Thèses : « Crisi democratica »

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CAVALETTO, TOMMASO. « Democrazie in crisi epistemica : il suffragio universale alla prova ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10281/277367.

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La ricerca analizza la crisi sistemica attraversata dalle democrazie contemporanee leggendone i sintomi alla luce di un profilo specifico, ossia quello del declino epistemico che colpisce l’utenza di tali sistemi normativi. Si è in particolare focalizzata l’attenzione sul divario sempre più marcato tra, da una parte, lo scarso livello di (in)formazione e capacità di ragionamento dei cittadini e, dall’altra, la crescente quantità di competenze necessarie per orientarsi correttamente all’interno della società. Si è quindi cercato di dimostrare come l’esacerbazione di tutti i principali sintomi dell’attuale crisi democratica sia fortemente correlata alle preoccupanti dimensioni ormai raggiunte da questo “differenziale epistemico”, il quale, pur rappresentando una fonte di criticità sempre latente all’interno di società organizzate democraticamente, incontra oggi condizioni di contesto che favoriscono il pieno dispiegamento dei suoi effetti anche sul piano fenomenico. La sintomatologia della crisi democratica viene esaminata ricorrendo all’ausilio di elaborazioni socio-demoscopiche sul rapporto tra cittadini e politica, di dati statistici relativi alle abilità cognitive e al livello delle competenze possedute dagli elettori, e di ricerche sul decision making applicato al contesto elettorale, prestando un’attenzione particolare al panorama italiano. Questo complesso di studi ha consentito di approcciare criticamente quelle teorie che, pur con molteplici sfaccettature, fondano la legittimazione assiologica della democrazia su una presunta capacità dei cittadini di autogovernarsi. L’analisi è stata quindi orientata verso la ricerca di soluzioni istituzionali volte a superare la crisi in modo strutturale. In primo luogo si è esplorata la possibilità di intervenire sul sistema formativo e sulla regolamentazione di quello mediatico, con l’obiettivo di innalzare il livello delle competenze, di incrementare le abilità analitiche, e di migliorare lo stato informativo dei cittadini. Realisticamente, simili interventi si prospettano tuttavia soltanto parzialmente risolutivi rispetto a un fenomeno diffuso, consolidato e persistente come il deficit epistemico che colpisce l’elettorato democratico. Nella seconda parte del lavoro si è quindi rivolto lo sguardo alle teorie elaborate nell’ambito della filosofia politica di orientamento epistocratico, la quale, pur con molte sfumature e diverse declinazioni, propone di ridiscutere la pressoché incondizionata universalità del suffragio caratterizzante le democrazie contemporanee, per sostituirla con forme di selezione dell’elettorato fondate sulla valorizzazione della conoscenza. La scelta di concentrare l’attenzione sulle dottrine epistocratiche discende dal fatto che esse stanno acquistando un ruolo sempre più rilevante nel dibattito scientifico, e configurano uno dei filoni di ricerca attualmente più innovativi (e al contempo più controversi) per l’analisi critica del modello democratico. Si sono quindi esaminate le condizioni giuridiche che un’eventale restrizione del suffragio dovrebbe rispettare per non violare i principî supremi degli ordinamenti democratici, per poi trattare il problema della realizzabilità di queste proposte anche dal punto di vista assiologico. Da ultimo ci si è interrogati se, al di là della legittimità giuridica e della condivisibilità teorica, simili interventi risulterebbero altresì realisticamente concretizzabili nell’attuale contesto socio-politico, ovvero se quest’ultimo imponga di orientare il processo di epistocratizzazione verso soluzioni politicamente meno dirompenti. In particolare, si sono prese in considerazione alcune proposte che, pur mantenendo formalmente inalterato il suffragio universale, potrebbero comunque ridurre per via indiretta l’incidenza dell’ignoranza politica sul processo elettorale.
This work analyzes the crisis faced by contemporary democracies moving from a specific point of view, i.e. the epistemic decline of democratic electorates. In particular, I focused on the gap between low level of information/reasoning ability of the average citizen, and the growing amount of skills he needs to get properly oriented in contemporary society. Therefore, I show that all the main symptoms of the current democratic crisis are strongly correlated with this “epistemic gap”, which has always been a potential problem for democracy, but its effects are nowadays amplified by the social, political and technological context we live in. In order to analyze the features of this epistemic crisis, I used surveys on the relationship between citizens and politics, statistical data on voters’ cognitive skills and studies on voters’ decision-making, focusing in particular on the Italian context. As a result, these studies cast a shadow over many democratic theories that base the axiological legitimacy of democracy on a citizens’ supposed ability to govern themselves. Therefore, I tried to find institutional solutions to overcome the crisis. First of all, I proposed some interventions for improving education and media systems, aimed at increasing competences, analytical skills, and information of citizens. However, a phenomenon as pervasive and entrenched as epistemic deficit cannot be fully solved only by this kind of interventions. Therefore, in the second part of the thesis I considered the theories developed by epistocratic political philosophy, which proposes to rethink universal suffrage and replace it with some kind of knowledge-based electorate selection. I chose to focus on epistocratic doctrines because of the increasingly key role they are acquiring in the contemporary scientific debate: nowadays, they are one of the most innovative (and controversial) line of research in the field of critical analysis of the democratic model. I studied the legal conditions that a suffrage restriction should respect in order not to violate the supreme principles of democratic systems. I then studied the same issue also from an axiological point of view. Lastly, I wondered about the feasibility of these kind of interventions in the current socio-political context. From this point of view, it has emerged it was appropriated to think also of less disruptive solutions in the short-medium term. In particular, I analyzed some reform proposals that could reduce indirectly the incidence of political ignorance on the electoral process, while keeping universal suffrage formally unchanged.

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D'Ascenzo, Fabiana. « La territorialità urbana a Kinshasa ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Padova, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11577/3427363.

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The research aims at a geographical reading of Kinshasa, present capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Its main endeavours are to unveil the basic elements which structure the urban territory and throw light on the relations of those living in the city with those elements, bending them to their needs thus giving them new meanings. The form and evolution of the city are analysed and focused in progressive staged, thus placing Kinshasa within broader space and time frames which both follow and interact with each other. Thus it was necessary to broaden the scope of the research to both national and interafrican context, considering both historical and present times to understand the relations of the capital city, whether existing or missing, with that context. The object of this research consists in discovering the special conditions carried by the social reality here considered and recognizing the different territorialities stratified and interacting in the urban structure. By circumscribing analytically and describing empirically such territorialities the research has identified a "plural territoriality" which characterizes the present urban environment as an implosive result of single territorialities operating in the capital city.
La ricerca propone una lettura geografica della città di Kinshasa, l'odierna capitale della Repubblica Democratica del Congo. Essa cerca di far emergere gli elementi fondamentali che strutturano il territorio urbano e di mettere in evidenza le relazioni che gli abitanti della città intrattengono con tali elementi, piegandoli alle proprie esigenze, aggirandoli, impregnandoli di significati ulteriori. La conformazione e l’evoluzione della città sono analizzate per tappe e focalizzazioni progressive, inserendo Kinshasa all’interno di quadri spaziali più ampi e di cornici temporali che si susseguono ma che pure si intersecano. Si è reso perciò necessario allargare lo sguardo al contesto nazionale e a quello interafricano, sia sul piano storico sia sotto il profilo dell’attualità, tenendo presenti le relazioni della capitale, esistenti o mancate, con tali contesti. L’obiettivo della ricerca consiste nell’individuare le logiche spaziali di cui la realtà sociale presa in considerazione si è fatta portatrice e nel riconoscere le differenti territorialità che si stratificano e interagiscono sul tessuto urbano. Circoscrivendo analiticamente e descrivendo empiricamente queste territorialità, il lavoro di ricerca ha identificato una territorialità plurale che caratterizza l’ambiente urbano odierno come esito implosivo delle singole territorialità operanti nella capitale.

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Tonizzi, Fabio. « Gli ultimi anni del patriarca di venezia Frederico Maria Giovanelli (1796-1800) : la Chiesa veneziana durante la crisi e la fine della repubblica, la municipalità democratica e l'inizio della prima dominazione austriaca / ». Roma : Pontificia università gregoriana, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41169702t.

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Seijas, Villadangos Esther. « Towards a Global Democratic State : crisis and Constitutions ». THĒMIS-Revista de Derecho, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/107305.

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The economic crisis and the phenomenon of globalization have generated such a great impact on States that it has also had an effect onConstitutional Law, since the attention has beenturned towards the possibilities of constitutional reforms and the question about the role the Constitutions should play in this scenery.In this context, the author states that the crisis must be seen as an opportunity to reconfigurate the relations between the State and the citizens. She maintains that because of the crisis, paradoxes have been created and made evident, and in the solution of those paradoxes Constitutional Law and the Constitutions of each State can be of valuable help.
La crisis económica y el fenómeno de la globalización han generado un impacto tan grande en los Estados que ello ha repercutido también enel Derecho Constitucional, pues se ha volcado la atención hacia las posibilidades de reforma constitucional y la pregunta sobre cuál es el rol a desempeñar por las Constituciones en este contexto.Ante esta situación, la autora plantea que la crisis debe ser vista como una oportunidad de reconfigurar las relaciones entre el Estado y los ciudadanos. Sostiene que por la crisis se han generado y hecho evidentes paradojas en cuya solución el Derecho Constitucional y las Constituciones de cada Estado pueden ser una valiosa herramienta.

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Myers, Mindy. « Democratic Communication| Lessons from the Flint Water Crisis ». Thesis, Wayne State University, 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10977572.

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This dissertation develops an approach to institutional critique that re-works Porter, Sullivan, Blythe, Grabill, and Miles’ foundational configuration. This project argues that John Dewey’s concept of democratic communication articulated in his debate with Walter Lippmann provides a useful heuristic for developing democratic communicative practices that allow citizens and experts to communicate with one another about technical issues such as water quality and safety. Through an analysis of Michigan’s emergency manager law, the relationship between citizens and experts that exposed the crisis, and the Flint Water Advisory Task Force’s Final Report, this dissertation establishes that citizens must participate in technical decision-making and makes pragmatic suggestions to increase citizens’ meaningful participation. This project concludes with theoretical and pedagogical implications of a participatory institutional critique.

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Stocco, Aaron B. « Predicting Democratic Peace (DP) Breakdown, a new game-theoretic model of democratic crisis behavior ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0023/MQ50575.pdf.

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Cyr, Jennifer Marie. « The political party system and democratic crisis in Bolivia ». FIU Digital Commons, 2005. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2703.

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Using Kenneth Roberts’ (2002) party-society linkages framework, this study examined the reasons for the decline of the political party system in Bolivia after 2000. The political party system that emerged in 1985 was connected to society primarily through clientelist-based linkages. The economic and political model adopted after the transition to democracy severely debilitated the party system’s capacity to forge linkages with society beyond clientelism. Using interviews, survey data, and primary and secondary documents, the study demonstrated that prolonged economic recession and social change revealed the weaknesses of the linkages connecting the political party system with Bolivian society. It concluded that the party system in Bolivia went into decline because it could not adapt to the country’s changing social landscape after 2000. The highly limited nature of clientelist-based linkages in Bolivia suggests that they were ill-suited to withstand economic recession and social crisis.

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Argue, Gregory H. « Policy in the face of crisis, social democratic policy in Saskatchewan ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ49479.pdf.

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GOES, SILVANA BATINI CESAR. « BRAZILIAN CRIMINAL POLICY IN THE DEMOCRATIC CONTEXT : VIEWS OF A CRISIS ». PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2011. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=19351@1.

