Thèses sur le sujet « Crisi del Welfare State »

Il presente elaborato analizza il complesso fenomeno del welfare occupazionale nell’ambito della conclamata crisi del moderno Stato sociale. Dapprima, ci si soffermerà sulla genesi del fenomeno, e, nello specifico, sul mutato contesto istituzionale e sociale da cui esso trae origine: allo studio dei principali modelli di welfare state e alla loro ricostruzione storica, si affiancherà l'osservazione delle possibili concause che hanno determinato, nel tempo, l’insorgere di forme di welfare integrativo, parallele, se non anche alternative, a quelle garantite, in via principale, dallo Stato centrale. Nel prosieguo si darà conto della crescente rilevanza assunta dal welfare occupazionale nel contesto politico e aziendale europeo e nazionale, attraverso l’analisi dei più recenti studi sul tema e dei provvedimenti adottati dal Legislatore italiano e dalle parti sociali nell’ultima stagione di rinnovo contrattuale. Al termine della ricostruzione normativa, si procederà alla lettura del fenomeno secondo tre differenti indirizzi interpretativi, con lo scopo di evidenziare le opportunità e i limiti derivanti dall’adozione di un diverso modello di solidarietà sociale e le sue possibili strategie di sviluppo nei diversi ambiti di applicazione. Sulla scorta di tali considerazioni, infine, si collocherà il fenomeno oggetto di studio nel più ampio processo di “innovazione sociale” che investe, pur con marcate criticità, le società contemporanee avanzate: in tal senso, dall’analisi di esempi virtuosi di collaborazione fra diversi attori istituzionali, pubblici e privati, si giungerà ad affermare l’importanza di inquadrare il welfare occupazionale in sistemi circolari e partecipati di gestione del rischio sociale per la creazione di un benessere diffuso e duraturo, che si sviluppi oltre il perimetro aziendale e con la collaborazione di tutta la comunità.
This study aims to describe the phenomenon of occupational welfare against the backdrop of the crisis and the transformation of the modern Western welfare state. First of all, we will focus on the genesis of the phenomenon, and, specifically, on the emergence of new social risks that have deeply transformed the institutional and social pattern since the Fordist revolution: beside the study of the main welfare state models and their historical reconstruction, we will observe the possible contributing causes that have determined, over time, the gradual retrenchment of welfare state and the rise of different forms of supplementary welfare. Then, we will zoom in on the growing importance of occupational welfare in the European and national political and business context, through the analysis of the most recent studies on the issue and the measures adopted by the Italian legislator and the social partners in the last collective bargaining season. At the end of the normative reconstruction, the phenomenon will be read according to three different interpretative outlooks, with the aim of highlight limits and opportunities deriving from the adoption of a different model of social solidarity and its possible development strategies in the various fields of application. Ultimately, on the basis of these considerations, we will look at the phenomenon under a broader perspective of "social innovation": by this expression, we define the process encompassing socially innovative policies and actions aimed at overcoming poverty and social exclusion, through a reconfiguration of social and political relations. Moving from the analysis of some virtuous examples of dialectical interplay between public and private institutional actors, the paper concludes stating the importance of embedding occupational welfare in a broader circular and participatory systems of social risk management, through which develop and maximize social well-being, even beyond company policies.

The current and social crisis imposes a reflection on the implementation of a new welfare model in order to replace the current structure. This model is not based on public functions only. It needs to take into consideration the family’s value, the profit and non-profit business and, more in general, all the stakeholders. Therefore, a system-based input is required for managing, more efficiently, the ascending demand of new needs. On the other hand, it is crucial to evaluate what would be the cooperation’s role within a context whereby the birth rate, migrating flows and new life expectations will be defining new economic and social balances. It, infact, may represent the key to a renovated and ideal welfare model. Through the comparison of the relationship between cooperation-economic crisis and welfare state model-local welfare policies, this thesis shows up interesting results. Indeed, the cooperative company’s resilience during a high recession period licenses small entrepreneurs to act upon the social and welfare sectors. The cooperatives resilience may be identified with the governance model, that is balancing market logics and social policies.

