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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Crisi democratica »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 9 mars 2023
Mis à jour le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Crisi democratica"

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Filoni, Rosaria. « Crisi della professione o professione per la crisi ». GROUNDING, no 1 (juillet 2012) : 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/gro2012-001005.

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L'autrice ripercorre alcuni aspetti positivi č negativi dell'attuale status della psicologia, psicoterapia, psichiatria e richiama la necessitŕ della partecipazione democratica come condizione per garantire la migliore organizzazione della realtŕ.
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Fasano, Luciano. « L’emergenza democratica : Presidenti, decreti, crisi pandemica ». Contemporary Italian Politics 14, no 1 (2 janvier 2022) : 112–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2021.2010008.

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Prospero, Michele. « La cultura istituzionale nella crisi democratica attuale ». DEMOCRAZIA E DIRITTO, no 2 (décembre 2022) : 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ded2022-002001.

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Lanza, Andrea. « Il bambino democratico. La filosofia politica dell'educazione di Marcel Gauchet ». SOCIETÀ DEGLI INDIVIDUI (LA), no 43 (juin 2012) : 70–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/las2012-043008.

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L'articolo ricostruisce le riflessioni sulla crisi dell'educazione avanzate dal filosofo politico Marcel Gauchet. All'interno di una piů generale analisi delle trasformazioni della societÀ democratica e dell'approfondirsi del processo d'individualizzazione, viene posta all'attenzione la diffusa incapacitÀ di prendere in considerazione la formazione sociale dell'individuo. Solo a partire da tale constatazione č possibile comprendere le mutazioni storiche delle condizioni sociali in cui si educano i bambini. Il saggio si concentra inoltre su alcuni punti specifici dell'analisi della crisi dell'educazione.
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Morlino e, Leonardo, et Franco Mattei. « VECCHIO E NUOVO AUTORITARISMO NELL'EUROPA MEDITERRANEA ». Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 22, no 1 (avril 1992) : 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004884020001827x.

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IntroduzioneNel corso degli anni settanta, crisi autoritaria e transizione alla democrazia hanno caratterizzato Portogallo, Spagna e Grecia (O'Donnell, Schmitter e Whitehead 1986). Nello stesso periodo il quarto paese dell'Europa mediterranea, l'Italia, attraversava la sua crisi democratica piò difficile dai tempi dell'instaurazione repubblicana (1945-48), o addirittura dagli anni venti. In Spagna e Portogallo, il fallimento dei regimi autoritari e i relativi processi di democratizzazione erano scaturiti da una combinazione di trasformazioni interne, economiche e sociali, e internazionali (Morlino 1986). In Grecia quel fallimento veniva dal mancato consolidamento del regime militare, insieme all'attivazione di una notevole opposizione al regime e alla crisi di Cipro, cioè ancora da una combinazione di elementi interni ed internazionali. Trasformazioni socio-economiche e conseguente mobilitazione politica di nuovi gruppi e movimenti (lavoratori, giovani, donne) ovvero emergere di nuove domande erano anche alla base della crisi italiana (Farneti 1978; Morlino 1985).
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di Cortona, Pietro Grilli. « DAL COMUNISMO ALLA DEMOCRAZIA IN EUROPA CENTRALE : UNGHERIA E CECOSLOVACCHIA ». Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 21, no 2 (août 1991) : 281–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200013289.

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IntroduzioneLa transizione dal comunismo alla democrazia è un processo che non ha precedenti storici e sul quale, dopo gli avvenimenti che nel 1989 hanno trasformato la fisionomia politica dell'Europa, convergono due tipi di interessi. Chi in passato si è dedicato allo studio dei regimi comunisti, individuandone i primi elementi di crisi e di instabilità già negli anni cinquanta, oggi è interessato a vedere le modalità con cui i singoli paesi escono dal comunismo, il peso che il vecchio regime avrà sulla nuova fase democratica, le differenze negli esiti della transizione. Chi, invece, ha studiato il fenomeno della transizione democratica, così come si è presentato in molti paesi occidentali dalla seconda guerra mondiale a oggi, vorrà soprattutto confrontare modelli e teorie fin qui elaborate con i nuovi sviluppi est europei, nonché valutare le specificità di questi ultimi.
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di Cortona, Pietro Grilli. « DAL COMUNISMO ALLA DEMOCRAZIA IN EUROPA CENTRALE : UNGHERIA E CECOSLOVACCHIA ». Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 21, no 2 (août 1991) : 281–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200021833.

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IntroduzioneLa transizione dal comunismo alla democrazia è un processo che non ha precedenti storici e sul quale, dopo gli avvenimenti che nel 1989 hanno trasformato la fisionomia politica dell'Europa, convergono due tipi di interessi. Chi in passato si è dedicato allo studio dei regimi comunisti, individuandone i primi elementi di crisi e di instabilità già negli anni cinquanta, oggi è interessato a vedere le modalità con cui i singoli paesi escono dal comunismo, il peso che il vecchio regime avrà sulla nuova fase democratica, le differenze negli esiti della transizione. Chi, invece, ha studiato il fenomeno della transizione democratica, così come si è presentato in molti paesi occidentali dalla seconda guerra mondiale a oggi, vorrà soprattutto confrontare modelli e teorie fin qui elaborate con i nuovi sviluppi est europei, nonché valutare le specificità di questi ultimi.
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Rubini, Antonia. « Il meccanismo potente ed imperfetto della democrazia1 : la politica democratica tra crisi e prospettive future ». EDUCATION SCIENCES AND SOCIETY, no 1 (juin 2020) : 552–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ess1-2020oa9577.

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Il presente articolo vuole indagare la crisi interna al sistema democratico, specie nel contesto italiano, cercando di definirne sia il quadro delle cause, che quello delle conseguenze, interrogandosi sul senso del «fare politica» ai nostri giorni, in un mondo sempre più pervaso dalla «dromologia», dall'iperattività incessante, dal costante esibizionismo, che non risparmia una classe dirigente pericolosamente sedotta dagli accattivanti tools dell'era del web 3.0 e impegnata in un governo della perpetua contingenza, in cui le ideologie sembrano ormai impolverato materiale per rigattieri. L'uomo è ancora "l'animale politico" di aristotelica memoria? La politica ha bisogno di eroi? In cosa è cambiata la partecipazione? E i giovani, sono davvero sideralmente distanti dalla e disinteressati alla politica? Si è cercato di dare risposta a tutti questi interrogativi.
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Budelli, Simone. « Giuseppe Toniolo : popolarismo, partiti e futuro della democrazia ». Società e diritti 7, no 14 (9 décembre 2022) : 6–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.54103/2531-6710/19309.