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A Constituição de 88, elaborada no processo de democratização do Brasil no final da década de 80, estabeleceu matrizes para a formulação de uma política criminal consentânea com o novo quadro democrático. O texto constitucional fornece os eixos desta orientação político-criminal que podem ser resumidos nas seguintes vertentes: as garantias fundamentais de inspiração liberal, a abertura do direito penal para a proteção de bens jurídicos de caráter coletivo e supraindividual e a manutenção do espaço tradicional e histórico de proteção penal. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar de que forma as leis penais produzidas no quadro democrático se orientaram a partir das diretrizes trazidas pela Constituição. Da mesma forma, pretendemos estudar como a interpretação deste direito posto se deu na jurisprudência, especialmente aquela proveniente do STF. Nossa premissa foi a de que o Poder Legislativo encontrou dificuldades em formular uma política criminal racional para o Brasil, neste período, pois ficou no centro de tensões internas e externas, de onde emergiram direções antagônicas e oscilantes. No quadro de crise de racionalidade do sistema de leis penais, intensificou-se o papel do judiciário e especialmente do STF, pendendo para o ativismo judicial, de maneira que as diretrizes político-criminais brasileiras, hoje, vêm sendo ditadas pelo STF. O quadro teórico que se formou como pano de fundo destas tensões institucionais tendeu para um determinado reducionismo. O garantismo penal engloba hoje, no Brasil, boa parte das vertentes críticas do sistema penal, embora sua grade de categorias e princípios seja insuficiente para a readequação da política criminal em moldes mais racionais. Tomando por base os dois atores eleitos - o Legislativo e o STF, estudamos a produção legislativa em matéria penal e a evolução da jurisprudência do Supremo em torno de alguns temas que representam e desdobram os eixos constitucionalmente traçados. Sobre estas trajetórias, buscamos identificar as conexões com o pensamento teórico subjacente. A constatação de que as lacunas de racionalidade do legislador não podem ser supridas satisfatoriamente pelo judiciário em um quadro democrático e que a superação destas deficiências requer escolhas que vão além da adoção do garantismo penal, fizeram com que fossem delineadas algumas propostas políticocriminais e que passam pela revalorização do papel da lei penal e pela recuperação de seus níveis de racionalidade.
Brazilian Constitution of 1988, written in the middle of the democratization process, in the end of 80s, established some axes for the formulation of a criminal policy according to the new scenario. The text of the Constitution gives the directions of this policy, that can be resumed in the following senses: the fundamental guarantees of liberal inspiration; the opening of criminal law for the protection of collective and supraindividual rights, and the maintenance of the traditional and historical profile of criminal law. The work aims to analyze if the laws that were produced in criminal subject, after de democratization of the country, were oriented by the directions brought by Constitution. Equally, we intend to analyze the judicial interpretation of this law, especially by Brazilian Supreme Court – STF. With that in mind, we assumed that Legislature had difficulties in formulating a rational criminal policy to Brazil, during this period, because it stayed in the center of internal and external forces, from which the choices emerged in an antagonic and swinging way. In a situation of crisis of rationality in the law system, judiciary has increased its role, tending to a judicial activism, in a way that we can conclude that criminal policy has been determinated by STF, instead of Legislature. The theories behind this scenario of institutional tensions were reduced to a narrow space. The penal guarantism summarizes great part of the critical positions in Brazil, although its categories and principles don’t satisfy the needs for a new criminal policy in rational frames. Taking into consideration these two elected actors: Legislature and STF, we studied the legislation in penal subject and the evolution of the STF interpretation about some themes which represent the axes determined by Constitution. Over these substract, we tried to identify the connections with the theories behind. The conclusion around the lacks of rationality of Legislature, and moreover, the assumption that these lacks can’t be supplied entirely by Judiciary, without sacrifices in democratic system, as well as the conclusion that the adoption of guarantist standards don’t give us all the possible directions, lead us to outline some proposals on criminal policy, taking into account the necessity of improving the role of penal law, and to recover the levels of rationality.

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Choi, Jungug Œd 1965. « Economic crisis, elite cooperation, and democratic stability : Asia in the late 1990s / ». Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3008303.

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Francisco, Ferrada Mila. « Non-democratic peace in South America : comparing the Beagle Channel Crisis (1977-1978) and the Cenepa Crisis (1994-1995) ». Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=112337.

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The following study develops a structured focused comparison of two South American territorial crises: the Beagle Channel Crisis between Argentina and Chile (1977--1978) and the Cenepa Crisis between Ecuador and Peru (1994--1995). From a conventional perspective, the Beagle Channel Crisis should have escalated to war because it was a fully militarized inter-state crisis carried out by a military dyad. In contrast, the Cenepa Crisis should not have ended in war because it was a democratic dyad and the dissatisfied state was the weaker power. Yet the opposite happened in both cases: in the Beagle Channel Crisis the escalation process was contained, whereas in the Cenepa Crisis the situation escalated into an intensive war.
Based on a comparison of these two dyads, this study argues that deterrence strategy alone is not sufficient to prevent war. Only an interaction of deterrence strategy and third party involvement can contain an escalatory process, constituting a tool for strengthening deterrence.

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Chrysovergis, Stavros. « Rethink Crisis : Rehousing Democracy in Athens ». Thesis, KTH, Arkitektur, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-168429.

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Almost 40.000 Greeks became homeless the past 8 years due to the economic crisis. But there is still hope! This project reflects on how architecture can lead to a more humane society using democratic methods and a city’s urban strengths. It explores how volunteers, the State and the Private Sector can collaborate through competitions and win-win agreements in order to gradually transform an abandoned commercial center and landmark, MINION, into a qualitative pilot housing project with socialization space for hundreds of homeless people. This could finally lead to the revitalization of the decaying Athenian environment through a number of stages. The project has a dual purpose and the idea is very simple. On one hand the project needs to include stores and other commercial spaces that reflect the old Athenian character in order to attract the interest of the higher financial layers of Greece and invest their capital. On the other hand the State will use this capital in order to provide qualitative housing to people in need. MINION is actually turns from a ‘commercial machine’ that used to be, into a ‘social machine’. All these actions will be completed with the collaboration of the tenants of the building.
Nästan 40 000 greker har blivit hemlösa de senaste 8 åren på grund av den ekonomiska krisen. Men det finns fortfarande hopp! Detta projekt reflekterar över hur arkitektur kan leda till ett mänskligare samhälle med hjälp av demokratiska metoder och en stads urbana styrkor. Det utforskar hur volontärer, staten och den privata sektorn kan samarbeta genom tävlingar och win-win avtal genom att gradvis omvandla ett övergivet kommersiellt centrum och landmärke, MINION, till ett kvalitativt pilotbostadsprojekt med socialiseringsplats för hundratals hemlösa. Detta skulle slutligen leda till en vitalisering av den förfallande atenska miljön genom ett antal steg. Projektet har ett dubbelt syfte och tanken är mycket enkel. Å ena sidan måste projektet omfatta butiker och andra kommersiella utrymmen som återspeglar den gamla atenska karaktären för att locka de högre ekonomiska lagren i Grekland att investera sitt kapital. Å andra sidan kommer staten att använda detta kapital för att ge kvalitativa bostäder till människor i nöd. MINION förändras från en ’kommersiell maskin’ till en ’social maskin’. Alla dessa åtgärder kommer att utföras i samarbete med alla bostadsprojektets invånare.

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Stephenson, Randall. « A crisis of democratic accountability : public libel law and the checking function of the press ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3653f06f-48c5-4263-bd16-944c8cb92a84.

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This thesis undertakes a comparative analysis of public libel law in the United States, Australia, Britain, New Zealand, and Canada. It is comprised of nine chapters structured around four interrelated themes. Part A introduces the problem of public libel law. After outlining its main sources and principles in our five comparators, Chapter One concludes by highlighting a more troubling concern than presently acknowledged in constitutional law scholarship. That is, the recent liberalisation of public libel doctrine appears to have happened without any 'selection theory' to justify its doctrinal variability. Chapter Two then surveys two methodological barriers to principled public libel regulation before reviewing Alexander Meiklejohn's 'self-governance' rationale and Vincent Blasi's 'checking value' of the press, the two democratic models anchoring our present enquiry. Part B provides a comprehensive comparative law analysis of public libel doctrine. Chapters Three, Four, and Five reveal that its foremost deficiency is a pervasive disregard of accountability concerns and the checking function of the press. Part C responds with a new approach for addressing the theoretical and comparative law errors revealed in Parts A and B, and for reintroducing the checking function into public libel jurisprudence. Chapter Six identifies the root of public libel law's undertheorising in the complex relationships between democracy, representation, and accountability. Chapter Seven then proposes an innovative analytical framework for improving the design and customisation of public libel doctrine based on recent advances in public accountability theory. Part D tests our revised analytical framework by applying it to the United Kingdom and its newly-updated public libel doctrine. After reviewing Britain's accountability profile in Chapter Eight, Chapter Nine then provides our project's law reform recommendations. I conclude by emphasising the relevance of the present-day 'crisis of journalism' and the broader significance of contextual challenges to prospective public libel law reforms.

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Calegari, Priscilla de Oliveira. « Crise democrática e democracia eletrônica ». Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2017. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/4799.

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A presente pesquisa debruça-se sobre os mecanismos de democracia no país a fim de responder a indagação acerca do acesso às tecnologias da informação e comunicação como meio de aprimorar a democracia. Adotando como marco teórico a teoria democrática, a investigação pretende compreender qual é o objetivo de um governo democrático e quais os principais problemas enfrentados pelo mesmo. Para alcançar tal finalidade, parte-se da análise das obras de Aristóteles (2001), Locke (2001), Rousseau (2002), Bobbio (2000) e Schumpeter (1961), Bonavides (2008), Böckenförde (2000), Rodotà (2008) e Müller (2003). Dessa forma, a pesquisa deseja esclarecer, através da ótica da teoria democrática, se a tecnologia eletrônica ou digital pode melhorar os dilemas enfrentados pelos mecanismos de democracia direta e representativa. A investigação possuiu natureza bibliográfica e qualitativa, com emprego preponderante da metodologia dedutiva e de fontes indiretas. Partiu-se da hipótese de que, desde que o acesso à internet seja tratado como direito fundamental e seja igualitariamente promovido pelo Estado, a democracia eletrônica seria realmente capaz de aumentar a participação popular nas decisões, bem como a legitimidade dos mecanismos de democracia direta. Tal hipótese foi confirmada ao longo da pesquisa, uma vez que a internet é um meio pouco oneroso para viabilizar a participação de todos os indivíduos nas decisões da comunidade. Mas para que isso seja possível, primeiro é preciso superar a desigualdade no acesso, que não permite aos hipossuficientes a possibilidade de participação nos meios de comunicação cibernéticos. Dessa forma, a presente pesquisa conclui que a democracia eletrônica, enquanto meio para alcançar o direito à informação e o direito ao acesso, deve ser considerada um direito fundamental, ensejando a adoção de políticas públicas para sua concretização. Ressalta-se, contudo, que considerar a utilização da internet um direito fundamental é apenas uma das medidas necessárias para gerar uma verdadeira reformulação da organização sócio-política brasileira.
The present research focuses on the mechanisms of democracy in the country in order to answer the question about access to information and communication technologies as a means to improve democracy. Adopting as a theoretical framework the democratic theory, the research intends to understand what is the objective of a democratic government and what are the main problems faced by it. In order to achieve this, the present research analyzes the works of Aristotle (2001), Rousseau (2002), Bobbio (2000) and Schumpeter (1961), Bonavides (2008), Böckenförde (2000), Rodotà and Müller (2003). Through democratic theory, the research wants to clarify whether electronic or digital technology can improve the dilemmas faced by the mechanisms of direct and representative democracy. The research has a bibliographic and qualitative nature, with preponderant use of the deductive methodology and indirect sources. This dissertation started from the hypothesis that, provided that access to the Internet is treated as a fundamental right and promoted with equality by the State, electronic democracy would really be able to increase popular participation in decisions, as well as the legitimacy of direct democracy mechanisms. This hypothesis was confirmed throughout the research, since the internet is an inexpensive way to enable the participation of all individuals in community decisions. However, in order for this to be possible, access inequality must first be overcome, which does not allow the hypocrites the possibility of participation in the cyber media. Thus, the present research concludes that electronic democracy, as a means to achieve the right to information and the right to access, should be considered a fundamental right, leading to the adoption of public policies for its implementation. It should be noted, however, that considering the use of the Internet as a fundamental right is only one of the measures necessary to generate a real reformulation of the Brazilian socio-political organization.

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Pinheiro, Pedro Portocarrero. « Para entender o fenômeno Carter : governo, partido e movimentos sociais num contexto de crise ». reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFF, 2013. https://appdesenv.uff.br/riuff/handle/1/253.

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Este trabalho procura dar conta da ascensão de Jimmy Carter dentro do Partido Democrata, no caminho percorrido por ele até chegar à presidência dos EUA. Não se trata, contudo, de uma biografia; o trabalho procura inserir a trajetória pessoal de Carter no contexto maior das transformações políticas, sociais e econômicas pelas quais passavam os EUA na década de 70. Para tanto, concebemos uma tríade de atores sociais, composta por militantes profissionais do partido, integrantes de movimentos sociais e funcionários tecnocratas da área econômica. Nosso objetivo é observar pontos de interação e atritos entre esses agentes, dentro e fora do governo, de modo a compreender a formação de uma cultura política específica do Partido Democrata, cuja origem está no seu processo de nacionalização e unificação. Procuramos ainda relacionar a crise de governabilidade enfrentada por Carter durante seu mandato com as estratégias legislativas do governo, as condicionantes econômicas e políticas do período, e a percepção do governo e da liderança pessoal de Carter por parte da opinião pública.
This study is an attempt to understand the rise pf Jimmy Carter inside the Democratic Party, on his way to the presidency of the United States. It isn’t a biography, however, this work tries to frame Carter’s personal path inside the larger context of the political, social and economic changes of United States during the 70’s. For this purpose, we conceived a triad of social actors, composed by professional politicians of the party, members of social movements and technocrats of the economic area. Our goal is to observe points of interaction and conflicts among these agents, inside and outside the government, in order to understand the building of a political culture that is specific of the Democratic Party, whose origin is related to its process of nationalization and unification. We try also to relate the crisis of governability faced by Carter during his term with the legislative strategies of the administration, the economic and political constraints of the period, and the perception of the government and of Carter’s personal leadership by the public opinion.