Aquesta tesi analitza l’impacte de la crisi econòmica en els principals Estats de Benestar Europeus i els canvis introduïts en els sistemes de cures de llarga durada —CLD— d’Anglaterra, Alemanya, Suècia i Espanya. Alhora, aborda les tendències lligades als canvis identificats en cada país entre 2008-2017 en relació a: la contracció-expansió dels sistemes; els processos de reestructuració —remercantilització, contenció de costos i recalibració— i la refamiliarització dels sistemes. L’estratègia metodològica utilitzada és el cross-national i l’estudi de cas dins de la variant casos diferents. S’ha considerat als països triats tipus ideals de Benestar: el Continental; el Liberal; l'Universal i el Mediterrani, segons la classificació d'Esping-Andersen (1990) o autors com Moreno (2001) i Ferrera (1996). L'estudi combina tècniques quantitatives i qualitatives, utilitza bases de dades estadístiques i dades qualitatives primàries i secundàries. Una part important de les dades estadístiques s'han obtingut de les bases de dades estandarditzades de l'OCDE i, en menor mesura, de les bases de dades dels serveis nacionals estadístics dels països estudiats. Per a obtenir les dades qualitatives primàries s’han dut a terme entrevistes semiestructurades a informants clau. Hi ha tres nivells d’anàlisi: el primer explora els canvis en la provisió de servei de CLD; el segon revisa les reformes legislatives i el tercer nivell recull la percepció dels entrevistats quant als canvis i els factors explicatius.
This thesis analyses the impact of the economic crisis in the Welfare Stats across Europe and the changes caused within the long-term care systems of England, Germany, Sweden and Spain. Furthermore, this scrutinises the ensuing tendencies linked to the identified changes in each country within the analysis’ timespan regarding: the system’s contraction-expansion; the restructuring mechanisms (re-commodification, costs’ containment and re-calibration) and the re-familiarisation process. The methodological strategy used in the study is cross-national and the case’s study method within the variant of different cases¨. The chosen countries are considered to be ideal types of each Welfare State: the continental; the liberal; the universal and the Mediterranean, according to the classic categorisation of Esping-Andersen (1990) and other authors like Moreno (2001) and Ferrera (1996). The study combines quantitative and qualitative techniques and uses statistical data as well as primary and secondary qualitative data. A major part of the used statistical data has been obtained by turning to the standardised databases of the OECD and in a minor way, the databases of the statistic national services of the studied countries. In order to obtain the primary qualitative data, the technique of semi-structured interviewing for the key informants has been used. There are also three analysis levels: the first explores the changes within the LTC service provision; the second reviews the legislation modifications within the LTC systems and the third level compiles the perception of these interviewees in terms of these changes and the explaining factors.

Il nuovo ciclo di crisi economica sta riducendo le possibilità da parte dei paesi di sviluppare sistemi di welfare capaci di proteggere i cittadini dai nuovi rischi sociali. Tramite interventi di controllo e monitoraggio dei bilanci nazionali, la Comunità Europea ha infatti avviato una fase di ‘austerità’ che si è diffusa tra i paesi ed ha fortemente ridotto le capacità di quei sistemi caratterizzati da pesanti ritardi nel processo sia di ricalibratura del welfare che di reazione alla crisi economica. E’ il caso dell’Italia, dove il tentativo di armonizzare vecchio e nuovo appare assai complesso e ha piuttosto determinato una copresenza di forme di tutela diversificate: da un lato un welfare di derivazione bismarckiana, caratterizzato da schemi assicurativi di natura occupazionale e dall’altro forme universalistiche, come avviene in ambito sanitario ove dal 1978 è stato introdotto il Servizio Sanitario Nazionale. Il Ssn italiano, che comparato con gli altri paesi europei, si distingue per un livello di spesa relativamente basso, è stato al centro del dibattito politico degli ultimi venti anni proprio in relazione alla sostenibilità dei costi. In questo contesto la regolamentazione e promozione da parte dello stato dei fondi sanitari integrativi, rivolti ai soli lavoratori, sembra indicare la tendenza ad uno sviluppo di un sistema sanitario multipilastro, similmente a come accade in ambito previdenziale.
The new cycle of economic crisis is reducing the possibility for countries to develop welfare systems able to protect its citizens from arising social risks. Through checks and monitoring of national budgets, the European Community has indeed entered a phase of austerity that has spread across countries and has greatly reduced the ability of those systems characterized by long delays in the process both of welfare recalibration and of the economic crisis reaction. It is the case of Italy, where the attempt to harmonize the old and new is very complex and has rather led to a co-presence of different forms of protection: on the one hand, a derivation of the Bismarckian welfare, characterized by employment insurance schemes, and on the other hand more universalistic forms, as it happens in the healthcare, where the National Service of Health has been introduced since 1978. The Italian National Health Service, which compared with other European countries, is characterized by a relatively low level of spending, has been at the center of the political debate of the past twenty years in relation to affordability. In this context, the government regulation and promotion of supplementary health insurances addressed only to the workers seems to point to a development of a multipillar system, similar to as in the welfare sector.