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Giuseppe Toniolo è un uomo del suo tempo. Economista, impegnato in politica, operante fra la fine dell’800 e i primi del ‘900, è stato elevato nel 2012 agli onori degli altari da Papa Benedetto XVI, che ne ha evidenziando l’attualità e la modernità. Per anni dimenticato perché non in linea con la cultura dominante, Domenico Sorrentino, con un’importante e complessa opera ricostruttiva dell’intero pensiero tonioliano, ne ha riproposto un’interessante lettura in chiave moderna. In questo lavoro si cerca di approfondire non tanto il Toniolo economista, quanto il politico, assertore di una società democratica fondata sul popolarismo. Questa costruzione sociale può essere una risposta al populismo che sembra caratterizzare la politica dei nostri tempi? La crisi della democrazia rappresentativa e dei partiti può trovare in Toniolo delle risposte ancora attuali?
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Ciampi, Marina. « Per una fenomenologia della societŕ contemporanea. Accesso, approvvigionamento e democrazia dell'acqua ». RIVISTA TRIMESTRALE DI SCIENZA DELL'AMMINISTRAZIONE, no 3 (novembre 2010) : 137–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sa2010-003013.

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Nella societŕ contemporanea, definita anche societŕ del rischio globale, la crisi idrica riveste un ruolo decisivo ma controverso rispetto ad altri rischi (sanitari, ambientali, finanziari, bellici). Essa infatti colpisce maggiormente le aree geografiche del sud del mondo, dove tale risorsa č sempre piů carente e di scarsa qualitŕ; al contrario i Paesi industriali avanzati hanno un approccio poco responsabile nei confronti di un bene cosě prezioso e di una fonte che č esauribile e limitata. I vantaggi dello sviluppo e della globalizzazione non sono infatti distribuiti equamente a livello geografico e il gap tra i "ricchi" e gli "ultimi della Terra" sta diventando sempre piů profondo. Eppure uno sviluppo che intenda essere davvero sostenibile deve affrontare globalmente il problema della disponibilitŕ dell'acqua potabile, della sua qualitŕ, del suo accesso pubblico, in un'ottica di gestione e condivisione democratica di tale risorsa. Accedere all'acqua č un diritto fondamentale, universale e inalienabile, ma se non si attuerŕ un'inversione di tendenza a livello sociale, economico e politico, tale bene continuerŕ ad essere sempre piů mercificato e privatizzato.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Crisi democratica"

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CAVALETTO, TOMMASO. « Democrazie in crisi epistemica : il suffragio universale alla prova ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10281/277367.

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La ricerca analizza la crisi sistemica attraversata dalle democrazie contemporanee leggendone i sintomi alla luce di un profilo specifico, ossia quello del declino epistemico che colpisce l’utenza di tali sistemi normativi. Si è in particolare focalizzata l’attenzione sul divario sempre più marcato tra, da una parte, lo scarso livello di (in)formazione e capacità di ragionamento dei cittadini e, dall’altra, la crescente quantità di competenze necessarie per orientarsi correttamente all’interno della società. Si è quindi cercato di dimostrare come l’esacerbazione di tutti i principali sintomi dell’attuale crisi democratica sia fortemente correlata alle preoccupanti dimensioni ormai raggiunte da questo “differenziale epistemico”, il quale, pur rappresentando una fonte di criticità sempre latente all’interno di società organizzate democraticamente, incontra oggi condizioni di contesto che favoriscono il pieno dispiegamento dei suoi effetti anche sul piano fenomenico. La sintomatologia della crisi democratica viene esaminata ricorrendo all’ausilio di elaborazioni socio-demoscopiche sul rapporto tra cittadini e politica, di dati statistici relativi alle abilità cognitive e al livello delle competenze possedute dagli elettori, e di ricerche sul decision making applicato al contesto elettorale, prestando un’attenzione particolare al panorama italiano. Questo complesso di studi ha consentito di approcciare criticamente quelle teorie che, pur con molteplici sfaccettature, fondano la legittimazione assiologica della democrazia su una presunta capacità dei cittadini di autogovernarsi. L’analisi è stata quindi orientata verso la ricerca di soluzioni istituzionali volte a superare la crisi in modo strutturale. In primo luogo si è esplorata la possibilità di intervenire sul sistema formativo e sulla regolamentazione di quello mediatico, con l’obiettivo di innalzare il livello delle competenze, di incrementare le abilità analitiche, e di migliorare lo stato informativo dei cittadini. Realisticamente, simili interventi si prospettano tuttavia soltanto parzialmente risolutivi rispetto a un fenomeno diffuso, consolidato e persistente come il deficit epistemico che colpisce l’elettorato democratico. Nella seconda parte del lavoro si è quindi rivolto lo sguardo alle teorie elaborate nell’ambito della filosofia politica di orientamento epistocratico, la quale, pur con molte sfumature e diverse declinazioni, propone di ridiscutere la pressoché incondizionata universalità del suffragio caratterizzante le democrazie contemporanee, per sostituirla con forme di selezione dell’elettorato fondate sulla valorizzazione della conoscenza. La scelta di concentrare l’attenzione sulle dottrine epistocratiche discende dal fatto che esse stanno acquistando un ruolo sempre più rilevante nel dibattito scientifico, e configurano uno dei filoni di ricerca attualmente più innovativi (e al contempo più controversi) per l’analisi critica del modello democratico. Si sono quindi esaminate le condizioni giuridiche che un’eventale restrizione del suffragio dovrebbe rispettare per non violare i principî supremi degli ordinamenti democratici, per poi trattare il problema della realizzabilità di queste proposte anche dal punto di vista assiologico. Da ultimo ci si è interrogati se, al di là della legittimità giuridica e della condivisibilità teorica, simili interventi risulterebbero altresì realisticamente concretizzabili nell’attuale contesto socio-politico, ovvero se quest’ultimo imponga di orientare il processo di epistocratizzazione verso soluzioni politicamente meno dirompenti. In particolare, si sono prese in considerazione alcune proposte che, pur mantenendo formalmente inalterato il suffragio universale, potrebbero comunque ridurre per via indiretta l’incidenza dell’ignoranza politica sul processo elettorale.
This work analyzes the crisis faced by contemporary democracies moving from a specific point of view, i.e. the epistemic decline of democratic electorates. In particular, I focused on the gap between low level of information/reasoning ability of the average citizen, and the growing amount of skills he needs to get properly oriented in contemporary society. Therefore, I show that all the main symptoms of the current democratic crisis are strongly correlated with this “epistemic gap”, which has always been a potential problem for democracy, but its effects are nowadays amplified by the social, political and technological context we live in. In order to analyze the features of this epistemic crisis, I used surveys on the relationship between citizens and politics, statistical data on voters’ cognitive skills and studies on voters’ decision-making, focusing in particular on the Italian context. As a result, these studies cast a shadow over many democratic theories that base the axiological legitimacy of democracy on a citizens’ supposed ability to govern themselves. Therefore, I tried to find institutional solutions to overcome the crisis. First of all, I proposed some interventions for improving education and media systems, aimed at increasing competences, analytical skills, and information of citizens. However, a phenomenon as pervasive and entrenched as epistemic deficit cannot be fully solved only by this kind of interventions. Therefore, in the second part of the thesis I considered the theories developed by epistocratic political philosophy, which proposes to rethink universal suffrage and replace it with some kind of knowledge-based electorate selection. I chose to focus on epistocratic doctrines because of the increasingly key role they are acquiring in the contemporary scientific debate: nowadays, they are one of the most innovative (and controversial) line of research in the field of critical analysis of the democratic model. I studied the legal conditions that a suffrage restriction should respect in order not to violate the supreme principles of democratic systems. I then studied the same issue also from an axiological point of view. Lastly, I wondered about the feasibility of these kind of interventions in the current socio-political context. From this point of view, it has emerged it was appropriated to think also of less disruptive solutions in the short-medium term. In particular, I analyzed some reform proposals that could reduce indirectly the incidence of political ignorance on the electoral process, while keeping universal suffrage formally unchanged.
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D'Ascenzo, Fabiana. « La territorialità urbana a Kinshasa ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Padova, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11577/3427363.