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Henriques, Anna Beatriz Leite. « Democracia e União Europeia : a resposta à crise da zona do Euro e o déficit democrático (2008 a 2014) ». Universidade Estadual da Paraíba, 2016. http://tede.bc.uepb.edu.br/tede/jspui/handle/tede/2629.

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The main goal of this dissertation is to demonstrate how the decision making process of the European Union during the eurozone crisis has deepened its democratic deficit between 2008 and 2014. The historical and institutional evolution of the EU together w ith the gradual transfer of competences from the domestic sphere to the supranacional one have raised academic and popular suspicion (HIX e FØLLESDAL, 2006; AZMAN, 2001; JOLLY, 2013) about how democratic and legitimate were the decisions taken by the EU. In the context of the global financial turmoil initiated in 2008 with the Lehman Brothers ‟ s declaration of bankruptcy , it did not take long until the European Union started to feel the effects of this major financial crisis, which shed light into an even d eeper problem: the crisis of the eurodemocracy. In this sense, this dissertation aims to analyze how the EU‘s decision making to refrain the crisis has deepened its democratic d e ficit between 2008 and 2014. The hypothesis is that the EU, during the eurozon e crisis, concentrated its decision making process in the hands of indirectly elected political actors and of the wealthiest member states. In order confirm that, it will briefly present the institucional setup and the decision ma k ing process of the EU, as well as the academic debate regarding the existence of such demoratic d e ficit. The second section will cover the global financial crisis and how it affected Europe, leading to the emergence of the so called european sovereign debt crisis. The third sectio n will present the new architecture of the EU emerged to contain the crisis, especially the new fiscal transfers mechanisms, the new institutional framework and the European Central Bank‘s new role. The fourth and final section will aggregate the previousl y presented data and analyze them in the light of Føllesdal and Hix‘s (2006) systematization of the democratic deficit. Th is dissertation will delineate the causal pathway that led the EU to use technocratic resources to adopt crisis contention policies an d to concentrate its decision making processes in unelected Executive and suprana tional actors. It will also demonstrate how the EU lost its legitimacy and democratic accountability, both in relation to the (lack of) popular participation, the (poor) polit ical outcomes and also in relation to the very political process who lead to the adoption of all these measures.
O objetivo precípuo dessa dissertação é demonstrar de que forma a tomada de decisão da União E uropeia durante a crise da Zona do Euro aprofundou o seu déficit democrático entre os anos de 2008 e 2014. A evolução histórica e institucional da UE , concomitante à gradual transferência de competências da esfera interna para a supranacional, levantou questionamentos da academia (HIX e FØLLESDAL, 2006; AZMAN, 2001; JOLLY, 2013) e dos cidadãos a respeito do quão democráticas e legítimas seriam a s políticas discutidas e/ou adotadas pela UE. No contexto do revés financeiro mundial iniciado em 2008 com a quebra do Banco Lehman Brothers , nos EUA, a Europa não demorou a sentir os efeitos da crise que, além de afetar as grandes e conomias europeias, evidenciou que a maior crise talvez não fosse a do euro, mas sim a da eurodemocracia . Dessa forma, a presente proposta tem como objetivo analisar de que forma a tomada de decisão para conter a crise aprofundou o défic it democrático da UE entre os anos de 2008 e 2014. A hipótese é a de que, durante a crise, a UE concentrou a tomada de decisão nas mãos de atores políticos indiretamente eleitos e dos Estados membros com maior poderio financeiro. Em um primeiro momento , s e rá apresentada brevemente a estrutura institucional e o processo decisório da UE, bem como o debate acadêmico acerca da existência ou não de déficit democrático. O segundo capítulo versará sobre a crise financeira mundial e como ela verberou na Europa, ger ando a chamada crise do endividamento soberano europeu . O terceiro capítulo abordará a nova arquitetura emergida na UE para conter a crise, em especial os mecanismos para transferências fiscais, a nova arquit etura institucional e o novo papel do Banco Cent ral. Por fim, o quarto capítulo agregará os dados expostos nas seções anteriores e analisará a reação europeia à crise à luz da sistematizaçãoo do déficit democrático feita por Føllesdal e Hix (2006). Ser á demonstrado o caminho causal que levou a UE a usar recursos tecnocráticos para adotar medidas impopulares de contenção à crise e a concentrar sua tomada de decisão em atores Executivos e instituições supranacionais indiretamente eleitas. Em decorrência disso , houve perda de legitimidade e accountability d emocrático da UE, tanto em relação à participação popular, quanto aos resultados políticos e ao processo político que deu origem a essas políticas.

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McDougall, Alan. « From Tag X to the Prague Spring : crisis points in the history of the Free German Youth (FDJ), 1952-1968 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365533.

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Blühdorn, Ingolfur. « The dialectic of democracy : modernization, emancipation and the great regression ». Routledge, 2019. http://epub.wu.ac.at/7107/1/13510347.2019.pdf.

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In some of the most established and supposedly immutable liberal democracies, diverse social groups are losing con fi dence not only in established democratic institutions, but in the idea of liberal representative democracy itself. Meanwhile, an illiberal and anti-egalitarian transformation of democracy evolves at an apparently unstoppable pace. This democratic fatigue syndrome , the present article suggests, is qualitatively di ff erent from the crises of Democracy which have been debated for some considerable time. Focusing on mature democracies underpinned by the ideational tradition of European Enlightenment, the article theorizes this Syndrome and the striking transformation of democracy in terms of a dialectic process in which the very norm that once gave birth to the democratic project - the modernist idea of the autonomous subject - metamorphoses into its gravedigger, or at least into the driver of its radical reformulation. The article further develops aspects of my existing work on second-order emancipation and simulative democracy . Taking a theoretical rather than empirical approach, it aims to provide a conceptual framework for more empirically oriented analyses of changing forms of political articulation and participation.

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Souza, José Milton Pinheiro de. « O PCB e a ruptura da tradição : dos impasses das formulações do exílio ao exílio da política no Brasil (1971-1991) ». Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2014. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2467.

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The main objective of this thesis in to unraveling the pathways that led to the great political and organizational crisis of PCB in the late 1980s. To this end, we sought investigate, with the focus on the period 1971-1991, as the PCB, in the search for space of formal democracy, broke with its historic tradition of struggle and submitted the working class in its wide range of theoretical and political interpretation. Our raised hypothesis is that policy formulations developed by leading core stagnant (CC), which was mostly exiled on account of bourgeoismilitary dictatorship, led the PCB to the exile of political during Brazilian long democratic transition. This party, political operator built for defends the political and social program of the proletariat, succumbed to the legality of the bourgeois order by virtue of their formulations and subaltern political practice developed by his direction during the studied period. Its analytical framework was inherited from of March Declaration (1958) and helped to defeat the party during the political process of transition from the bourgeois-military dictatorship to the formal (bourgeois) democracy
O objetivo central desta tese é contribuir para desvendar os caminhos que levaram à crise política e orgânica do PCB no final dos anos 1980. Para tanto, buscou-se investigar, tendo como balizas temporais o período de 1971 a 1991, como o PCB, na procura da democracia formal, rompeu com a sua tradição histórica de luta e subalternizou a classe operária no seu amplo conjunto de interpretação teórico-político. Nossa hipótese é que as formulações políticas desenvolvidas pelo núcleo dirigente estagnado (CC), que se encontrava majoritariamente exilado em virtude da ditadura burgo-militar, levaram ao exílio da política na conjuntura brasileira na longa transição democrática. Este partido, operador político que se formou para defender o programa políticosocial do proletariado, sucumbiu à legalidade da ordem burguesa em virtude das suas formulações e da prática política subalterna desenvolvida pela sua direção no período estudado. O seu arcabouço analítico foi herdeiro da Declaração de março de 1958 e contribuiu para derrotar o partido durante o processo de transição política da ditadura burgo-militar para a democracia formal (burguesa)

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Yang, GuoDong Verfasser], et Armin [Akademischer Betreuer] [Hatje. « The Institutional Accountability in the European Union and its crisis : The Loss of Democratic Control and Institutional Balance during the Euro Crisis / Guodong Yang ; Betreuer : Armin Hatje ». Hamburg : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1148650636/34.

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Elongo, Lukulunga Vicky. « Pratiques journalistiques en situation de crise : vers une éthique atypique dans la presse au Congo-Zaïre ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210169.

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La tâche de cette thèse consiste à cerner la crise du journalisme dans un contexte propre aux pays confrontés à des crises profondes, particulièrement celui de l’espace médiatique congolais. La période de transition politique – qui s’est déroulée entre 1990 et 2006 – a été privilégiée, en raison de son ouverture au pluralisme médiatique et du foisonnement des médias dans un État marqué jadis par un quasi-monopole étatique sur le secteur.

Partant de l’argument selon lequel le journalisme congolais s’exerce dans un environnement de crise – celle-ci étant comprise comme un lieu d’inversion des valeurs et, par conséquent, favorable à la transgression des normes –, notre thèse se structure autour de trois hypothèses. Premièrement, serait-il moralement, mieux éthiquement acceptable, pour les journalistes, de transgresser les règles de leur profession, étant donné qu’ils évoluent dans un environnement de crise ?Dans l’affirmative, au nom de quels principes et de quelle éthique ces pratiques transgressives seraient-elles justifiées ?Deuxièmement, ces pratiques, pour autant qu’elles sont susceptibles d’être légitimées au nom d’une certaine éthique, seraient-elles préjudiciables à la qualité de l’information ?

Pour répondre à ces interrogations, notre démarche vise, d’abord, à circonscrire la crise congolaise ;puis à identifier, grâce à une approche empirique, les pratiques journalistiques ;enfin, à mesurer les retombées de ces pratiques sur l’information livrée au public.
Doctorat en Information et communication
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Okitapoy, On'okoko Michel. « Assessing psychopathy among male prisoners in the Democratic Republic of Congo : a cross-cultural analysis in a post-crisis setting ». Thesis, McGill University, 2012. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=106526.

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The personality construct of psychopathy is of interest because it may identify a distinct group of criminals with longer criminal careers, greater association with violence, and higher rate of relapse than other types of criminals. This study addressed the measurement of psychopathy across cultures using the French version of the Psychopathy Checklist Revised (PCL-R). Most research on the PCL-R has been conducted in North America and Europe, very little in Sub-Saharan Africa, and none at all in the Democratic Republic of Congo, a country torn by war and violence since its independence in 1960. The aim of this study was to test the cross-cultural validity of the PCL-R instrument by examining its psychometric properties among 336 male prisoners in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The findings were that the psychometric properties of the scale among PCL-R among male Congolese were generally moderate, suggesting that the PCL-R has adequate internal consistency and reliability in the DRC. However, specific items had low item-total correlations and potential reasons for this in terms of the cultural meaning of symptoms and behaviours are discussed. Further work is needed to refine and validate the PCL-R in the Democratic Republic of Congo and to determine its proper cutoff score.
Le concept de personnalité psychopathique est d'un grand intérêt puisqu'il permet d'identifier un groupe distinct des criminels avec une plus longue carrière criminelle, un taux élevé d'association avec la violence associés avec des récidives plus fréquentes que les autres catégories des criminels. Cette étude porte sur la mesure de la psychopathie à travers les cultures en utilisant la version française de l'échelle de psychopathie révisée de Hare (PCL-R). La plupart des recherches sur le PCL-R ont été menées en Amérique du Nord et en Europe, très peu en Afrique Sub-Saharienne et aucune en République Démocratique du Congo, un pays déchiré par la guerre et la violence depuis son indépendance en 1960. Le but de cette étude est de tester la validité interculturelle du PCL-R, en examinant ses propriétés psychométriques chez 336 prisonniers congolais de sexe masculin. Les résultats de cette étude indiquent que toutes les propriétés psychométriques recueillies en utilisant le PCL-R parmi les congolais sont basses d'une manière générale. Cela pourrait être dû à l'influence des facteurs culturels. Cependant, bien que ces valeurs soient basses, elles se situent dans les limites acceptables par rapport aux données rapportées dans les études normatives effectuées en Amérique du Nord et en Europe, ce qui suggère que le PCL-R a une bonne consistance interne et une bonne fiabilité. L'analyse factorielle s'est avérée non significative, probablement à cause des différences dans le fonctionnement du système judiciaire entre l'Amérique du Nord et la République Démocratique du Congo. Cela démontre qu'il y a un grand besoin de compléter cette étude par une validation transculturelle de PCL-R au Congo et de déterminer son point de coupure et le taux de prévalence de la psychopathie dans la population générale, en milieu carcéral et dans les deux sexes.