The economic crisis is forcing governments to undertake structural reforms in social security systems. The thesis examines the relationship between market and welfare systems, in the light of recent socio-economic theories, which maintain that a convergence of objectives between social and economic policies is possible, in order to enhance the competitiveness of businesses and increase employment. Based on the comparison with the anti-crisis policies adopted by other Member States and bearing in mind the guidelines of European social policy, in particular as outlined in the Lisbon Strategy for 2020, the research identifies the most important critical points in the existing system of social safety valves in Italy. Taking into account the changes introduced by Act 92 of 2012, the findings indicate a persistent imbalance in Italian welfare policies towards mere subsidy policies , having a character predominantly aid-orientated, notwithstanding the introduction of more stringent qualification parameters- and this as a system of active labour market policies continues to manifests significant shortcomings.

Oggetto della presente tesi è un tentativo di ricostruzione storica degli interventi in campo sociale in Albania attraverso una metodologia fluida e finalizzata a mettere in luce le dinamiche controverse del processo stesso. L’analisi si sviluppa alla luce del paradigma europeo del modello di welfare affermato negli ultimi due secoli, insieme alle sue modifiche e prospettando il futuro nell’articolazione locale secondo il principio della sussidiarietà.
The purpose of this thesis is an attempt to reconstruct the history of interventions in the social sector in Albania through a fluid and methodology aimed at shedding light on the dynamics of the process itself controversial. The analysis is carried out in the light of the paradigm of the European welfare model stated in the last two centuries, together with its amendments and looked forward to the future in the joint local accordance with the principle of subsidiarity.

The main cause of tax fraud in Spain is, in author’s opinion, the educational deficits as individuals. Taxes are not to be just an obligation, he points, but contributing to a morefair society, convinced that requires, as in other areas, a thorough reform of the educationsystem and the recovery of traditional values that our society is suffering a deep crisis. In thissense, the author thinks we must link the estate fraud to educational and cultural deficitsthat Spain suffers, since the crisis of values is what underlies most cases of tax or offenses, ifpreferred, to conduct contrary to law or, without more, antisocial. In this context, the authorindicates it is essential also internalize the culture of spending, since everything is funded by our taxes.
El autor sostiene que la causa principal del fraude fiscal en España es el déficit educativo de las personas. Los impuestos no han de ser tan solo una obligación, señala, sino la contribución a una sociedad más justa, convencimiento que requiere, como en otros ámbitos, una profunda reforma del sistema educativo y la recuperación de los valores tradicionales de los que nuestra sociedad padece una crisis profunda. En este sentido, el autor apunta que se debe vincular las raíces del fraude a los déficit educativos y culturales que España padece, pues esta crisis de valores es la que subyace en la mayoría de los casos de delitos fiscales o, si se prefiere, de las conductas contrarias a derecho o, sin más, antisociales. En ese contexto, indica, es imprescindible interiorizar también la cultura del gasto, ya que todo se financia con nuestros impuestos.