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The research aims at a geographical reading of Kinshasa, present capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Its main endeavours are to unveil the basic elements which structure the urban territory and throw light on the relations of those living in the city with those elements, bending them to their needs thus giving them new meanings. The form and evolution of the city are analysed and focused in progressive staged, thus placing Kinshasa within broader space and time frames which both follow and interact with each other. Thus it was necessary to broaden the scope of the research to both national and interafrican context, considering both historical and present times to understand the relations of the capital city, whether existing or missing, with that context. The object of this research consists in discovering the special conditions carried by the social reality here considered and recognizing the different territorialities stratified and interacting in the urban structure. By circumscribing analytically and describing empirically such territorialities the research has identified a "plural territoriality" which characterizes the present urban environment as an implosive result of single territorialities operating in the capital city.
La ricerca propone una lettura geografica della città di Kinshasa, l'odierna capitale della Repubblica Democratica del Congo. Essa cerca di far emergere gli elementi fondamentali che strutturano il territorio urbano e di mettere in evidenza le relazioni che gli abitanti della città intrattengono con tali elementi, piegandoli alle proprie esigenze, aggirandoli, impregnandoli di significati ulteriori. La conformazione e l’evoluzione della città sono analizzate per tappe e focalizzazioni progressive, inserendo Kinshasa all’interno di quadri spaziali più ampi e di cornici temporali che si susseguono ma che pure si intersecano. Si è reso perciò necessario allargare lo sguardo al contesto nazionale e a quello interafricano, sia sul piano storico sia sotto il profilo dell’attualità, tenendo presenti le relazioni della capitale, esistenti o mancate, con tali contesti. L’obiettivo della ricerca consiste nell’individuare le logiche spaziali di cui la realtà sociale presa in considerazione si è fatta portatrice e nel riconoscere le differenti territorialità che si stratificano e interagiscono sul tessuto urbano. Circoscrivendo analiticamente e descrivendo empiricamente queste territorialità, il lavoro di ricerca ha identificato una territorialità plurale che caratterizza l’ambiente urbano odierno come esito implosivo delle singole territorialità operanti nella capitale.
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Tonizzi, Fabio. « Gli ultimi anni del patriarca di venezia Frederico Maria Giovanelli (1796-1800) : la Chiesa veneziana durante la crisi e la fine della repubblica, la municipalità democratica e l'inizio della prima dominazione austriaca / ». Roma : Pontificia università gregoriana, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41169702t.

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Seijas, Villadangos Esther. « Towards a Global Democratic State : crisis and Constitutions ». THĒMIS-Revista de Derecho, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/107305.

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The economic crisis and the phenomenon of globalization have generated such a   great impact on States that it has also had an effect onConstitutional Law, since the attention has beenturned towards the possibilities of constitutional reforms  and the question about the role the Constitutions should play in this scenery.In this context, the author states that the crisis must be seen as an opportunity to reconfigurate the relations between the State and the citizens. She maintains that because of the crisis, paradoxes have been created and made evident, and in the solution of  those  paradoxes  Constitutional Law and the Constitutions of each State can be of valuable help.
La crisis económica y el fenómeno de la globalización han generado un impacto tan grande en los Estados que ello ha repercutido también enel Derecho Constitucional, pues se ha volcado la atención hacia las posibilidades de reforma constitucional y la pregunta sobre cuál es el rol a desempeñar por las Constituciones en este contexto.Ante esta situación, la autora plantea que la crisis debe ser vista como una oportunidad de reconfigurar las relaciones entre el Estado y los ciudadanos. Sostiene que por la crisis se han generado y hecho evidentes paradojas en cuya solución el Derecho Constitucional y las Constituciones de cada Estado pueden ser una valiosa herramienta.
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Myers, Mindy. « Democratic Communication| Lessons from the Flint Water Crisis ». Thesis, Wayne State University, 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10977572.

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This dissertation develops an approach to institutional critique that re-works Porter, Sullivan, Blythe, Grabill, and Miles’ foundational configuration. This project argues that John Dewey’s concept of democratic communication articulated in his debate with Walter Lippmann provides a useful heuristic for developing democratic communicative practices that allow citizens and experts to communicate with one another about technical issues such as water quality and safety. Through an analysis of Michigan’s emergency manager law, the relationship between citizens and experts that exposed the crisis, and the Flint Water Advisory Task Force’s Final Report, this dissertation establishes that citizens must participate in technical decision-making and makes pragmatic suggestions to increase citizens’ meaningful participation. This project concludes with theoretical and pedagogical implications of a participatory institutional critique.

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Stocco, Aaron B. « Predicting Democratic Peace (DP) Breakdown, a new game-theoretic model of democratic crisis behavior ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0023/MQ50575.pdf.