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Faria, Débora Jacintho de. « Crise de 1929 : convergências e divergências entre o Partido Democrata e o Partido Republicano nos Estados Unidos ». reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2016. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/21796.

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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, 2016.
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O objetivo desse trabalho de pesquisa é investigar as convergências e divergências entre o Partido Democrata e o Partido Republicano nos períodos anterior e posterior à Crise de 1929, com recorte temporal de 1912 a 1936. Para tal estudo, serão analisadas as Plataformas Partidárias, de forma a compreender os principais aspectos de seus programas no tocante à política econômica. De modo a uma melhor elucidação do assunto, será feita uma revisão conceitual acerca de ‘partido político’ e ‘crise’. Ademais, partindo da teoria de longa duração Braudel (1969), faz-se necessário estudar alguns momentos relevantes anteriores ao recorte temporal indicado: a formação do Partido Republicano (década de 1850) e a crise de 1873. Considerando a importância das estruturas para a construção da narrativa, tais períodos se mostram relevantes ao entendimento das agremiações e seu comportamento nos eventos que serão estudados. Por fim, as análises serão pensadas a partir dos ciclos da política norte-americana, conceito apresentado por Schlesinger Jr. (1992). ________________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
The objective of this research is to investigate the similarities and differences between the Democratic Party and the Republican Party in the periods before and after the crisis of 1929, which the time frame is 1912 to 1936. For this study, the party platforms will be analyzed in order to understand the main aspects of their programs with regard to economic policy. In order to elucidate the matter, a conceptual review will be made about 'political party' and 'crisis'. Moreover, based on the long-term theory Braudel (1969), it is necessary to study some relevant moments before the time frame indicated: the formation of the Republican Party (1850) and the crisis 1873. Considering the importance of the structures for construction of the narrative, such periods are shown relevant to the understanding of the parties and their behavior in the events that will be studied. Finally, the analysis will be designed from the cycles of American politics, concept presented by Schlesinger Jr. (1992).

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Moura, Milce Ferreira de. « A questão democrática no contexto da crise orgânica do partido comunista brasileiro (PCB) : 1979-1987 / ». Marília : [s.n.], 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/88793.

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Orientador: Marcos Tadeu Del Roio
Banca: Marly de Almeida Gomes Vianna
Banca: Paulo Ribeiro Rodrigues da Cunha
Resumo: A questão democrática começou a ganhar dimensão nas discussões do PCB a partir de 1956, impulsionada pelo processo de revisão desencadeado com a crise do stalinismo. Diante das discussões que se abriam em torno da questão das "vias nacionais", a democracia política apareceria como o elemento capaz de subsidiar a construção de uma estratégia ao socialismo mais próxima à realidade brasileira. A valorização da democracia política e a política democrática em gestação, porém só se afirmariam plenamente no interior do PCB a partir do final dos anos setenta, quando a crise nacional tornaria evidente para o partido a conclusão da revolução econômico-burguesa e a interdição do terreno econômico para a efetivação de uma revolução de caráter nacional, caminho preconizado pela estratégia comunista, o que obrigaria o PCB a se voltar para as possibilidades de encaminhamento do processo revolucionário brasileiro através da via política-democrática. A luta democrática ganharia centralidade e passaria a ser o terreno privilegiado tanto para o desenvolvimento da luta da classe operária quanto para a solução dos problemas nacionais, não equacionados pela revolução burguesa. Com base nessas referências o propósito dessa pesquisa é analisar quais as implicações da centralidade da questão democrática na estratégia política do PCB. A hipótese lançada é a de que embora a revalorização da questão democrática fosse urgente e legítima, particularmente diante da perspectiva de democratização nacional aberta com a crise da ditadura, a ênfase nessa questão induziria o PCB à incorporação de uma concepção democrática-liberal, que o afastaria progressivamente da classe e dos valores operários que ele visava representar, sobretudo com a conquista de sua legalidade em 1985. Para a verificação do objetivo buscamos analisar além da bibliografia... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The democratic issue started to get relevant in the discussions of the PCB beginning from 1956, boasted by the reviewing process triggered by the Stalinism crisis. In face of the discussions which opened up around the "national vias" issue, the democratic policy would appear as an element which could subsidize the construction of a strategy to socialism closer to the Brazilian reality. The valuation of de political democracy and the democratic policy in elaboration, would only reassure totally inside the PCB, starting in the end of the 70's by this time, the national crisis would make clear for the party the conclusion of the economical burgeoise revolution and the interdiction of the economical grounds for the accomplishment of a nationwide revolution, the way proclaimed by the communist strategy. This would force the PCB to go back to the possibilities of guiding the Brazilian revolutionary process via democratic policy. The democratic fight would gain centrality and would become the privileged grounds for the development of the fight of the working class as well as for the solution of national problems, not solved by the burgeoise revolution. Based in these references, the purpose of this research is to analyze what are the implications of the centrality of the democratic issue in the political strategy of the PCB. The hypothesis is that, although the re evaluation of the democratic issue was urgent and legitimate, particularly in face of the perspective of the national democratization opened with the dictatorship crisis, the emphasis on the issue would lead the PCB to the incorporation of a democratic-liberal conception, witch would progressively deviate it from the working class and its values. These values were the goals the party aimed to represent, above all, after it became legal in 1985...(Complete abstract, access undermentioned electronic address)
Mestre

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Sanchez, Melean Jesus. « THE ROLE OF THE OAS IN THE POLITICAL CRISIS OF VENEZUELA (APRIL 11, 2002- MAY 31, 2003) ». Ohio : Ohio University, 2005. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1133806832.

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Costa, Neila Karla Fernandes da. « Controle democr?tico no capitalismo contempor?neo : limites e contradi??es ». Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2012. http://repositorio.ufrn.br:8080/jspui/handle/123456789/17913.

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Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior
This study examines the determinations of the structural crisis of capital in the democratic control effected on the councils of rights and policies. Therefore the research aimed to apprehend and analyze the conjunctural and structural determinations and cyclical changes that incide on democratic control established by the Federal Constitution of 1988. The specific objectives turned to: (1) identify and analyze the theoretical and political fundamentals of democratic control in the production of social service in ENPESS 2010, in the productions of CFESS and the journal social services and society, (2) apprehend and analyze the possibilities, limits, contradictions and social direction of democratic control in contemporaneity and (3) identify and analyze the major political forces that constitute support and opposition to the exercise of democratic control. To approximate to the intended objectives the way theoretical and methodological covered was based in a perspective of totality that allows the apprehension of the object of study in their contradictory dimensions of universality, particularity and singularity. The results enabled to develop critical analysis of theoretical production of the Brazilian social service on the subject, having as snip studies of the journals social service and society; works of ENPESS 2010 and CFESS positioning. It was found, so in analysis undertaken, the spaces of democratic control suffer inflections of capital that shape their practices and social direction. In theoretical productions chosen, identified the prevalence of democratic control studied under an endogenous perspective to participatory canals, with incipient connections to the structural/conjunctural determinations of a historical period of crisis and seeks to restore the hegemony of capital. The positioning of the CFESS tends to recognition of democratic control in its contradictory dynamics recognizing the limits imposed by the sociability of the capital at the present time
O presente estudo analisa as determina??es da crise estrutural do capital no controle democr?tico efetivado nos conselhos de direitos e pol?ticas. Assim, a pesquisa teve como objetivo geral apreender e analisar as determina??es estruturais e conjunturais que incidem em mudan?as no controle democr?tico institu?do pela Constitui??o Federal de 1988. Os objetivos espec?ficos voltaram-se para: (1) identificar e analisar os fundamentos te?rico-pol?ticos do controle democr?tico nas produ??es do servi?o social no ENPESS 2010, nas produ??es do CFESS e na revista servi?o social e sociedade; (2) apreender e analisar as possibilidades, os limites, as contradi??es e a dire??o social do controle democr?tico na contemporaneidade e (3) Identificar e analisar as principais for?as pol?ticas que se constituem apoio e oposi??o ao exerc?cio do controle democr?tico. Para aproxima??o aos objetivos pretendidos o caminho te?rico-metodol?gico percorrido fundamentou-se numa perspectiva de totalidade que possibilita a apreens?o do objeto de estudo em suas dimens?es contradit?rias de universalidade, particularidade e singularidade. Os resultados possibilitaram desenvolver an?lise cr?tica das produ??es te?ricas do servi?o social brasileiro sobre a tem?tica, tendo como recorte os estudos das revistas servi?o social e sociedade; trabalhos do ENPESS 2010 e o posicionamento do CFESS. Constatou-se, assim, na an?lise empreendida, que os espa?os de controle democr?tico sofrem inflex?es do capital, que moldam suas pr?ticas e dire??o social. Nas produ??es te?ricas escolhidas, identificou-se a preval?ncia do controle democr?tico estudado sob uma perspectiva end?gena aos canais participativos, com conex?es incipientes ?s determina??es estruturais/conjunturais de um per?odo hist?rico de crise e busca de restaura??o da hegemonia pelo capital. O posicionamento do CFESS tende ao reconhecimento do controle democr?tico em sua din?mica contradit?ria reconhecendo os limites impostos pela sociabilidade do capital no tempo presente

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Thiboutot, Monika. « CURES TO STALLED DEVELOPMENT : CAUSES AND SOLUTIONS TO ECONOMIC CRISIS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA ». Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/2776.

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The purpose of this thesis is to investigate some of the contending issues associated with economic underdevelopment in sub-Saharan African states. Specifically, this thesis focuses on the combined effects of World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) economic austerity programs, the increased spread of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, and the continuous democratic deficit on the sluggish economic performance within four sub-Saharan African countries – Ghana, Kenya, Botswana and the Democratic Republic of Congo. The research questions are: are there any unique political, cultural, and economic issues that underscore and determine the path of sub-Saharan African development? What are the potentials for sub-Saharan Africa going beyond its present state of socioeconomic and political underdevelopment? Can sub-Saharan African nation-states truly claim the 21st century? It is hoped that what is learned from examining the situation in these four countries may be generalizeable to other sub-Saharan African states. This thesis has been written with the conviction that sub-Saharan Africa, although it has missed opportunities over the past thirty years, has not completely closed the door on economic development. Although sub-Saharan African conditions have not favored development and there is no simple solution for sub-Saharan Africa's economic and social ills, there are a number of 'common sense' approaches toward sustainable economic and social development. This thesis examines why sub-Saharan Africa's economic crisis has persevered for three decades, and why efforts to establish and uphold more effective economic policies and functioning public institutions have been so much more difficult in sub-Saharan Africa than elsewhere. My account concentrates on political and institutional factors: I explore how the predicament has progressed over the last thirty years, and the repercussions of the long-term nature of this predicament. The focal purpose is to identify and explain the causes which have kept sub-Saharan Africa for several decades mired in an ostensibly permanent crisis. The general theme of the thesis emphasizes that politics and economics are interconnected in sub-Saharan Africa. Moreover, the thesis focuses on the changing role of politics and markets in the process of economic development since the 1970s – and prospects for the future of this region.
M.A.
Department of Political Science
Sciences
Political Science

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Moura, Milce Ferreira de [UNESP]. « A questão democrática no contexto da crise orgânica do partido comunista brasileiro (PCB) : 1979-1987 ». Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/88793.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
A questão democrática começou a ganhar dimensão nas discussões do PCB a partir de 1956, impulsionada pelo processo de revisão desencadeado com a crise do stalinismo. Diante das discussões que se abriam em torno da questão das vias nacionais, a democracia política apareceria como o elemento capaz de subsidiar a construção de uma estratégia ao socialismo mais próxima à realidade brasileira. A valorização da democracia política e a política democrática em gestação, porém só se afirmariam plenamente no interior do PCB a partir do final dos anos setenta, quando a crise nacional tornaria evidente para o partido a conclusão da revolução econômico-burguesa e a interdição do terreno econômico para a efetivação de uma revolução de caráter nacional, caminho preconizado pela estratégia comunista, o que obrigaria o PCB a se voltar para as possibilidades de encaminhamento do processo revolucionário brasileiro através da via política-democrática. A luta democrática ganharia centralidade e passaria a ser o terreno privilegiado tanto para o desenvolvimento da luta da classe operária quanto para a solução dos problemas nacionais, não equacionados pela revolução burguesa. Com base nessas referências o propósito dessa pesquisa é analisar quais as implicações da centralidade da questão democrática na estratégia política do PCB. A hipótese lançada é a de que embora a revalorização da questão democrática fosse urgente e legítima, particularmente diante da perspectiva de democratização nacional aberta com a crise da ditadura, a ênfase nessa questão induziria o PCB à incorporação de uma concepção democrática-liberal, que o afastaria progressivamente da classe e dos valores operários que ele visava representar, sobretudo com a conquista de sua legalidade em 1985. Para a verificação do objetivo buscamos analisar além da bibliografia...
The democratic issue started to get relevant in the discussions of the PCB beginning from 1956, boasted by the reviewing process triggered by the Stalinism crisis. In face of the discussions which opened up around the national vias issue, the democratic policy would appear as an element which could subsidize the construction of a strategy to socialism closer to the Brazilian reality. The valuation of de political democracy and the democratic policy in elaboration, would only reassure totally inside the PCB, starting in the end of the 70's by this time, the national crisis would make clear for the party the conclusion of the economical burgeoise revolution and the interdiction of the economical grounds for the accomplishment of a nationwide revolution, the way proclaimed by the communist strategy. This would force the PCB to go back to the possibilities of guiding the Brazilian revolutionary process via democratic policy. The democratic fight would gain centrality and would become the privileged grounds for the development of the fight of the working class as well as for the solution of national problems, not solved by the burgeoise revolution. Based in these references, the purpose of this research is to analyze what are the implications of the centrality of the democratic issue in the political strategy of the PCB. The hypothesis is that, although the re evaluation of the democratic issue was urgent and legitimate, particularly in face of the perspective of the national democratization opened with the dictatorship crisis, the emphasis on the issue would lead the PCB to the incorporation of a democratic-liberal conception, witch would progressively deviate it from the working class and its values. These values were the goals the party aimed to represent, above all, after it became legal in 1985...(Complete abstract, access undermentioned electronic address)

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Salovaara, Sami. « The EU as a “force for good” : 15 years of ENP and a few years of “crisis” ; Where is the stable and democratic neighbourhood ? » Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22170.

