eurasiancommission.org etc. official data sources. The findings were compared with similar indicators between Turkey and the EU. So the EAEU is evaluated likely to be an alternative political and economic union to Turkey. Such a vision changes in Turkey will revise its economic and political stability of the region. This paper may contribute to further studies by providing a solid base.

Although the process of accession to the European Union supposed the fulfillment of certain conditions, called the “Coopenhagen Criteria”, although there were economic, social and cultural differences, the fact that accession was based on democratic impulses determined development to evolve differently. Differences between countries have intensified over time, being determined by the fact that not all EU countries are in the Eurozone or in the Schengen area. Romania has not been able to raise the living standards of its citizens since its accession to the European Union. Although the number of employed people has increased, one-fifth of them remain poor. This shows that the measures taken so far have not been effective or sustainable. In order to understand the effects on sustainable development that Romania could fully feel in this difficult period that the world is going through as a result of the pandemic generated by Covid-19, in this analysis we considered the global assessment of social disparities in conjunction with the particularities of the "multi-speed" European Union. Results show that Romania is struggling with a social situation inferior to the Member States, and, without concrete measures to recover and counteract, social inequality will continue to deepen.

The comparative analysis of birth rate and life expectancy will provide information about the position of Macedonia in relation to Turkey and the EU and also about the factors that have the greatest impact on the population’s movement and vitality. This information should help the policy creators in the process of defining and implementing measures for increasing the birth rate and life expectancy of the population, which is aim of every country. In this paper will be put out some theoretical aspects about the economic, social, psychological, technological, cultural and political factors that have impact on the birth rate and life expectancy of the population. Also, the tabular and graphical displays will show the movement of these two demographic features in the period from 1980 to 2011. Changes in birth rate and life expectancy in Macedonia, Turkey and the European Union have been leading to demographic aging of the population in the last three decades. The birth rate in these countries shows a trend of continuous decline, despite the gradual increase in life expectancy of the population. Although the declined birth rate and increased life expectancy of the population have been a common features of these countries in the last decades, the percentage of this changes is different for each country.

The article analyses European Union anti-discrimination law development in Member States and differences between protected grounds of discrimination. On this basis, the analysis covers recognition of the social complexity, internationalization and discrimination of foreigners for different grounds. The process of internationalization and migration, covering social, political, economical, cultural, legal processes, the non-discriminatory protection of a foreigner as a member of the society has become complicated, when attempting not to discriminate people arriving from the other countries and to have equal possibilities. The problems of discrimination are valid and significant for the civil society itself. The article also discusses the concept of multiple discrimination in European Union anti-discrimination law, legal regulation and protection against multiple discrimination in Europe and separate legal regulation of the Member States. This article argues that internationalization processes bring new approaches of interpretation of European Union employment equality law and contemporary challenges, introduces recent cases of equal treatment of employees during employment at private companies.

We present the foundations of a professional development program supported by the European Union (COMENIUS Project 226573-CP-1-2005, developed from December 2005 to December 2008), whose objective is to propose professional development strategies that foster the integration of the teaching and learning of statistical reasoning in European schools. The intention of the program is to promote professional development through cross-cultural collaboration between teachers of different European countries. To this end, an on-line professional learning environment has been designed. We present the referents that allow us to interpret the teachers’ reasoning and to understand how their intervention in the teaching and learning processes evolves.

At Penn State, Engineering Technology (ET) 420W, Design for Society, is an interdisciplinary study of the engineering design process and the influences of society and culture on design. Students explore sustainability in various countries, examine and describe connections between technological and cultural development, learn and apply the engineering design process in societal and cultural contexts, and focus analytical skills on societal and cross-cultural issues. In 2005, the university’s Capital College offered ET 420W with an option for students to participate in an international study tour of London during spring break. This international experience was designed to provide out-of-classroom activities that would supplement course material. Penn State chose London as a destination since UK industry and government act as leaders in moving the European Union (EU) towards a sustainable society. This paper describes the study tour experience, provides descriptions of its activities, and examines its benefit to both students and the instructor.

The founding members of The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) consist of mostly the European countries. The organization which is regional in nature and more focused on Europe has global aims like contributing to developments of world trade and economic development of members and other countries in the process of economic development. Corporate Governance Principles published for the first time in 1999 by OECD that can be adapted by each country according to their circumstances, provide guidance to countries in order to achieve the objectives. Corporate Governance Principles mainly focus on the responsibility, fairness, transparency and accountability. Gaining their independence after the dissolution of Soviet Union, the countries established Commonwealth of Independent States. They began to build their economic structures and make their presence felt in the world economy. Some developments like establishment of capital market can be seen as the best example of that effect. For all countries including Eurasia, adapting to the new institutional arrangements for businesses has become more important to continue their existence. Moreover, such integration between the CIS and world countries will contribute positively to developments of economic and cultural relationships. In this respect, enterprises in CIS countries are expected to shape their organizational structure according to international rules and standards. In this paper, the emerging developments of CIS countries due to being member to OECD and their compliance with Corporate Governance Principles, their possible problems and Corporate Governance Principles which is seen as common ground between CIS and world countries are evaluated.

Sociological and safety aspects of the geopolitical integration of the Republic of Serbia into the EU are part of the reality the country and the society have been confronting since the beginning of the 21st century. To single out and determine every sociological and safety factor is almost impossible since there is no definiteness of factors affecting the positioning of a country within the association of new countries. Neither is there any unique prototype applicable to all countries. Each country possesses cultural, national, religious, institutional and economic uniqueness; hence, it can be concluded that each country undergoes various experiences in the process of integration into a new institutional family. Since the creation, the European Union by its structure has presented a challenge to the society in all respects. This may certainly be measured and explained by sociological and safety standards. This paper presents the past correlations of the Republic of Serbia from two decades ago to the present, using a synthetic method to carry out a comparative analysis of the descriptive pattern, position, and capacities of the national in relation to supranational.