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Cyr, Jennifer Marie. « The political party system and democratic crisis in Bolivia ». FIU Digital Commons, 2005. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2703.

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Using Kenneth Roberts’ (2002) party-society linkages framework, this study examined the reasons for the decline of the political party system in Bolivia after 2000. The political party system that emerged in 1985 was connected to society primarily through clientelist-based linkages. The economic and political model adopted after the transition to democracy severely debilitated the party system’s capacity to forge linkages with society beyond clientelism. Using interviews, survey data, and primary and secondary documents, the study demonstrated that prolonged economic recession and social change revealed the weaknesses of the linkages connecting the political party system with Bolivian society. It concluded that the party system in Bolivia went into decline because it could not adapt to the country’s changing social landscape after 2000. The highly limited nature of clientelist-based linkages in Bolivia suggests that they were ill-suited to withstand economic recession and social crisis.
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Argue, Gregory H. « Policy in the face of crisis, social democratic policy in Saskatchewan ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ49479.pdf.

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GOES, SILVANA BATINI CESAR. « BRAZILIAN CRIMINAL POLICY IN THE DEMOCRATIC CONTEXT : VIEWS OF A CRISIS ». PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2011. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=19351@1.

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A Constituição de 88, elaborada no processo de democratização do Brasil no final da década de 80, estabeleceu matrizes para a formulação de uma política criminal consentânea com o novo quadro democrático. O texto constitucional fornece os eixos desta orientação político-criminal que podem ser resumidos nas seguintes vertentes: as garantias fundamentais de inspiração liberal, a abertura do direito penal para a proteção de bens jurídicos de caráter coletivo e supraindividual e a manutenção do espaço tradicional e histórico de proteção penal. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar de que forma as leis penais produzidas no quadro democrático se orientaram a partir das diretrizes trazidas pela Constituição. Da mesma forma, pretendemos estudar como a interpretação deste direito posto se deu na jurisprudência, especialmente aquela proveniente do STF. Nossa premissa foi a de que o Poder Legislativo encontrou dificuldades em formular uma política criminal racional para o Brasil, neste período, pois ficou no centro de tensões internas e externas, de onde emergiram direções antagônicas e oscilantes. No quadro de crise de racionalidade do sistema de leis penais, intensificou-se o papel do judiciário e especialmente do STF, pendendo para o ativismo judicial, de maneira que as diretrizes político-criminais brasileiras, hoje, vêm sendo ditadas pelo STF. O quadro teórico que se formou como pano de fundo destas tensões institucionais tendeu para um determinado reducionismo. O garantismo penal engloba hoje, no Brasil, boa parte das vertentes críticas do sistema penal, embora sua grade de categorias e princípios seja insuficiente para a readequação da política criminal em moldes mais racionais. Tomando por base os dois atores eleitos - o Legislativo e o STF, estudamos a produção legislativa em matéria penal e a evolução da jurisprudência do Supremo em torno de alguns temas que representam e desdobram os eixos constitucionalmente traçados. Sobre estas trajetórias, buscamos identificar as conexões com o pensamento teórico subjacente. A constatação de que as lacunas de racionalidade do legislador não podem ser supridas satisfatoriamente pelo judiciário em um quadro democrático e que a superação destas deficiências requer escolhas que vão além da adoção do garantismo penal, fizeram com que fossem delineadas algumas propostas políticocriminais e que passam pela revalorização do papel da lei penal e pela recuperação de seus níveis de racionalidade.
Brazilian Constitution of 1988, written in the middle of the democratization process, in the end of 80s, established some axes for the formulation of a criminal policy according to the new scenario. The text of the Constitution gives the directions of this policy, that can be resumed in the following senses: the fundamental guarantees of liberal inspiration; the opening of criminal law for the protection of collective and supraindividual rights, and the maintenance of the traditional and historical profile of criminal law. The work aims to analyze if the laws that were produced in criminal subject, after de democratization of the country, were oriented by the directions brought by Constitution. Equally, we intend to analyze the judicial interpretation of this law, especially by Brazilian Supreme Court – STF. With that in mind, we assumed that Legislature had difficulties in formulating a rational criminal policy to Brazil, during this period, because it stayed in the center of internal and external forces, from which the choices emerged in an antagonic and swinging way. In a situation of crisis of rationality in the law system, judiciary has increased its role, tending to a judicial activism, in a way that we can conclude that criminal policy has been determinated by STF, instead of Legislature. The theories behind this scenario of institutional tensions were reduced to a narrow space. The penal guarantism summarizes great part of the critical positions in Brazil, although its categories and principles don’t satisfy the needs for a new criminal policy in rational frames. Taking into consideration these two elected actors: Legislature and STF, we studied the legislation in penal subject and the evolution of the STF interpretation about some themes which represent the axes determined by Constitution. Over these substract, we tried to identify the connections with the theories behind. The conclusion around the lacks of rationality of Legislature, and moreover, the assumption that these lacks can’t be supplied entirely by Judiciary, without sacrifices in democratic system, as well as the conclusion that the adoption of guarantist standards don’t give us all the possible directions, lead us to outline some proposals on criminal policy, taking into account the necessity of improving the role of penal law, and to recover the levels of rationality.
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Choi, Jungug Œd 1965. « Economic crisis, elite cooperation, and democratic stability : Asia in the late 1990s / ». Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3008303.

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Livres sur le sujet "Crisi democratica"

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Marco, Ramat, Ippolito F, Mannuzzu S, Clementi F, Centro studi e iniziative per la riforma dello Stato (Italy). et Magistratura democratica, dir. Crisi della giurisdizione e crisi della politica : Studi in memoria di Marco Ramat. Milano, Italy : F. Angeli, 1988.

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L'albero che nasconde la foresta : I segreti della (nuova) crisi nella Repubblica democratica del Congo. Torino : L'Harmattan Italia, 2009.

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Uscire dalla seconda Repubblica : Una scuola democratica per superare il trentennio di crisi della politica. Roma : Carocci, 2010.

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L'alternativa liberista in Italia : Crisi di fine secolo, antiprotezionismo e finanza democratica nei liberali radicali (1898-1904). Soveria Mannelli (Catanzaro) : Rubbettino, 2002.

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Cerdas, Dr Rodolfo. El Desencanto Democratico : crisis de partidos y transicion democratica en centroamerica y panama. San Jose : R. Cerdas, 1992.

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Sweetman, Brendan. The Crisis of Democratic Pluralism. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78382-2.