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This thesis is an attempt to analyse whether the EU can be conceived as a “force for good” in the world, where through its actions in its surroundings, EU is very eager to take a role as a “Normative Power”, and to be conceived as a model for integration and democracy.This thesis is looking at this narrative from two different perspectives. Firstly, through an analysis of the successfulness of the ENP, through looking at the official EU documents and the progression in key areas in between them, and contrasting them to critique by Human Rights NGOs. Secondly, interconnected with the ENP, this thesis will look at the EU’s response to the recent refugee crisis on its southern border, and its current developments, where the EU’s sea rescue operation “Operation Sophia” has been diminished, and the refugees rescued are taken back to Libya by the Libyan Coast Guard, contrary to UNHCR’s position on returns to Libya. This issue will be looked at through the perspective of the refugees’ democratic rights, and invokes questions regarding the legitimacy of closing one’s borders, and whether the “demos” can be legitimately bounded or does the Democratic Theory insist for the demos to be unbounded.This thesis concludes to find itself agreeing with the previous debates regarding the ENP, where the paradoxes of EU foreign policy have been researched 10-years back, little has changed. These two “cases” researched also contribute to the fact that the inconsistency of EU’s action is eroding its claims both to “Normative Power” and to be a “Force for Good”.

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Jesus, Ricardo Alexandre Correia. « A crise do Iraque em 2003 : o fim do consenso atlantista na política externa ? » Master's thesis, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/9265.

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Dissertação apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais na vertente de Estudos Políticos de Área
Esta dissertação tem como objectivo primordial responder à questão que lhe dá título: houve ou não uma ruptura no consenso entre os partidos do “arco da governação” (PS, PSD e CDS), em torno da opção atlantista na política externa portuguesa, durante a crise do Iraque em 2003. O 11 de Setembro expôs o mundo a novas ameaças e obrigou a uma redefinição da política externa de muitos actores da cena internacional. Os Estados Unidos da América reorientaram, de forma grave, a sua estratégia de segurança nacional e iniciaram um combate ao terrorismo internacional que provocou, um ano após os atentados, uma discussão complexa em torno da eficácia do sistema internacional nascido das cinzas da Segunda Guerra Mundial. Neste contexto teve início outra discussão: o papel dos Estados Unidos no presente e no futuro das relações internacionais. A complexidade do contexto mundial e a inflexibilidade de alguns protagonistas provocou uma grave crise nas relações transatlânticas. Portugal não ficou de fora desta discussão e desempenhou, de forma algo inesperada, um papel de algum significado durante a crise do Iraque em 2003. Assim, centrada na questão do enquadramento histórico-diplomático da posição portuguesa, fundamentalmente a nível político, durante a crise do Iraque em 2003, esta investigação pretende enquadrar as decisões do governo de Durão Barroso e as posições tomadas pela oposição parlamentar, numa conjuntura internacional de grande complexidade, seguramente a mais delicada que a relação transatlântica enfrentou desde o fim da Guerra Fria. A análise proposta leva igualmente em conta um factor incontornável na formulação da política externa dos estados democráticos, a opinião pública – aqui presente tanto ao nível das sondagens que se realizaram no período em apreço, como no plano dos agentes que os órgãos de comunicação de massa requisitaram para comentar a actualidade internacional.

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Ramirez-Mendoza, Sergio Luis. « The crisis of civil-military relations in Mexico during the war against drugs : comparative reflections on accountability and legal reform in the modern democratic era ». Thesis, Durham University, 2017. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/11977/.

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This research is focused on the current crisis that is taking place between Mexico’s civil society and the armed forces in the context of the “war against drugs”. In 2006 the federal government initiated a security strategy focused on the militarization of the enforcement against organised criminal groups that specialise in drug-trafficking. At the same time the number of civilian complaints for human rights abuses attributed to military personnel increased exponentially. Ten years later, the same policies are in force and the soldiers keep being accused of severe human rights violations. The aim of this project is to develop a theoretical framework that will provide the elements needed to reform the current Mexican legal frameworks and military institutions, in order to improve the relationship between the armed forces and civil society. To develop new theory, this research addresses the social background of the conflict and analyses contemporary concepts and frameworks that shape the topic of civil-military relations both at a domestic and international level. Subsequently, the cases of the German post-WWII military institutional reforms and the emergency legal regime in Northern Ireland during the 1960s and 70s are studied and analysed. This provides the elements to do a legal comparison with the current Mexican legal codes and institutions. The result produces the theory needed to develop reforms that have the potential to shape a new civil-military relations paradigm in Mexico.

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Mazza, Willame Parente. « O estado democrático de direito confrontado : neoliberalismo e política fiscal ». Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2016. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/5369.

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Esta tese doutoral tem como mote confrontar o Estado democrático de direito, resultado da transformação social, mormente quanto à inclusão social e à questão da igualdade, com as políticas fiscais neoliberais, delimitada pelas imposições e limites da economia capitalista, na sua fase de financeirização, que orientaram contrarreformas, deixando à margem os direitos sociais. Na primeira Parte, serão contextualizadas as transformações do Estado, o constitucionalismo social e as crises financeiras. Com efeito, das transformações do Estado até a consolidação do Estado democrático de direito, o Estado social se vê aderido ao modelo capitalista, numa relação de inclusão e exclusão, sem se livrar do âmbito individualista, mas procurando promover a inclusão social por meio das políticas públicas. No entanto, tais direitos sociais dividiram espaço, em função das prioridades financeiras do Estado, que depositou no endividamento público os principais objetivos para alimentar o sistema financeiro e a nova fase do capitalismo, antes de produção e, agora, financeiro. Nessa transição é que se destacam as ideias de John Maynard Keynes, que por meio da política fiscal tentava conciliar a desigualdade presente nas sociedades capitalistas com maior justiça social. Em meio às crises financeiras, tal modelo é questionado com a ascensão do neoliberalismo e das políticas monetárias de ajustes fiscais e controle inflacionário, que transformaram o modelo econômico, em especial o tributário e seus princípios equitativos, consagrados nas Constituições. Nesse contexto é que, na segunda Parte, concentra-se a pesquisa no caso brasileiro que, diante de seu projeto constitucional de Estado democrático de direito, reconheceu a questão social e trouxe os meios de financiamento das responsabilidades sociais, encontrando-se inserido nos circuitos mundiais da valorização financeira, que teve como foco a estabilização econômica, o controle inflacionário, o equilíbrio de contas e o ajuste fiscal. Baliza-se na constatação do alinhamento dos sistemas financeiros, econômicos e tributários com os objetivos e fundamentos da Constituição Federal de 1988, que devem guiar a construção desses sistemas, a fim de concretizar o modelo de Estado democrático de direito. Dessa forma, será analisado, a partir da construção democrática que a Constituição de 1988 faz dos direitos sociais e políticas públicas necessários para implementá-los, as alterações constitucionais e legislativas que envolvem federalismo fiscal, renúncias fiscais, orçamento público e sistema da dívida pública, juntamente com a análise de dados coletados pelo autor, sob a hipótese da não finalidade da realização do Estado social, a fim de demonstrar que essas políticas culminaram numa gestão política tutelada pela renda financeira do capital, com prioridade para a dívida pública e a garantia da acumulação de riqueza privada.
This Doctorate Thesis has as its theme to confront the Doctorate State of Law, resulting in the social transformation, especially when considering social inclusion and the matter of equality, with the neoliberism tax policies, designated by the impositions and the limits of the capitalist economy, in its financialism, that directed against reform, leaving a leeway to social rights. In the first part, the transformations of the State will be contextualized, the social constitutionalism and the financial crisis. In the fact of social transformations of State, even the consolidation of the Democratic State of Law the social state sees itself binding to the capitalist model, in a relation to an inclusion and an exclusion, without being free from the individualist ambit, but seeking to promote the social inclusion by means of Public Politics. However such social rights divide spaces, in the role of the financial priorities of State, that deposited in the public indebtedness the principle objectives to nurture the financial system and the new faze of capitalism, before by production and now financial. In this transition the ideas of John Maynard Keynes are what stands out, and by means of the fiscal policies tried to conciliate the inequality present in the capitalist society with bigger social justice. Amid the financial crisis, such model is questioned with the rise of the neoliberism and the monetary politics of fiscal adjustments and the inflationary control, that transforms the economic model, especially the tax and its principle equitables, consecrated in the Constitutions. In this context is that, in this second part the survey is to concentrate in the case of Brasil is that in the face of its constitutional project of the Democratic State of Law, recognized the social question and brought the financial means of the social responsibilites, finding itself inserted in the high financial value of the worldwide circuit, that had as its focus the economic stabilization, the inflationary control, the balance of the accounts and the fiscal adjustment. Limited to the alignment observation of the financial, economic and tributary systems with the objectives and foundation of the 1988 Federal Constitution, and that should guide the construction of these systems, in order to make concrete the model of the Democratic State of Law. In this way, from the democratic construction is that the 1988 Constitution makes the social and public policies necessary to implement them, the Constitutional and Legislative alterations that involve fiscal federalism, fiscal resignations public budget and the public debt system, together with the analysis of data collected by the author, about the hypothesis of the non finality of the accomplishments of the Social State will be analyzed, in order to demonstrate that these politics culminated in a political management protected by the financial earnings of the capitol, with the priority to the public debt and the guarantee of the accumulation of the private wealth.

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Christmann, Pablo. « Satisfaction with democracy as the evaluation of institutional structure, democratic process and economic performance : a comparative panel study on the sources of political support ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/432791.

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This thesis analyses the sources of public evaluations of democratic regimes from a comparative perspective, a longitudinal perspective and with a case study of Spain. The main argument of the dissertation is that people’s satisfaction with democracy (SWD) depends to a great degree on the quality of democratic processes and the institutional context. This conclusion does not deny the relevance of the well-documented relationship between the status of the economy and SWD. The importance of the economy is clearly confirmed by the current dissertation. Instead, this thesis argues that economic factors complement other political explanations. As will be shown, the long-term effects of the economy on SWD even depend on the quality of democratic processes and vice versa. This argument is presented in three related studies. In the first study, based on time-series cross-sectional (TSCS) data from 58 democracies between 1990 and 2012 and pooled surveys from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, I show that although electoral proportionality increases SWD, fractionalized party systems and coalition governments decrease SWD. In the second study, based on a twofold longitudinal panel analysis of the Spanish case between 1985 and 2015, I show that despite the negative consequences of prolonged economic crisis, political factors, most notably corruption, are equally relevant to explain the decline of SWD within this context. The third article, based on TSCS panel data from 61 democracies between 1980 and 2014, shows that economic performance and democratic quality are equally important explanations to account for both cross-national and cross-time differences in SWD and that both factors are interrelated in their effects on SWD.

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Caria, Alcir de Souza. « Projeto político-pedagógico : importância histórica de uma prática em crise ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-26012011-135146/.