In countries in the developed world, income inequality is increasing, while technological and societal changes open labour market opportunities for women. At the same time they are undergoing an important demographical transition with decreasing fertility and increasing population ageing. All these trends affect the decisions that different generations make over the life-cycle. In this thesis, I investigate the role that these trends play for education, fertility, and pensions. In the second chapter of this thesis, I investigate how income inequality is affecting education attainment. An important difference between countries with low and high levels of social mobility is the extent of upward mobility of children from low income families. This is mainly explained by the probability of high school dropout. I develop a model with three levels of education in which children facing a credit constraint choose which level of education to attain. I find in an empirical exercise that in the U. S. the opportunity cost of education is more important in explaining the high school dropout rate of men than the return on education. The model and the empirical results imply that a policy that reduces the opportunity cost of education and is paid by higher taxation on graduates, reducing the return on education, could decrease dropout rates. In the third chapter, I analyse the decline in fertility in Germany. Decomposing the decline in completed fertility in Germany of the cohorts of women born between 1930 and 1965, I observe two distinct stages: In the first stage the decline in fertility is due to a decrease in intensive fertility (number of children per women with at least one child), whereas in the second stage the decline is due to a decrease in extensive fertility (increase in childlessness). Based on an event study approach, I argue that there are high opportunity cost of having children for women in terms of working time independent of their education level. Based on these findings, I develop an overlapping generations model with childlessness and quantity/quality trade-off driven by the time cost of children. In a calibration exercise, this model is able to generate the decline in intensive fertility as well as the increase in childlessness that I observe in the data with an decrease in the gender wage gap. The forth chapter of my thesis is a joint work with Gianko Michailidis on the effect of population ageing and income inequality on public education and pensions. We developed an overlapping generations model with public and private education, a pay-as-you-go pension system, endogenous fertility, and probabilistic voting on pensions and education spending. In this model, an increase in income inequality increases public education and pensions spending per enrolled student and retiree, respectively, and decreases the participation in public education and fertility. An increase in the share of retirees in the economy decreases the per student spending on public education and pensions, while decreasing the participation in public education and the fertility rate. Empirical evidences from OECD countries confirm our theoretical predictions regarding education spending.

Analisi critica degli ammortizzatori sociali, riformati dalla L. n.92/12 Monti-Fornero, valutati in chiave comparata rispetto alle misure europee. Esame dell'impatto concreto dei nuovi incentivi/disincentivi a livello regionale

La presente ricerca indaga la possibilità di teorizzare un nuovo e differente modello di Welfare per il nostro ordinamento, alla luce delle tendenze evolutive individuate nell’odierno sistema di protezione sociale. Il c.d. “Welfare della persona”, basato su di un pardigma nettamente differente da quello che muove l’attuale sistema di benessere sociale, dovrebbe porsi, quale obiettivo, quello dell’inclusività e dell’investimento sociale, sostenendo la persona anche attraverso la sua partecipazione universale al mercato del lavoro. A tale conclusione si è giunti portando avanti due diversi filoni d’indagine. Il primo ha coinciso con l’analisi della definizione di Welfare State, data dalla letteratura in campo giuridico, economico e sociale e l’individuazione dei principi costituzionali, storici ed emergenti, sottesi al sistema stesso. Il secondo, invece, ha avuto ad oggetto lo studio di una delle tendenze che l’attuale sistema di protezione sociale ha mostrato sempre più di avere nell’ultimo decennio, vale a dire la devoluzione di parte dei suoi compiti di tutela ad enti ed attori privati. Questa propensione è emersa, in modo netto, nel campo del sostegno al reddito, dove la bilateralità e le sue attitudini sono state individuate quali possibili strumenti sistematici per un ampliamento, in chiave universalistica, della tutela approntata dagli ammortizzatori sociali in costanza di rapporto. Sulla base dei risultati emersi, si è proceduto con una ricognizione delle spinte esogene che incidono sull’attuale sistema di protezione sociale, quali sono i cambiamenti demografici, l’evoluzione dei processi tecnologici e la crisi economica, e delle critiche mosse all’attuale modello, da molti definito disorganico e non pienamente rispettoso dei principi di uguaglianza e di solidarietà, al fine di poterci chiedere, se le tendenze dimostrate dal sistema degli ammortizzatori sociali potessero connotare l’intero sistema di di protezione sociale, e in caso affermativo, quali caratteristiche il nuovo modello di Welfare della persona avrebbe dovuto avere per essere in grado di tutelare i cittadini anche contro i c.d. “nuovi rischi sociali”.

Over the last 30 years, European Welfare States have been subjected to a process of transformation within the context of globalization, political and societal changes. This work centers on the legal evolution of the systems of protection against unemployment in Spain, The Netherlands and Germany, three Welfare States which the litterature has classified as originally pertaining to the Conservative model, and analyses those changes from the point of view of de-commodification, within the context of the Europeanization of social policy and the idea of flexicurity. It is argued that those evolutions involve the re-commodification of social rights related to protection against unemployment. The multilevel perspective is reinforced by a study of regional and international social rights instruments as possible basis for the development of legal de-commodification strategies rooted in the understanding of human rights as indivisible rights, which involve the obligation of the States to guarantee sufficient protection of their citizens against the risk of unemployment, along the lines of the idea of “decent unemployment”.