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Andrisani, Gaetano. Epulone e Lazzaro : La crisi dei cattolici democratici. Caserta : [s.n.], 1997.

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Surjeet, Harkishan Singh. Deepening Punjab crisis, a democratic solution. New Delhi : Patriot Publishers, 1992.

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Macartney, Huw. The Debt Crisis and European Democratic Legitimacy. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137298010.

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Doyle, Natalie J., et Sean McMorrow. Marcel Gauchet and the Crisis of Democratic Politics. New York : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003142898.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Crisi democratica"

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Robson, W. A. « Democratic Regional Government ». Dans Local Government in Crisis, 129–34. London : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003273011-31.

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Grieder, Peter. « Crisis, 1977–89 ». Dans The German Democratic Republic, 80–95. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-35686-3_6.

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Bevir, Mark. « Decentering Governance : A Democratic Turn ? » Dans Democracy and Crisis, 25–43. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137326041_2.

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Nef, Jorge, et Bernd Reiter. « Conclusion : The Crisis of Democracy Re-visited ». Dans The Democratic Challenge, 166–70. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-02001-7_10.

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Hopkin, Jonathan. « Party Crisis ». Dans Party Formation and Democratic Transition in Spain, 112–50. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333983362_5.

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De Souza Guilherme, Bettina. « The Double Democratic Deficit ». Dans Financial Crisis Management and Democracy, 75–109. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54895-7_4.

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AbstractThis chapter will sketch how the EU has reacted to the financial crisis and in particular to the unfolding sovereign debt crisis, revealing major flaws in EMU’s architecture. It will not only address these design flaws but attempt to evaluate the underlying causes, reasons and motives of the architects and decision takers by comparing the more “federalist” Werner Plan with the more “intergovernmental” blueprint of the EMU of the Maastricht Treaty, connect it with the paradigm change on economic governance discussed by Schulmeister in Chap. 10.1007/978-3-030-54895-7_2 and show the consequences for the crisis and its management in terms of efficiency, equity and democratic accountability.
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Isakhan, Benjamin, et Steven Slaughter. « Conclusion : The Future of Democratic Governance ». Dans Democracy and Crisis, 253–63. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137326041_13.

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Sweetman, Brendan. « Introduction : Democracy in Crisis ? » Dans The Crisis of Democratic Pluralism, 3–39. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78382-2_1.

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Borkotoky, Dhiraj Kumar. « The crisis within ». Dans Autonomy and Democratic Governance in Northeast India, 163–76. London : Routledge India, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003158417-13.

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Eriksen, Erik Oddvar. « Democratic innovations beyond the state ». Dans The Crisis of the European Union, 199–214. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series : Routledge advances in European politics ; 134 : Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315443683-15.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Crisi democratica"

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Peters, Rob, Koen Smit et Johan Versendaal. « Responsible AI and Power : Investigating the System Level Bureaucrat in the Legal Planning Process ». Dans Digital Support from Crisis to Progressive Change. University of Maribor Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/978-961-286-485-9.43.

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Numerous statements and pamphlets indicate that governments should increase the transparency of ICTimplementations and algorithms in eGovernment services and should encourage democratic control. This paper presents research among civil servants, suppliers and experts who play a role in the automation of spatial policymaking and planning (e.g. environment, building, sound and CO2 regulation, mobility). The case is a major digitalisation programme of that spatial planning in the Netherlands. In this digital transition, the research assumption is that public and political values such as transparency, legitimacy and (perceived) fairness are difficult to validate in the practice of the design process; policy makers tend to lose sight of the algorithms and decision trees designed during the ICT -implementation of eGovernment services. This situation would implicate a power shift towards the system level bureaucrat. i.e., the digitized execution of laws and regulations, thereby threatening democratic control. This also sets the stage for anxiety towards ICT projects and digital bureaucracies. We have investigated perceptions about ‘validation dark spots’ in the design process of the national planning platform that create unintended shifts in decision power in the context of the legal planning process. To identify these validation dark spots, 22 stakeholders were interviewed. The results partially confirm the assumption. Based on the collected data, nine validation dark spots are identified that require more attention and research.
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Панасюк, Олег, et Oleg Panasyuk. « Overcoming the crisis in the legal culture of Russian society and issues of mentoring of young lawyers ». Dans St. Petersburg international Legal forum RD forum video — Rostov-na-Donu. Москва : INFRA-M Academic Publishing LLC., 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/conferencearticle_5a3a6faa783703.51293970.

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The formation and development of civil society is possible only in a legal state where law plays an important and fundamental role. Legal education, the right education and legal culture are inextricably linked, following one from the other, forming an inextricable link concepts. Legal education, the right education and legal culture is the basis of democratic society, without which there is seen the modern world
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Adnani, Ikram. « Political change and the crisis of the nation state in the Arab world ». Dans REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp26-33.

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The Political Change” is one of the concepts which are rooted in the Arab Intellectual Farbric.Recently, it was related to The National State crisis in the Arabic World,especially it had various manifestations such as the weaknesses of the Institutes and the Organs of the the State and its deficit to assert its authority in the all the State( Syria, Lybia, Somalia), its tripping to the State building and conscrate its legimitacy (Egypt) as well as cristallizing a common identity in order to attract higher Loyalty (Liban). The situation in the Arab world, after years of movement, threatens the existence of certain States and also the regimes that have led them to achieve this deteriorating situation, as well as the future of a democratic and unitary State in the context of the current political violence. This study therefore attempts to approach the national state crisis in the Arab world by using anumber of sociological data and some concepts of political anthropology to understand the political and social changes that have affected the Arab world, assuming that the Arab State is experiencing a real crisis and that various political changes, primarily democratic mobility, have not been possible. ""The Arab Spring"" from being transferred to the status of the modern State, the State of institutions based on full citizenship and the guarantee of rights and freedoms. The national State is supposed to be a neutral State, and it must not belong to a particular organ or to the control of a specific party. It is a State for all citizens with different religious, racial and ethnic views. Any change in this equation would be a prelude to an internal explosion among the various components of society, particularly by the most affected groups.
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Munin, Nellie. « The Financial Crisis in the European Union:Legal and Economic Aspects of an Anti-democratic Stabilization Mechanism ». Dans 2014 International Conference on Global Economy, Commerce and Service Science (GECSS-14). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/gecss-14.2014.27.

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Markopoulos, Evangelos, Alexandro Vera Ramirez, Panagiotis Markopoulos et Hannu Vanharanta. « Gamification in a Democratic Pro-Environmental Behaviour Model towards achieving effective ESG corporate strategies. » Dans 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1001512.