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Esta dissertação reflete sobre as possibilidades da escola no cumprimento das determinações da atual Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Nacional (LDB) nº 9394/96, que a reconhece como núcleo gestor responsável pelo seu próprio projeto político-pedagógico. Problematiza em que medida essa prática escolar tem influenciado os resultados obtidos pelas escolas públicas e viabilizado, localmente, a implementação das políticas educacionais desenvolvidas no âmbito dos sistemas de ensino. Caracteriza as concepções estruturantes sobre projeto político-pedagógico por meio de uma análise bibliográfica, discutindo o alcance que tais teorizações têm alcançado no cotidiano escolar. Apresenta os resultados de uma pesquisa, realizada junto a uma rede pública de ensino, apontando potenciais evidências da crise de sentido e de método que tal prática revela. Recupera ainda o processo histórico que marcou a tramitação da atual LDB, demonstrando que a referida crise deve ser entendida primeiro como crise congênita, herdada da própria lei que a concebeu. No contexto do sistema educacional, essa crise também é caracterizada ao reunir elementoschaves presentes no pensamento pedagógico contemporâneo, que exploram o conceito de sistema e a sua relação com a unidade escolar. Finaliza a pesquisa problematizando princípios fundamentais para se pensar o projeto políticopedagógico na perspectiva do movimento da educação cidadã, com vista à superação da crise de sentido e de método que essa prática escolar tem demonstrado.
This paper reflects on the possibilities of the school in compliance of the determinations of the current Law of Directives and Bases of National Education (LDB) nº 9394/96, which recognizes it as the core manager responsible for its own political and pedagogical project. It questions the extent to which this educational practice has influenced the results obtained by the public schools and facilitated, locally, the implementation of educational policies developed within the education systems. It characterizes the structural concepts of political and pedagogical project through a literature review, discussing the scope that these theories have reached in the school day. Presents the results of a survey, carried out with a public school system, pointing out potential evidences of the crisis of meaning and method that this practice reveals. Recovers even the historical process that marked the course of the current LDB, demonstrating that the crisis must be understood first as a crisis congenital, inherited from the law that has conceived it. In the context of the educational system, this crisis is also characterized by bringing together key elements present in contemporary pedagogical thinking, exploring the system concept and its relationship with the school unit. Ends the research questioning the fundamental principles for thinking about the political and pedagogical project in view of the civil and educational movement, with a view to overcoming the crisis of meaning and method of the educational practice has shown.

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Makiese, Ndoma Flavien. « Dynamique du marché du travail congolais en environnement de crise : une approche par l'informalité d'emplois segmentée ». Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0139.

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Cette thèse propose une analyse de l’emploi informel en RDC sous l’hypothèse d’une segmentation. Partant d’un questionnement qui se réfère aux conditions d’émergence et de prolifération d’emplois informels amplifiés par la crise structurelle que traverse ce pays, laquelle a détruit l’emploi formel, cette thèse réfute l’unicité de l’informel à l’intérieur du marché du travail de la RDC et analyse plutôt son hétérogénéité, en s’appuyant sur les analyses de Lautier (2004), Maloney (2004), Fields (2005) et Bacchetta et al (2009).Cette évidence a justifié la combinaison des théories de l’informalité et de la segmentation, suivie d’une exploitation de deux types de données mutuellement enrichissantes : les données quantitatives de l’enquête 1-2-3 et les données qualitatives collectées sur le terrain d’une activité spécifique : le marché des matériels d’occasion d’Europe, appelés « bilokos » en RDC. Les résultats de cette double exploitation ont permis de caractériser l’informalité d’emplois segmentée, notion forgée et mise en œuvre dans le cadre d’une analyse empirique de l’emploi informel reposant sur deux niveaux : les Caractéristiques de l’Activité (C.A.), et les Profils des Entrepreneurs (P.E.) représentant les variables explicatives d’analyses faites dans cette thèse. Les méthodes mixtes qualitative et quantitative utilisées dans cette thèse valident l’existence d’une segmentation en quatre types au sein des Unités de Production Informelles en RDC, selon plusieurs critères, dont le volume du chiffre d’affaires de leurs activités, en particulier
This thesis analyses informal employment in the DRC under the assumption of a segmentation. We start with a description of the underlying conditions explaining the emergence, and then spread of informal jobs, which is mainly driven by a structural crisis and the destruction of formal employment in the DRC. The thesis then proposes to reject the uniqueness of the informal sector within the DRC labor market and analyzes its heterogeneity, based on the analyzes of Lautier (2004), Maloney (2004), Fields (2005) and Bacchetta et al. (2009).The thesis therefore highlights the relevance of combining the theories of informality and of segmentation to analyse informal employment in DRC, and applies this framework to two mutually enriching datasets: the 1-2-3 survey, which is quantitative, and qualitative data that we collected in the field and focused on a specific activity: an emerging market for second-hand equipment coming from Europe and called "bilokos" in DRC.The results from these two types of data allow to characterize what we call “the informality of segmented jobs”, a concept that we empirically apply with two levels of analysis: the Characteristics of the informal Activity (C.A.)., and the Profiles of the informal Entrepreneurs (P.E.). Mixed qualitative and quantitative methods allow us to characterize a segmentation in Informal Production Units along four types ranging from lower income to higher income

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Åström, Alexander. « The Korean Peninsula : Where the Cold War Never Ended : The Foreign Policy of the Republic of Korea on a peaceful reunification with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea ». Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-23189.

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This paper examines different foreign policies of the Republic of Korea (South Korea) towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea) with regards to a peaceful reunification of the Korean Peninsula. The paper uses the theoretical framework of Social Constructivism to analyze what impact the different foreign policies of South Korea towards North Korea have had on their relations, thus providing an understanding of what impact those foreign policies have had on the peaceful reunification process of the Korean Peninsula. The paper will also look at the First Korean Nuclear Crisis, the Second Korean Nuclear Crisis, the ROKS Cheonan sinking and the shelling of Yeonpyeong, and with the help from the theoretical framework of Social Constructivism, analyze what impact those incidents have had on South Korea’s foreign policy and relations with North Korea, thus providing an understanding what impact those incidents have had on the peaceful reunification process of the Korean Peninsula.

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Woldegabr, Silvana, et Henon Haileab. « Ledarskap i kris : en studie som undersöker hur ledarskapet inom vård- och omsorgsbranschen har påverkats under coronakrisen ». Thesis, Högskolan i Borås, Akademin för textil, teknik och ekonomi, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hb:diva-26532.

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Covid-19 pandemin har påverkat hela samhället på olika sätt. Vård-och omsorgsbranschen är en bransch som har drabbats hårt då det har lett till stora påfrestningar inom äldreomsorgen, vilket i sin tur har lett till omställningar i arbetssätt. Detta har resulterat i ökade krav på bland annat enhetschefer och medarbetare som verkar inom denna bransch. Studiens huvudsakliga syfte är att undersöka hur enhetschefer inom vård- och omsorgsorganisationer anpassar sitt ledarskap under en kris. För att besvara studiens syfte har det formulerats en forskningsfråga som berör hur enhetschefer har anpassat sitt ledarskap under coronakrisen.Denna uppsats vill undersöka ledarnas uppfattningar och egna berättelser av hur deras ledarskap har anpassats under krisen. Därmed utgår studien ifrån ett kvalitativt tillvägagångssätt där data har samlats in genom att utföra semistrukturerade intervjuer med sju enhetschefer som arbetar inom vård- och omsorgsbranschen. Studien är baserad på teorier och litteratur som handlar om ledarskap inom vård- och omsorgsbranschen, hur ledarskap anpassar sig till olika situationer samt ledarskap i kris. Därtill har studien utgått ifrån två huvudsakliga ledarstilar vilka är det demokratiska och auktoritära ledarskapet. Resultatet av studien visar att ledarskapet inom vård- och omsorgsbranschen präglas av en demokratisk ledarstil men att ledarskapet anpassades under coronakrisen till en mer auktoritär ledarstil. Studien är skriven på svenska.
It is without question that the covid-19 has brought about one of the most unprecedented healthcare crises of our time. The healthcare industry is an industry that has been greatly affected as it has led to great strains in elderly care, which has led to changes in working methods. This has resulted in a rise in demand for unit managers and workers in this sector, among other things. The study's primary goal is to determine whether and how unit managers within healthcare organizations adapt their leadership during a crisis, such as the covid-19 pandemic. In order to address the study's intent, a research question has been formulated that focuses on how unit managers have adapted their leadership during the corona crisis. This essay seeks to examine the leaders’ perceptions and own stories of how their leadership has been adapted during the crisis. Thus, the study is based on a qualitative approach where data has been collected by conducting semi-structured interviews with seven unit managers working in the healthcare industry. The research is focused on theories and literature on leadership in the healthcare sector, how leadership adapts to various circumstances and leadership in crisis with focus on democratic and authoritarian principles. According to the study's findings, leadership in the healthcare industry is characterized by a democratic leadership style however was developed into a more authoritarian leadership style during the covid-19 crisis. This study is written in Swedish.

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Grantham, Silvia Resmini. « O direito fundamental à segurança jurídica no estado democrático de direito e suas implicações (algumas) no regime geral da previdência social brasileira ». Universidade do Vale do Rio do Sinos, 2006. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/2381.

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Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos
Este trabalho faz uma análise do direito fundamental à segurança jurídica e, mais especificamente, das suas circunstâncias no âmbito do Estado Moderno. Para tanto, percorre os modelos estatais, a partir do Estado Liberal, até o momento atual e sua(s) crise (s). Em seguida, apresenta um (re)pensar para a noção de tempo, sob uma perspectiva hermenêutico-filosófica, analisa a segurança jurídica em sua relação com o Estado Liberal e passa a entender como se processa aquele conceito no Estado Democrático de Direito, sendo este o ponto nevrálgico da pesquisa. Por derradeiro, tomando por base a relação entre segurança jurídica e Estado Democrático, são verificadas algumas implicações que o direito fundamental à segurança jurídica traz ao Regime Geral da Previdência Social, tendo a experiência brasileira como referência
This work makes an analysis regarding the juridical safety and, more specifically, of your circumstances in the ambit of the Modern State. For so much, it travels the state models, starting from the Liberal State, until the current moment and their crisis (s). Soon after, it presents a "(re)think" for the notion of time, under a hermeneutic-philosophical perspective, analyzes the legal safety in its relationship with the Liberal State and starts to understand as that concept is processed in the Democratic State of Law, being this a important point of the research. For last, taking for base the relationship between juridical safety and Democratic State, some are verified implications that the fundamental right to the legal safety brings to the General Regime of Social Welfare, having the Brazilian experience as reference

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Leftin, Adam Zook. « A Narrative Exploration of Free Speech Events by New Student Affairs Professionals ». Miami University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1594750157591483.

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Septanaya, I. Dewa Made Frendika. « L’évolution de l’offre de logements bon marché dans les régions métropolitaines de Java (Jakarta et Surabaya) ». Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL045.

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Le logement est l’un des besoins fondamentaux de l’homme, comme la nourriture et le vêtement. Or, les régions métropolitaines de Jakarta et de Surabaya font face à une crise du logement. La pénurie de logements a atteint 1, 02 million dans le « Grand Jakarta » et 46 058 dans le « Grand Surabaya » en 2015. Cette étude décrit le déséquilibre entre la demande et l’offre de logements dans ces deux régions métropolitaines, et les efforts des différents acteurs (publics et privés) à trois époques différentes : « l’Ordre Ancien », « l’Ordre Nouveau », et « la Réforme/ Démocratie décentralisée » pour résoudre ce problème. Cette étude cherche en outre à lister les difficultés rencontrées par tous les acteurs dans la construction de logements décents et abordables depuis l’ère de « la démocratie décentralisée ». Enfin, cette étude examine la stratégie de coopération multi-acteurs qui a été adoptée pour réduire la pénurie de logements depuis « la Réforme ». Cette stratégie semble prometteuse car les acteurs partagent leurs rôles de sorte que la mise en œuvre des projets de construction de logements bon marché devient plus réalisable, notamment dans les grandes régions urbaines
Housing is one of the basic needs, like food and clothing. However, the metropolitan areas of Jakarta (Jabodetabek) and Surabaya (Gerbangkertosusila) are dealing with a huge housing shortage. In 2015, the number of housing needs has reached 1, 02 million in the "Greater Jakarta" and 46.058 in the "Greater Surabaya". Due to this issue, the study firstly describes the imbalance between supply and demand of low-cost housing in these two metropolitan areas, and then the attempts of the various actors involved (public and private) to solve this problem since the nation’s independence era until the presents days (“Old Order”, “New Order”, and the “Reform/ Democratic decentralisation”). Secondly, this study explores different factors that interfere the supply of affordable housing during the era of "democratic decentralisation”. Finally, this study examines several multi-actors cooperation strategies that were adopted lately to reduce the housing shortage. These strategies seem promising because each actor are capable of sharing their roles so that the implementation of low-cost housing development projects can become more feasible, especially if they will be implemented in the large urban areas

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Seffrin, Ana Carolina Guimarães. « Em busca do tempo perdido : das crises do Estado e da Constituição à adequação e contribuição do Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos para a abertura dos Arquivos da Ditadura Militar Brasileira ». Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2010. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/3405.