Le nuove tendenze della contrattazione collettiva paiono evidenziare un suo decentramento verso il livello aziendale e territoriale che sta avendo profonde implicazioni sia sul sistema delle relazioni industriali, sia sul welfare state. Nel tentativo di coniugare flessibilità e difesa dell’occupazione, i processi negoziali si stanno caratterizzando per uno scambio tra lavoro e diritti da cui non può che seguire una riconfigurazione dello Stato Sociale e delle metodologie di azione collettiva. La difficoltà oggettiva dello Stato nel fornire risposte concrete ai nuovi bisogni dei suoi cittadini ha spinto alla ricerca di soluzioni alternative basate sulla solidarietà di azienda, o di comparto economico-produttivo, comportando un intervento delle parti sociali nel destinare parti di salario alla copertura dei nuovi rischi. Il welfare integrativo può rappresentare il fondamento di un nuovo patto sociale che valorizzi il rapporto tra capitale e lavoro in ottica partecipativa. La comparazione con il modello britannico, costitutivamente sbilanciato sul livello aziendale, permette una considerazione dell’effetto che tali tendenze potrebbero avere sul sistema italiano. Emergono però le differenze storiche e culturali dei due modelli: mentre in Italia la distribuzione di benefici aggiuntivi a quelli del welfare pubblico per il tramite delle aziende valorizza la dimensione settoriale e territoriale, in Inghilterra l’impresa rimane il luogo privilegiato.
The collective bargaining system is going to experience a decentralization process with the attempt to privilege the company and the district level. This process is having serious consequences for both the industrial relations system and the welfare state. Union is constrained to make concessions, particularly as regards labor flexibility, in order to attain its objectives relating to job security. The result is a reconfiguration of welfare and the decline of collectivism. The necessity of giving a response to the new demands of its citizens has forced the State to find alternative solutions which imply a new kind of solidarity that could be build either on company or on industry level. Trade unions can play a role in this context by providing workers a coverage from the new social risks throughout switching part of the salary to benefits. A form of integrative welfare can represent the foundation of a new social pact in order to reconsider the relation between workers and enterprises in a more cooperative way. The comparison with the British system, where negotiations primarily take place at company level, allow us to consider the possible effects of this new trend on the Italian one. Cultural and historical differences are evident: while in Italy the distribution of additional benefits involve more frequently the industrial and district levels, in Great Britain enterprises are the main actors.

Le nuove tendenze della contrattazione collettiva paiono evidenziare un suo decentramento verso il livello aziendale e territoriale che sta avendo profonde implicazioni sia sul sistema delle relazioni industriali, sia sul welfare state. Nel tentativo di coniugare flessibilità e difesa dell’occupazione, i processi negoziali si stanno caratterizzando per uno scambio tra lavoro e diritti da cui non può che seguire una riconfigurazione dello Stato Sociale e delle metodologie di azione collettiva. La difficoltà oggettiva dello Stato nel fornire risposte concrete ai nuovi bisogni dei suoi cittadini ha spinto alla ricerca di soluzioni alternative basate sulla solidarietà di azienda, o di comparto economico-produttivo, comportando un intervento delle parti sociali nel destinare parti di salario alla copertura dei nuovi rischi. Il welfare integrativo può rappresentare il fondamento di un nuovo patto sociale che valorizzi il rapporto tra capitale e lavoro in ottica partecipativa. La comparazione con il modello britannico, costitutivamente sbilanciato sul livello aziendale, permette una considerazione dell’effetto che tali tendenze potrebbero avere sul sistema italiano. Emergono però le differenze storiche e culturali dei due modelli: mentre in Italia la distribuzione di benefici aggiuntivi a quelli del welfare pubblico per il tramite delle aziende valorizza la dimensione settoriale e territoriale, in Inghilterra l’impresa rimane il luogo privilegiato.
The collective bargaining system is going to experience a decentralization process with the attempt to privilege the company and the district level. This process is having serious consequences for both the industrial relations system and the welfare state. Union is constrained to make concessions, particularly as regards labor flexibility, in order to attain its objectives relating to job security. The result is a reconfiguration of welfare and the decline of collectivism. The necessity of giving a response to the new demands of its citizens has forced the State to find alternative solutions which imply a new kind of solidarity that could be build either on company or on industry level. Trade unions can play a role in this context by providing workers a coverage from the new social risks throughout switching part of the salary to benefits. A form of integrative welfare can represent the foundation of a new social pact in order to reconsider the relation between workers and enterprises in a more cooperative way. The comparison with the British system, where negotiations primarily take place at company level, allow us to consider the possible effects of this new trend on the Italian one. Cultural and historical differences are evident: while in Italy the distribution of additional benefits involve more frequently the industrial and district levels, in Great Britain enterprises are the main actors.