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The climate crisis has received high levels of attention from the public and scholars over the last few decades. While the search for solutions involves strict regulations and innovation in clean energy sources, changing individual behaviours towards sustainability could prevent us from reaching a point of no return. Inarguably, there is a need for strong involvement of the public and private sector organizations, changing individual organizational behaviours towards sustainability might foster a great impact in terms of lowering the effects of the climate crisis. In this context, a democratic pro-environmental behaviour (DPEBs) is introduced to enable green behaviours with individual and voluntary actions within organizations that benefit the preservation and recovery of the environment. Recycling, efficient energy consumption, reduction of meat consumption and sustainable transportation are examples of actionable PEBs that need to be fostered to contribute to the reduction of the human impact on climate change.Nevertheless, the adoption of new behaviours is a complex goal that requires the application of mechanisms to address employee intrinsic and extrinsic democratic motivation. In this vein, gamification, as a process that enhances projects and service with affordances for gameful experiences., might provide a viable alternative. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the extent to which gamification is an effective alternative to promote the adoption of democratic pro-environmental behaviours and contribute to the creation of the relative organization culture. The accepted definition of gamification for this paper is the process of enhancing a service with affordances for gameful experiences in order to support user's overall value creation. This marketing perspective approach, has more focus on the effects obtained as a consequence of activating intrinsic and extrinsic motivation through the use of gamified systems rather than the analysis of the characteristics of the game design elements, and the incentives for its practical and actual adaptation and utilization within organizations.A systematic literature review was conducted in order to exclusively retrieve - after a thorough selection process - case studies that evaluated the psychological and behavioural effects of gamified information technology systems. Psychological outcomes are related to intrinsic motivation; in the case of gamification, positive outcomes are described by gameful experience. These, in turn, are categorized in this work according to the motivational need to which they correspond and their adaptation likeness in a corporate context. On the other hand, behavioural outcomes are related to extrinsic motivation; these are the desired pro-environmental behaviours promoted extrinsically with the use of the gamified application.Fifteen studies were analysed in detail, which overall provided positive results regarding gamification’s capability to engage users by appealing to intrinsic motivation and to effectively promote the adoption of extrinsically motivated PEBs. As a result the paper presents a methodological approach and a process model that integrates democratic organizational culture elements that utilize gamification to achieve employee pro-environmental behaviours that can benefit both the economy and the society. Furthermore the proposed model is linked with the ESG criteria as a further incentive for its organization adaptation from theory to practice. The paper also indicates limitations and areas of further research on the proposed model towards green ocean strategies that can maximize its applications and impact.
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Petrov, Vladan. « USTAVNI IDENTITET I VIDOVDANSKI USTAV ». Dans 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.005p.

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With this paper the author completes his analysis of the reference historical constitutions and its influence on the constitutional identity of modern Serbia. Reffering to the effects of constitutional identity "outside" (preservation of state sovereignty) and "inside" (the "core" of the constitution), the author analyzes the functional failures and substantive controversies of the Vidovdan Constitution. Inconsistent normative solutions of this constitution, a deep socio-political crisis and an unresolved national question in the newly created state were an insurmountable obstacle to building the national constitutional identity. However, the symbolism of the date of adoption of the Constitution and the fact that, at least formally, it was the last classical constitution of the liberal-democratic type until the 1990s and the entry into force of the 1990 Serbian Constitution, make the Vidovdan Constitution a reference text for studying the constitutional identity of modern Serbia.
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Makrevska Disoska, Elena, Irena Kikerkova et Katerina Toshevska- Trpchevska. « COVID-19 CHALLENGES FOR EU EXTRA AND INTRA-REGIONAL TRADE ». Dans Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2020.0011.

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The current COVID-19 crisis will take a severe toll upon the world and the EU economy. Exports and imports between member-states account for around 30.6% of EU GDP (average value for the period 2007-2018) and some EU economies are particularly exposed to the crisis due to their strong trade and value chain linkages. The trade with the rest of the world also decreased by mid-March 2020, and Rotterdam’s traffic from China fell for 20% compared to the same period in 2019. This paper estimates the different impact of the intra- EU trade and extra-EU trade on EU GDP growth. By separating extra-EU trade flows from intra-EU trade flows and using cross-section fixed method, panel least squares for the period 2008-2018, we obtained results that confirm that trade exchange within EU has significantly higher effect on per capita economic growth in comparison with trade exchange with countries outside the EU (taking in consideration the sample of EU-27 countries, excluding Great Britain).The findings prove that the current measures proposed by the EU institutions are essential for sustaining the function of the Internal Market and for EU growth prospects. Despite all efforts to remain united against the rising global challenges under the COVID-19 crisis, the Union is growing further apart. The member-states are imposing restrains on the internal trade flows thus jeopardizing the achieved positive effects of trade liberalization. It is certain that the financial crisis from 2008 caused increased Euro scepticism. Therefore differences in national views and priorities must be taken into account in order to reach a democratic compromise within the EU that is going to be both effective and legitimate in order to confront the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemics. The solidarity among member-states is challenged once again.
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Laurinavicius, Antanas, et Algimantas Laurinavicius. « Emigration : a Price of Inequality or a Breach of Social Contract ? » Dans Contemporary Issues in Business, Management and Education. Vilnius Gediminas Technical University, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/cbme.2017.018.

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The society in our country has been struck by the emigration crisis of an unprecedented scope in Europe since World War II. Lithuania also stands out among the EU member states as a state with a particularly low level of trust, whereas the primary institutions of a democratic civil society, i.e. the Government, political parties, and the Parliament, are all at the bottom in the list of institutions ranked according to the level of trust. Although the growth of the average income and assets of the population was truly impressive over the past 20 years, this did not stop emigration neither slowed it down. This means that merely higher income is not enough for people; in fact, happiness is mostly correlated to equality of income (relative wealth) rather than to increase of income (absolute wealth). In the framework mentioned above the article provides a comprehensive analysis of the causes of emigration and suggests effective strategic decisions to stop the emigration using strategic thinking and strategic synthesis methods.
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Engel, Joachim, et Adalbert Wilhelm. « Data and Statistics as basis for political decisions : lessons to be learnt from the COVID-19 pandemic ». Dans IASE 2021 Satellite Conference : Statistics Education in the Era of Data Science. International Association for Statistical Education, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52041/iase.qctta.