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O presente estudo examina a importância e relevância da análise da problemática jurídica, envolvendo os arquivos da ditadura militar brasileira, 1964/1985, diante do movimento do Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos, surgido com o término da Segunda Grande Guerra Mundial. Por meio de uma exposição histórico-crítica a respeito do período ditatorial no Brasil, admite uma crise paradigmática vivida pelo Estado nos tempos contemporâneos, em grande parte advinda dos chamados anos de chumbo, na referência da importância do acesso à informação enquanto direito humano fundamental e a necessidade de respeito à Constituição Federal de 1988 e demais tratados e declarações internacionais pertinentes ao assunto. Procura inserir uma abordagem crítica e filosófica a partir de apontamentos de Hannah Arendt e Walter Benjamin naquilo que se refira ao atual estado político de velamento de informações referentes ao recente passado do país. Afere a necessidade de garantia do amplo acesso público às informações atinentes ao período como meio de efetivação de direitos constitucionalmente estabelecidos. Estabelece premissas ligadas ao Direito, à Verdade e à Memória, circunscrevendo que o Estado de Exceção no Brasil dos anos de ditadura militar deve ser revisado em níveis sociais, psicológicos, históricos, culturais e, principalmente, jurídicos. Valoriza o cerne fundamental da problemática ao admitir a necessidade de políticas governamentais de gestão de arquivos públicos sigilosos por meio de normas internacionais de proteção aos direitos humanos, aprofundando o trabalho do Estado ante o reconhecimento da proteção dos direitos civis e políticos como pilar fundamental à manutenção da dignidade da pessoa humana. Aborda a temática da Justiça Transacional como resposta a violações sistemáticas e generalizadas aos direitos humanos, objetivando reconhecer o alicerce de uma justiça a ser adaptada e construída em sociedades que se transformaram depois de períodos de violações generalizadas de direitos humanos. Por fim, a pesquisa insere-se na Linha de Concentração Hermenêutica, Constituição e Concretização de Direitos, do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito da Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos - UNISINOS - objetivando instrumentalizar um aporte reflexivo crítico na luta pela efetivação de direitos, em nível constitucional e internacional, nos liames do Estado Democrático de Direito.
The following study investigates the importance and relevance of the legal problematic analysis regarding the archives from the Brazilian military dictatorship period, 1964/1985, towards the movement of the International Law of Human Rights developing with the end of the Second Great War. Through the historic-critic exposition regarding the dictatorial period in Brazil, is recognized a pragmatic crises present in the State in contemporary times, resulting strongly from the so called anos de chumbo (or lead years), with reference to the importance on the access of information as a fundamental human right and the necessity to respect the Federal Constitution of 1988 and other pacts and relevant international declarations to the matter. The critical approach will be one philosophical following Hannah Arendt and Walter Benjamin observations in which relates the present politic state of obscurity of information regarding the country?s past. Judging the necessity to vouch for the broad public access of information related to the period as a means to the effectual of established constitutional rights. Establishing premises linked to Rights to Truth and Memory, limiting that the State of Exception in Brazil in the military dictatorship must be revised in levels which are social, psychological, historical, cultural and, mainly, legal. Valuing the fundamental problematic core in admitting the necessity of governmental politics of management of public archives secret through international norms of human rights protection, deepen the work of the State before the recognition of the civil and political rights as fundamental pillar to the maintenance of the human being dignity. Approaching the theme of Transitional Justice as response to systematic violations and generalized to human rights, intending recognize the basis of a justice to be adapted and build in societies which develop after periods of generalized violations of the human rights. To conclude, the research is inserted in the Concentration Line of Hermeneutic, Constitution and Concretization of Rights, from the Post-graduation Program of Law from University Vale do Rio dos Sinos - UNISINOS - intending take the issue into a critic reflexion in the fight for the effectuation of rights, in a constitutional and international level, in the apparatus of the Democratic State of Law.

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Cerro, Jordi del. « La Generación de energía eléctrica en la época franquista, 1940-1975 ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/89368.

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La tesis estudia la evolución del parque de generación de energía eléctrica durante el franquismo (1940-1975). En este período comenzó la formación de un sistema unificado de explotación, y durante su desarrollo se pasó de 1.731Mw a 25.467Mw. El sistema que se denominó “autorregulación”, permitió la coexistencia de las empresas eléctricas privadas, agrupadas alrededor de UNESA y el INI en su vertiente eléctrica. Sin embargo, las decisiones y la política eléctrica, y más tarde energética, estuvo directamente influida por el gobierno. Se analiza la importancia de las fuentes (hidráulica, carbón, fuel oil, gas natura, nuclear) de energía primaria en la generación de energía eléctrica. Asimismo, se estudia, aunque no de manera exhaustiva el impacto del medio ambiente y sus consecuencias y efectos a largo plazo. Todo ello se desarrolla en el contexto histórico pertinente bajo una vertiente técnico-económica.
The thesis studies the evolution of the power generation system of electricity, during the Franco’s Regime (1940-1975). In this period, it began the construction of a unified system of exploitation, where the power installed was moved from 1.731Mw to 25.467Mw. The system was called "self regulation", allowing the coexistence of private electric companies, grouped around UNESA and the INI in its electrical aspect. However, the decisions and the power policy, and later on the energy, was directly influenced by the government. It discusses the importance of the primary energy sources (hydro, coal, fuel oil, natural gas, nuclear) in electric power generation. However, it is not intended to illustrate a comprenhensive explanation of the environmental impact and its consequences and effects long term. To sum up, all this takes place in the relevant historical context in a technical and economical perspective.

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Vaz, Céline. « Le franquisme et la production de la ville : politiques du logement et de l’urbanisme, mondes professionnels et savoirs urbains en Espagne des années 1930 aux années 1970 ». Thesis, Paris 10, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA100196.

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Urbanisation désordonnée, manque d’équipements urbains, prééminence de la promotion privée dans la production de logements, domination de la propriété d’occupation, telles sont les caractéristiques du développement urbain et immobilier sous le régime franquiste, qui ont perduré jusqu’à aujourd’hui pour certaines d’entre elles. Cette ville « sans qualité » constitue un objet de préoccupation sociale majeur et une voie de contestation du régime dans les dernières années de la dictature franquiste. Le mode de production de la ville qui se met en place durant l’époque franquiste, et la question urbaine sur lequel il débouche, constituent l’objet de cette thèse. Cette recherche repose sur l’analyse conjointe des politiques nationales d’urbanisme et du logement, et du groupe professionnel des architectes. Ce choix a été guidé par un double constat. L’interventionnisme du régime franquiste s’est en effet aussi concrétisé dans les domaines du logement et de l’urbanisme : un ensemble d’organismes centraux, de dispositions et de dispositifs officiels ont ainsi encadré et déterminé le mode de production urbaine. Les architectes, par la position particulièrement privilégiée qu’ils occupent dans le secteur de la construction en Espagne, jouent un rôle clé dans l’élaboration et la mise en œuvre de ces politiques. Des membres du groupe professionnel sont par ailleurs les fers de la critique urbaine à la fin de la dictature. Ce dispositif de recherche permet d’étudier la constitution de l’espace urbain et immobilier en catégorie de l’action publique et les effets de ce processus sur les champs professionnel et scientifique sur l’ensemble de la période franquiste. Il offre les bases d’une histoire sociale des politiques urbaines qui éclaire à la fois l’histoire du régime franquiste, l’histoire des sciences sociales de la ville, ainsi que la sociologie de l’action publique et des groupes professionnels
Francoism and urban production. Housing and urban policies, professionals and urban sciences in Spain from the 1930's to the 1970's.An urban model oriented towards growth, lack of public facilities and infrastructure, high proportion of owner-tenancy, shortage of public housing, or the relevance of real state in the national economy are some of the characteristics of Spain’s urban development during Franco’s dictatorship. It became a main social concern and way to criticize Franco’s regime at the end of the dictatorship. The aim of this PhD thesis is to study the mode of production of Spanish cities during the dictatorship and the social urban movement at the end of the regime. This research is based on the double analysis of national urban planning and housing policies and of the role of one of their principal actors: the architects. During the Franco’s era, State’s intervention was indeed reflected on housing and town-planning through a set of central institutions or bodies, of legal provisions and official measures. Theses decisions determined the mode of urban development. Owing to their privileged position in the building sector in Spain, architects play a key role in the definition and implementation of these policies. Moreover, some architects were years later the leaders of urban criticism and urban social movement. This set-up brings into light the development, if not the constitution, of the urban space as a category of public action during the Franco years, as well as its effects on the professional and scientific fields. This PhD thesis intends to constitute a social history of urban policies during the Franco’s era (1939-1975). Through this approach, it contributes to a better knowledge of the history of this period, of the history of urban social sciences and public action and of the sociology of professions

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Gülstorff, Torben. « Trade follows Hallstein ? » Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät I, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17628.

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Die deutsche Außenpolitik zur Zeit des Kalten Krieges stellt in historischer wie politikwissenschaftlicher Hinsicht einen Gegenstand dar, der mit gutem Gewissen als wissenschaftlich erschlossen bezeichnet werden kann. Zahlreiche Aufsätze, Artikel und Bücher sind in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten erschienen, welche die deutsche Außenpolitik in Europa, Afrika, Asien, Ozeanien, Amerika, oder auch gleich der Welt als Ganzem, in den Blick genommen haben. Dies gilt sowohl für die Außenpolitik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland als auch für diejenige der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik. Früh – wenn nicht sogar von Beginn an – kam hierbei eine zentrale These, eine Kernthese, zum Vorschein, die, ohne auf Widerstand zu stoßen, Eingang in den historischen und politikwissenschaftlichen Forschungskanon fand und ihn bereits nach kurzer Zeit zu dominieren begann. Die Rede ist von der die deutschen Auslandsaktivitäten angeblich bestimmenden Hallstein-Doktrin und dem mit ihr in engem Zusammenhang stehenden deutsch-deutschen Gegensatz. In dieser Arbeit wird dieser Kernthese, diesem ''Mythos'' der deutschen Außenpolitik, vehement widersprochen. Weder die Hallstein-Doktrin, noch der deutsch-deutsche Gegensatz, sondern nationale ökonomische und internationale geostrategische Interessen haben die deutsche Außenpolitik – und darüber hinaus auch die gesamten deutschen Auslandsaktivitäten, der BRD wie der DDR – maßgeblich bestimmt. Zur Stützung dieser Gegenthese werden in der vorliegenden Studie die staatlichen, wirtschaftlichen und gesellschaftlichen Aktivitäten West- und Ostdeutschlands in neun zentralafrikanischen Staaten zwischen 1945 und 1975 kritisch dargelegt, umfassend analysiert und im Hinblick auf mehrere zentrale Thesen zu den deutschen Auslandsaktivitäten ausgewertet.
For decades articles and books have been published on the history of German foreign policy during Cold War. Regardless of whether Europe, Africa, Asia, Oceania, America or the world as a whole, the foreign affairs of the Western Federal Republic of Germany and the Eastern German Democratic Republic have been researched and analysed in context of a broad variety of locations. However, even though the list of publications continues to grow, the topic''s theses–especially its main thesis–do not show much progress. Already at an early stage, a central thesis–a core thesis–came to light, met no resistance and entered history''s and political science''s research canons on German foreign policy. This thesis reads: Inner German issues and the non-solved German question were so powerful, they dominated West and East German foreign affairs nearly right from the start. German foreign policy, that was the so-called Hallstein doctrine, that was the so-called German-German contradiction. And all studies–whether of history or political science, whether designed as a case study or as a global approach–confirm this thesis, use it as an integral part of their work–until today. But be that as it may. This study contradicts this thesis, this ''myth'' of German foreign policy. Instead it argues that neither the Hallstein doctrine nor the German-German contradiction, but national economic and international geostrategic interests dominated German foreign policy and German foreign activities–regarding the FRG, the GDR, and Germany as a whole. To proof this thesis, West and East German activities–of the two states, their economies and their societies–in nine Central African states between 1945 and 1975 are observed and analysed. More than a million file pages out of more than a dozen German archives were read to tackle this task–and shed some refreshing new light on the foreign policies of the two German states during Cold War.

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Kilicalp, Iaconantonio Sevinc Sevda. « Managing a Civil Society Organization in Democratic Crisis ». Diss., 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/24622.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
This study investigated how civil society organizations (CSOs) adapted to shifts in their external environment that threatened their survival. Specifically, the study considered how CSOs in Turkey were responding to growing authoritarianism and citizens’ demands for a voice and openness. Moreover, the study sought to explain why organizational responses varied across organizations operating in the same field and the challenges CSO leaders confronted as they implemented changes in response to this environment. These pressures, both authoritarian regimes and citizens’ demands for a voice in these organizations, reflect the democratic crisis in many countries and the overall distrust in institutions. In this respect, considering the consequences of both of these pressures for the legitimacy of CSOs simultaneously is both timely and necessary. This study blended theoretical insights from neo-institutional theory and resource dependency theory as well as strategic management literature and civil society literature to fill this theoretical gap. I argue that competing external pressures created conflicting logics by providing different stipulations about how CSOs had to be managed and that CSOs developed differentiated strategies by adopting some features of each logic. I grouped these responses into two main categories: survival and mission-related responses. I demonstrated that competing institutional logics pass through the organizational field and then they are filtered by the following organizational attributes: organizational form, stance toward government, risk tolerance and organizational capacity. Tensions and paradoxical situations resulting from selected practices created various management challenges for CSO leaders. These findings offer new perspectives to the literature on civil society under authoritarian regimes by pointing out the link between outside threats confronting CSOs and significant organizational management issues, thus illustrating how political regimes constrain CSOs’ capacity to contribute to democratic processes and perform internal democracy through soft and hard repression tools.
2022-12-01

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Muckvumy, Matumona Bulambo. « Esquisse d'explication de la crise économique au Zaïre approche inflationniste ». 1989. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/24987835.html.