La presente tesi costituisce uno studio di caso sociologico avente come oggetto la Croce Rossa Italiana ed il suo ruolo nella welfare society, alla luce della recente riforma che l’ha trasformata da ente pubblico in Ente del Terzo Settore. Si intende rilevare se gli effetti della riforma (2012), intersecatasi con quella del Terzo Settore (2017), abbiano avuto ricadute prevalentemente positive o piuttosto negative in termini di interesse pubblico, per la CRI, per lo Stato e per la società italiana in generale. Inoltre la tesi ha lo scopo di iniziare ad esplorare un ambito di studi sociologici finora scarsamente considerato. Il lavoro si articola in tre parti. Nella prima il tema della ricerca viene inquadrato teoricamente nell’ambito della sociologia del welfare: si analizzano i modelli sociologici di welfare state, i più recenti indirizzi di politica sociale europei, nonché il ruolo del Terzo Settore nei sistemi di welfare. Nella seconda parte il focus si concentra sull’Ente Croce Rossa, dapprima tramite la disamina delle caratteristiche distintive del Movimento e di alcune delle più importanti Società Nazionali, ed in seguito tramite una ricostruzione della storia della CRI. La terza parte dell’elaborato è dedicata all’esposizione dei risultati della ricerca empirica, nel corso della quale sono state impiegate diverse tecniche di indagine di carattere prevalentemente qualitativo. In particolare: a) l’analisi della documentazione ufficiale della CRI, che ne mette in luce gli aspetti più rilevanti (status giuridico, organizzazione, finanze, personale, obiettivi); b) l’illustrazione ed il commento di venti interviste semi-strutturate rivolte a testimoni privilegiati (dirigenti CRI, rappresentanti di Istituzioni pubbliche, esponenti del Terzo Settore, sociologi esperti di welfare). Le risultanze emerse, seppure non definitive, mostrano un sostanziale esito positivo della riforma: la CRI attualmente è un’organizzazione umanitaria vitale, ben strutturata, al passo coi tempi, benché ostacolata da alcune criticità, di cui si dà conto dettagliatamente nel lavoro.
This thesis is a sociological case study about the Italian Red Cross (IRC) and its role in the welfare society, in light of the recent reform that transformed it from a public body into a Third Sector Body. It is intended to note whether the effects of the reform (2012), intersected with that of the Third Sector (2017), have had mainly positive or rather negative consequences in terms of public interest, for the IRC, for the State and generally for the Italian society. Furthermore, the thesis aims to start exploring a so far rarely considered field of sociological studies. The work is divided into three parts. In the first one, the research topic is theoretically framed within the welfare sociology: the work analyzes the welfare state sociological models, the most recent European social policy guidelines, as well as the Third Sector role in welfare systems. In the second part, the focus is concentrated on the Red Cross Body, first through the examination of the distinctive features of the Movement and of some most important National Societies, and then through a reconstruction of IRC history. The third part of the paper is dedicated to the exposition of the empirical research results, during which various investigation techniques, mainly qualitative, were used. In particular: a) the analysis of IRC official documentation, in order to highlight several structural dimensions (legal status, organization, finances, staff, objectives); b) the illustration and comment of twenty semi-structured interviews addressed to privileged witnesses (IRC executives, public Institutions representatives, Third Sector members, welfare sociologists). The emerged results, although not definitive, show a substantial positive outcome of the reform: the IRC is currently a vital, well structured, up with the times humanitarian organization, although hampered by some critical issues, which are considered in detail in the work.