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The Covid-19 crisis has impressively raised the general awareness that our social coexistence and political decisions are essentially based on data, the weighing of risks and thus on probability estimates. This places high demands on the ability of health authorities, policy makers and the media to communicate statistical information as well as on the ability of citizens to understand these messages. In this paper we reflect on the role of scientific evidence in democratic societies and analyze selected illustrative examples of communicating evidence via visualizations and simulation, media reports, and expert’s statements. We identify venues and formats of communicating statistical information about the pandemics to the public that seems to be effective contrasting less helpful formats. We conclude by presenting recommendations for stakeholders in politics, media and statistics agencies on how to communicate empirical evidence to the public efficiently, released by the Deutsche Arbeitsgemeinschaft Statistik, an umbrella organization of statistical associations in Germany.
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Giordano, Cassio Cristiano, Fernanda Angelo Pereira et Fabiano dos Santos Souza. « The Importance Of Civic Statistics in the Fight Against Fake News : A Teaching Experience in Brazilian Basic Education ». Dans Bridging the Gap : Empowering and Educating Today’s Learners in Statistics. International Association for Statistical Education, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52041/iase.icots11.t1d1.

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Brazil is going through an institutional crisis, aggravated by the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. The federal government supports their anti-democratic positions by spreading fake news. A recent example was the Brazilian president's speech at the 76th session of the United Nations General Assembly. We present a qualitative research focused on a project-based teaching experience, in view of Civic Statistics. We analyze the confrontation of the data presented in this discourse with information collected from other sources, with the use of rich texts and in the reading and interpretation of dynamic dice, elements of great relevance for the promotion of statistical literacy. Our goal is to highlight the possible contributions of Statistics to understanding and combating the spread of fake news. Brasil atraviesa una crisis institucional, agravada por los efectos de la pandemia de COVID-19. El gobierno federal apoya sus posiciones antidemocráticas difundiendo noticias falsas. Un ejemplo reciente fue el discurso del presidente brasileño en la 76ª sesión de la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas. Presentamos una investigación cualitativa enfocada en una experiencia de enseñanza basada en proyectos, en vista de la Estadística Cívica. Analizamos la confrontación de los datos presentados en este discurso con información recolectada de otras fuentes, con el uso de textos ricos y en la lectura e interpretación de dados dinámicos, elementos de gran relevancia para la promoción de la alfabetización estadística. Nuestro objetivo es destacar las posibles contribuciones de la Estadística para comprender y combatir la difusión de noticias falsas.
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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Crisi democratica"

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Kapriev, Georgi. COVID-19 : Crisis, Social Panic, Religious and Academic Life in Bulgaria. Analogia 17 (2023), mars 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/17-5-kapriev.

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This paper reflects on the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on religious life in Bulgaria, especially in the Orthodox Church, and on the sphere of academic teaching. The picture that emerges against the background of the moderate COVID-19 measures and the non-closure of churches is rather disturbing, given the aggressive attacks by non-believers against ecclesial practice. It testifies to widespread superstition and deep theological ignorance even among those who designate themselves as ‘Orthodox Christians’. The compromise of university education during the COVID-19 panic and the radical changes to the social way of thinking go—as a basis of the perplexity of the social mind—hand in hand with the destruction of the democratic world order by Russia’s war against Ukraine.
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White, William. What Next for the Post Covid Global Economy : Could Negative Supply Shocks Disrupt Other Fragile Systems ? Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, janvier 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp199.

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There is a reasonable likelihood that that the next global economic crisis could threaten the future of democracy. The economic system is a complex, adaptive system (CAS) subject to “tipping points” when underlying stresses lead to crisis. Moreover, the economic system is nested within a number of other CAS; political, environmental and public health among others. Looking forward, recurrent negative supply shocks imply a dangerous future of higher real interest rates and debt distress leading to either deflation (private debt distress) or higher inflation (sovereign debt distress). Such problems could threaten democratic political systems that are already showing signs of significant stress themselves. The paper finishes with some reflections on policy alternatives.
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Tyson, Paul. Australia : Pioneering the New Post-Political Normal in the Bio-Security State. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp10en.

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This paper argues that liberal democratic politics in Australia is in a life-threatening crisis. Australia is on the verge of slipping into a techno-feudal (post-capitalist) and post-political (new Centrist) state of perpetual emergency. Citizens in Australia, be they of the Left or Right, must make an urgent attempt to wrest power from an increasingly non-political Centrism. Within this Centrism, government is deeply captured by the international corporate interests of Big Tech, Big Natural Resources, Big Media, and Big Pharma, as beholden to the economic necessities of the neoliberal world order (Big Finance). Australia now illustrates what the post-political ‘new normal’ of a high-tech enabled bio-security state actually looks like. It may even be that the liberal democratic state is now little more than a legal fiction in Australia. This did not happen over-night, but Australia has been sliding in this direction for the past three decades. The paper outlines that slide and shows how the final bump down (covid) has now positioned Australia as a world leader among post-political bio-security states.
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Wong, Debbie, et Elizabeth Cassity. . Teacher development multi-year studies. Emerging themes : Challenges and enablers. Australian Council for Educational Research, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37517/978-1-74286-675-8.

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The global learning crisis has highlighted the urgent need to improve the quality of education. COVID-19 disruptions have placed even greater focus on the learning improvement agenda, and the need to ensure disadvantaged children are not further left behind. Teacher development, and improving teaching quality, therefore is at the heart of many education systems’ policies and programs. This paper presents some of the key considerations for improving teaching across three countries which are being investigated as part of a multi-year teacher development study series. This study series, commissioned by the Australian Government’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT), involves the investigation of teacher development initiatives in Timor-Leste, Vanuatu and Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Laos). The overall aim of each study is to investigate: To what extent does the Australian investment produce improved teaching quality and improved student learning?
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Marchais, Gauthier, Cyril Brandt, Diego de la Fuente Stevens, Pierre Marion, Jean-Benoît Falisse, Samuel Matabishi, Sweta Gupta et al. BRiCE Project DRC and Niger : Endline Report Teacher Wellbeing and Teaching Quality in Fragile and Conflict-Affected Contexts. Institute of Development Studies, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2022.053.