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Thesis (gradué en sciences économiques pures et appliquées)--Université de Kinshasa, 1989.
eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 56-57).

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Choi, Jungug. « Economic crisis, elite cooperation, and democratic stability Asia in the late 1990s / ». 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/50250875.html.

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Lopes, Francisco Manuel Pombo. « A democracia na União Europeia em crise : o caso da Grécia (2009-2015) ». Master's thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.2/7441.

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A União Europeia encontra-se numa encruzilhada provocada por uma crise multifacetada (económica, financeira, política e social), com início em 2007/2008 com a pior crise económica desde a década de 30 na Europa. A crise revelou problemas com diversas origens e consequências, e cujo desfecho se afigura ainda hoje imprevisível, constituindo um incontornável desafio ao futuro da União Europeia. Além da crise económica e da crise das dívidas soberanas, verifica-se uma preocupante crise da democracia europeia, a somar à já amplamente debatida questão do défice democrático. A crise e as respostas à mesma conduziram à imposição de políticas e medidas de austeridade, que acarretaram significativas interferências atípicas no normal funcionamento da democracia, desde logo pela adoção de procedimentos e o surgimento de novos atores na gestão da crise à margem do jogo democrático. Em Outubro de 2009, o governo grego reconhece a situação de insustentabilidade financeira do país, colocando em suspense toda a zona euro, sendo o primeiro Estado membro a recorrer a assistência financeira externa sob severas condições e com impactos fortemente negativos no seu Estado de bem-estar social. Pretendemos saber e compreender o estado da democracia na União Europeia no contexto da crise, a partir do estudo de caso sobre a democracia grega no contexto da crise, delimitado ao período compreendido entre 2009 e 2015. Com o mesmo objetivo será feita uma análise do apoio dos Cidadãos gregos à democracia, da sua satisfação com o funcionamento da democracia, da sua confiança nas instituições e participação nas eleições, numa perspetiva diacrónica, ao nível da União Europeia e do Estado Grego.
The European Union is at a crossroad due to a multifaceted crisis (economic, financial, political and social), which started in 2007/2008 with the worst economic crisis since the 1930s in Europe. The crisis has revealed problems with different origins and consequences, and whose outcome is still unpredictable today, becoming an inevitable challenge to the future of the European Union. Apart from the economic crisis and the sovereign debt crisis, there is an alarming crisis of European democracy, together with the already widely debated issue of the democratic deficit. The crisis and its responses have led to the imposition of austerity policies and measures, which caused significant atypical interference in the normal functioning of democracy, from the adoption of procedures and the emergence of new actors in crisis management, outside the democratic game. In October 2009, the Greek government acknowledged the financially unsustainable situation of its country, keeping the whole euro area in suspense. It was the first member state to turn to external financial assistance under severe conditions with heavily and negative impact on its social welfare state. We want to know and understand the state of democracy in the European Union in the context of the crisis, starting from the case study on Greek democracy in the context of the crisis, delimited between 2009 and 2015. At the same time we will analyse the Greek citizens’ support to the democracy, their satisfaction with the functioning of democracy, their confidence in the institutions and participation in the elections, with a diachronic perspective at the level concerning the European Union and the Greek State.

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Vossole, Jonas Van. « Crisis and Democratic Legitimacy : the divergence of narratives on democracy in the Portuguese social conflict ». Doctoral thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10316/95300.

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Thesis under the PhD program in Democracy in the 21st Century, presented to the Faculty of Economics and the Centre for Social Studiesof the University of Coimbra.
For nearly three decades democracy seemed to be unquestioned and unquestionable. The Fukuyaman post-political and post-history framework dominated social theory and mainstream political science approached democracy solely through its formal liberal representative prescription based upon free and fair rules of competition between parties. Also, critical political theory had more or less accepted the liberal political horizon; proposing deliberative, participative and agonistic alternative models which left capitalism itself evermore unquestioned. In the middle of the Global Financial crisis, the Euro crisis, the emergence of the Occupy movements and the Arab Spring, these certainties seemed to eclipse instantly. The main objective of this research was to discover why and how democracy was going through such a legitimacy crisis. This thesis is an inquiry into the relation between crisis and democracy based on the case-study of austerity-ridden Portugal between 2011 and 2015. Based upon a historical analysis of democratic theory throughout the evolution of capitalism and a critical analysis of the concept of crisis in the construction of political knowledge, this research studies the relationship between Portugal’s political economy and the development of its democracy; from the period of fascism, over the Carnation Revolution and the European integration process to its present period of crisis and austerity. Our research is based upon the idea that democracy is an ideological concept – in which ideology refers to the medium through which consciousness and meaningfulness operate – and that crises emerge the “fundamental contradictions in society”; breaking up the hegemonic consensus. As diverging, potentially legitimate interests emerge, the dissensus in society is concentrated in the conceptualization of democracy itself, producing divergent narratives and perspectives of it: a Demodiversity is the apparent expression of the crisis of the hegemonic form of democracy. Such hypothesis has been substantiated by applying a critical discourse analysis to interviews of the various sides of the social conflict under austerity conditions. Besides the 67 people that were interviewed at the anti-austerity protests; we also interviewed 8 key-players: policymakers, opposition members of parliament, social movement activists and Trade Union leaders. For at least three decades, the traditional liberal-democratic democratic discourse has based upon the technocratic depoliticization and the culturalization of political problems, while government policies are formally legitimized based on procedures, law, elections, parliamentary majorities, ratified treaties and constitutional judgements. Austerity only deepened and normalized the neoliberal dimensions of inevitability and exceptionality. Besides the dominant model, we distinguished three other competing discourses of democracy which could have formed an alternative democratic content: the Acampadas, the Trade Union model, and the alternative party model. While the union discourse focusses on a conceptualization of democracy based upon everyday working and living conditions, collective action and direct participation, the social movements were more utopic by focussing on systemic change, horizontality, and practices of prefiguration. The discourse of the parties, was more institutionalist, focussed on organization, power, and the state, focussing on social and constitutional rights, elections, history, ideology, and strategy. This thesis argues that an articulation between these models – in the form of socialism – is necessary to present a viable alternative to the hegemonic liberal-democratic form. We conclude this thesis by critically analysing possible shortcomings of the separate alternative discourses, and how, to different extent, they were rearticulated back into the hegemonic liberal-democratic model of democracy. Notably, we focus on how aspects of depolitization and aesthetics in the assembly movements and how the excessive hope in electoral change and subsequent coalition-negotiations around the Geringonça-project did not solve the structural problems behind the democratic crisis.
Durante quase três décadas, a democracia parecia ser inquestionada e inquestionável. A perspetiva pós-política e pós-histórica dominara a teoria social. Para a ciência política comum, a democracia era maioritariamente abordada em forma de prescritiva formal; como uma representatividade liberal baseada em regras de competição livres e justas entre os partidos. Além disso, a teoria política crítica havia mais ou menos aceito o horizonte político liberal; propondo modelos alternativos – como os deliberativos, participativos e agonísticos – que contestavam cada vez menos o próprio capitalismo. No meio da crise financeira global, a crise do Euro, o surgimento dos movimentos como o Occupy e a Primavera Árabe, essas certezas pareceram eclipsar instantaneamente. O objetivo principal desta pesquisa foi descobrir porque e como a democracia passou por tamanha crise de legitimidade. Nesse sentido, esta tese é um inquérito sobre a relação entre crise e democracia com base num estudo de caso: Portugal dominado pela austeridade entre 2011 e 2015. Com base numa análise histórica da teoria democrática ao longo da evolução do capitalismo e numa análise crítica do conceito filosófico de crise na construção do conhecimento político, esta investigação estuda a relação entre a economia política portuguesa e o desenvolvimento da sua democracia; desde o período do fascismo, ao longo da Revolução dos Cravos e do processo de integração europeia, até ao seu presente período de crise e austeridade. Esta pesquisa se baseia na ideia de que a democracia é um conceito ideológico – em que a ideologia se refere ao meio pelo qual a consciência e a significância operam – e que as crises emergem como “contradições fundamentais na sociedade”; quebrando o consenso hegemónico. À medida que emergem interesses divergentes, potencialmente legítimos, o dissenso na sociedade concentra-se na própria conceituação da democracia, produzindo narrativas e perspetivas divergentes sobre ela: uma Demodiversidade é a expressão aparente da crise da forma hegemónica de democracia. Tal hipótese foi fundamentada pela aplicação de uma análise crítica do discurso a entrevistas de vários lados do conflito social em condições de austeridade. Além das 67 pessoas que foram entrevistadas nos protestos contra a austeridade, também entrevistamos 8 atores-chave: gestores políticos, parlamentares da oposição, ativistas de movimentos sociais e líderes sindicais. Por pelo menos três décadas, o discurso democrático-liberal tradicional – formulado pelos gestores – baseou-se na despolitização tecnocrática e na culturalização de problemas políticos, enquanto as políticas governamentais são formalmente legitimadas com base em procedimentos, leis, eleições, maiorias parlamentares, tratados supranacionais e julgamentos constitucionais. A austeridade apenas aprofundou e normalizou as dimensões neoliberais de inevitabilidade e excepcionalidade. Além do modelo dominante, distinguimos três outros discursos concorrentes de democracia que poderiam ter formado um conteúdo democrático alternativo: as Acampadas, o modelo sindical e o modelo alternativo partidário. Enquanto o discurso sindical se concentra em uma conceitualização da democracia baseada nas condições de trabalho e vida cotidianas, na ação coletiva e na participação direta, os movimentos sociais foram mais utópicos ao se concentrarem na mudança sistémica, horizontalidade e práticas de prefiguração. O discurso dos partidos era mais institucionalista, centrado na organização, no poder e no Estado, nos direitos sociais e constitucionais, nas eleições, na história, na ideologia e na estratégia. Esta tese argumenta que uma articulação entre esses modelos – na forma do socialismo – teria sido necessária para apresentar uma alternativa viável à forma liberal-democrática hegemónica. Concluímos esta tese analisando criticamente as possíveis deficiências dos discursos alternativos separados e como, em diferentes graus, eles foram rearticulados de volta ao modelo hegemónico de democracia liberal-democrática. Nomeadamente, focamos em como aspetos de despolitização e foco estético nos movimentos assembleares e como a esperança excessiva na mudança eleitoral e as subsequentes negociações de coligação em torno do projeto Geringonça não resolveram os problemas estruturais por trás da crise democrática.

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Cameron, Sarah. « Citizen Responses to the Global Financial Crisis : A Comparative Study of Participation and Democratic Support ». Phd thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/133820.

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The global financial crisis was the greatest economic crisis since the Great Depression of the 1930s. The crisis, which had its origins in the United States' housing market crash of 2007, led to global impacts including rising unemployment and underemployment, home foreclosures, fewer opportunities for young people, and a loss of retirement savings. Previous research has examined the role of economic conditions in influencing various types of political behaviors and attitudes, however this has primarily pertained to fluctuations in economic performance during ordinary times. The magnitude of the recent crisis presents an unprecedented opportunity to examine how citizen political engagement in democratic societies is affected by a major economic shock. This thesis investigates how the global financial crisis has affected citizen political behavior - including voting behavior, civic engagement, and political protest - as well as democratic attitudes. To investigate the impact of the crisis, the study uses cross-national survey data fielded before and after the crisis in countries affected by the crisis to varying degrees. This enables a comparison both over time and across countries. Data from the previous two waves of the World Values Survey in 18 democratic countries is used to investigate the crisis impacts on civic engagement, political protest, and democratic support, while data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems in 13 countries facilitates an analysis of electoral behavior. Multilevel modeling and other quantitative methods are used to assess how factors at the country and individual level affected citizen political engagement before and after the crisis hit. The thesis tests a number of theories regarding the relationship between economic conditions and political behavior, including grievances and resources approaches. The analysis finds that countries harder hit by the crisis were more likely to experience declines in voter turnout, civic engagement, political protest and democratic support, suggesting the crisis had a demobilizing effect on participation. Similarly, at the individual level there was no evidence of a mobilization amongst those most vulnerable to the crisis, rather it continued to be those with resources that were most likely to participate in politics. The study contributes to our understanding of how economic conditions influence political attitudes and behaviors, and more broadly speaks to the political ramifications of major economic shocks.

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