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This report presents the final results of the Building Resilience in Crisis through Education (BRiCE) research project, which is led by the Institute of Development Studies (IDS) and the Institut Supérieur Pédagogique de Bukavu (ISP Bukavu). The research project is part of the BRiCE education programme funded by the European Commission’s Directorate-General for International Partnerships and led by Save the Children in Niger and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). This report presents the results of the endline evaluation of two components of the BRiCE education programme: Teacher Professional Development (TPD) and Improving Learning Environments Together (ILET). It also presents an in-depth analysis of teacher wellbeing and teaching quality in the regions of Zinder and Diffa in Niger, and the territories Uvira and Fizi in South Kivu province in the DRC. The report summarises the final results of the project regarding the causes and consequences of violence against teachers, and also investigates teacher’s knowledge on how to deal with the effects of violent conflict at school.
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Terzyan, Aram. Belarus in the Wake of a Revolution : Domestic and International Factors. Eurasia Institutes, décembre 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/eea-3-2020.

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This paper explores the political landscape of Belarus in the aftermath of the 2020 presidential elections, with a focus on both domestic and international factors behind the ongoing crisis. Lukashenko’s regime has a long record of sustaining its power by preserving elite unity, controlling elections, and/or using force against opponents. Therefore, massive fraud characterizing the 2020 presidential elections and brutal suppression of peaceful protests in its aftermath came as no surprise. Against this backdrop, the anti-government protests following the presidential elections raised a series of unanswered questions regarding both their domestic and foreign policy implications. The biggest question is whether the Belarusian civil society and opposition will prove powerful enough to overcome state repression and change the status quo in Europe’s “last dictatorship”. Worries remain about the Belarusian opposition’s emphasis on foreign policy continuity, meaning that Belarus is bound to remain in the orbit of the Russian authoritarian influence. The total fiasco of post-Velvet Revolution Armenian government both in terms of domestic and foreign policies, among others, further reveals the excruciating difficulties of a democratic state-building within the Russia-led socio-political order.
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Nietschke, Yung, Anna Dabrowski, Maya Conway et Chaula Pradhika. COVID-19 Education Response Mapping Study : Building Resilience in Lao PDR : Readiness, Response, and Recovery. Australian Council for Educational Research, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.37517/978-1-74286-703-8.

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The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) crisis has caused unprecedented levels of disruption to education systems worldwide. Across the Asia region, it is estimated that around 760 million children were impacted by school closures at the height of the pandemic. Government response strategies have varied across the region, with some countries imposing prolonged school lockdowns while others have had short, repeated closure periods. As countries begin to reopen schools and continue to prepare for subsequent waves of COVID 19 infection, there is a need to develop the greater capability of education systems to safeguard learning and address persistent barriers to learning equality by harnessing the opportunities for systemic change. However, school-based practices and responses that have been effective in supporting the continuity of learning during the COVID-19 pandemic have yet to be well examined, particularly in Asia. This report presents the findings of a document review focused on the Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Lao PDR). This report forms part of a broader study that aims to explore the system and school-level practices that have supported learning continuity in Asia during the pandemic. The report will focus on the practices of policymakers that have the potential to support teaching and learning. Rather than comparing the responses of countries in Asia, this study will identify areas of opportunity and innovations in the system and school policies and programs in Lao PDR and make recommendations for those working to support Lao PDR’s education system.
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Schwartz, William Alexander. The Rise of the Far Right and the Domestication of the War on Terror. Goethe-Universität, Institut für Humangeographie, mars 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/gups.62762.

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Today in the United States, the notion that ‘the rise of the far right’ poses the greatest threat to democratic values, and by extension, to the nation itself, has slowly entered into common sense. The antecedent of this development is the object of our study. Explored through the prism of what we refer to as the domestication of the War on Terror, this publication adopts and updates the theoretical approach first forwarded in Policing the Crisis: Mugging, the State, the Law and Order (Hall et al. 1978). Drawing on this seminal work, a sequence of three disparate media events are explored as they unfold in the United States in mid-2015: the rise of the Trump campaign; the release of an op-ed in The New York Times warning of a rise in right-wing extremsim; and a mass shooting at a historic African American church in Charleston, South Carolina. By the end of 2015, as these disparate events converge into what we call the public face of the rise of the far right phenomenon, we subsequently turn our attention to its origins in policing and the law in the wake of the global War on Terror and the Great Recession. It is only from there, that we turn our attention to the poltical class struggle as expressed in the rise of 'populism' on the one hand, and the domestication of the War on Terror on the other, and in doing so, attempt to situate the role of the rise of the far right phenomenon within it.
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Bano, Masooda, et Daniel Dyonisius. The Role of District-Level Political Elites in Education Planning in Indonesia : Evidence from Two Districts. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), août 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2022/109.

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Focus on decentralisation as a way to improve service delivery has led to significant research on the processes of education-policy adoption and implementation at the district level. Much of this research has, however, focused on understanding the working of the district education bureaucracies and the impact of increased community participation on holding teachers to account. Despite recognition of the role of political elites in prioritising investment in education, studies examining this, especially at the district-government level, are rare. This paper explores the extent and nature of engagement of political elites in setting the education-reform agenda in two districts in the state of West Java in Indonesia: Karawang (urban district) and Purwakarta (rural district). The paper shows that for a country where the state schooling system faces a serious learning crisis, the district-level political elites do show considerable levels of engagement with education issues: governments in both districts under study allocate higher percentages of the district-government budget to education than mandated by the national legislation. However, the attitude of the political elites towards meeting challenges to the provision of good-quality education appears to be opportunistic and tokenistic: policies prioritised are those that promise immediate visibility and credit-taking, help to consolidate the authority of the bupati (the top political position in the district-government hierarchy), and align with the ruling party’s political positioning or ideology. A desire to appease growing community demand for investment in education rather than a commitment to improving learning outcomes seems to guide the process. Faced with public pressure for increased access to formal employment opportunities, the political elites in the urban district have invested in providing scholarships for secondary-school students to ensure secondary school completion, even though the district-government budget is meant for primary and junior secondary schools. The bupati in the rural district, has, on the other hand, prioritised investment in moral education; such prioritisation is in line with the community's preferences, but it is also opportunistic, as increased respect for tradition also preserves reverence for the post of the bupati—a position which was part of the traditional governance system before being absorbed into the modern democratic framework. The paper thus shows that decentralisation is enabling communities to make political elites recognise that they want the state to prioritise education, but that the response of the political elites remains piecemeal, with no evidence of a serious commitment to pursuing policies aimed at improving learning outcomes. Further, the paper shows that the political culture at the district level reproduces the problems associated with Indonesian democracy at the national level: the need for cross-party alliances to hold political office, and resulting pressure to share the spoils. Thus, based on the evidence from the two districts studied for this paper, we find that given the competitive and clientelist nature of political settlements in Indonesia, even the district level political elite do not seem pressured to prioritise policies aimed at improving learning outcomes.
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