Aquesta tesi contribueix a la literatura que estudia la moral tributària amb tres estudis organitzats en capítols: El Capítol 1 analitza dos canals a través dels quals l'educació influeix en la moral tributària. Els resultats indiquen que l'educació formal té un impacte positiu en la moral tributària dels individus que són beneficiaris nets del sistema de benestar i un impacte negatiu en la dels que en són contribuents nets. A més, els resultats indiquen que els individus més educats exhibeixen una moral tributària més elevada en països amb una major qualitat dels serveis públics, un sistema impositiu més just i una qualitat institucional més elevada. El Capítol 2 analitza els canals a través dels quals les ideologies influeixen en la moral tributària dels ciutadans. Aquest estudi aconsegueix establir un vincle causal entre ideologia i moral tributària utilitzant variables instrumentals. Els resultats indiquen que la moral tributària disminueix quan la diferència ideològica entre els ciutadans i els governs augmenta, i que els ciutadans situats ideològicament a la dreta del govern exhibeixen una menor moral tributària en comparació als que estan situats a l'esquerra. A més, un canvi de govern de dretes a un govern d'esquerres té un efecte negatiu en la moral tributària. El Capítol 3 analitza si la creença que els immigrants representen una amenaça per a la sostenibilitat de l'estat del benestar afecta la moral tributària. Els resultats revelen nivells més baixos de moral tributària entre els ciutadans que creuen que els immigrants suposen una pressió pel sistema de benestar del seu país. Considerant que les percepcions dels ciutadans no estan relacionades amb els nivells reals d'immigració ni amb el seu impacte econòmic real, els resultats obtinguts suggereixen que la creença que la immigració erosiona el sistema de benestar podria esdevenir una profecia autocomplida.
Esta tesis contribuye a la literatura que estudia la moral tributaria con tres estudios organizados en capítulos: El Capítulo 1 analiza dos canales por los que la educación influye en la moral tributaria. Los resultados indican que la educación formal tiene un impacto positivo en la moral tributaria de los individuos que son beneficiarios netos del sistema de bienestar y un impacto negativo en la de los que son contribuyentes netos. Además, los resultados indican que los individuos más educados exhiben un moral tributaria más elevada en países con una mayor calidad de los servicios públicos, un sistema impositivo más justo y una calidad institucional más elevada. El Capítulo 2 analiza los canales por los que las ideologías influyen en la moral tributaria de los ciudadanos. Este estudio establece un vínculo causal entre ideología y moral tributaria utilizando variables instrumentales. Los resultados indican que la moral tributaria disminuye cuando la diferencia ideológica entre los ciudadanos y el gobierno aumenta, y que los ciudadanos situados ideológicamente a la derecha del gobierno exhiben una menor moral tributaria en comparación a los que están situados a la izquierda. Además, un cambio de gobierno de derechas a uno de izquierdas tiene un efecto negativo en la moral tributaria. El Capítulo 3 analiza si la creencia de que los inmigrantes representan una amenaza para la sostenibilidad del estado de bienestar afecta la moral tributaria. Los resultados revelan niveles más bajos de moral tributaria entre los ciudadanos que creen que los inmigrantes suponen una presión para el sistema de bienestar de su país. Considerando que las percepciones de los ciudadanos no están relacionadas con los niveles reales de inmigración ni de su impacto económico real, los resultados obtenidos sugieren que la creencia de que la inmigración erosiona el sistema de bienestar podría convertirse en una profecía autocumplida.
This thesis contributes to the literature on tax morale with three studies organized in chapters: Given the insights from the psychological and political science literature about the role of education in the formation of social values, Chapter 1 analyzes two channels through which education shapes tax morale. The results indicate that education has a positive impact on tax morale for those individuals that are net beneficiaries of the welfare state, and a negative impact for those that are net contributors. Furthermore, the results indicate that the more highly educated because of their better knowledge on public affairs exhibit higher levels of tax morale in countries that have better quality public services, a fairer tax system and higher quality institutions. Based on the predictions from a theoretical model, Chapter 2 analyzes the channels through which ideological stances influence citizens willingness to pay taxes. A causal link between ideology and tax morale is established by using instrumental variables estimation with heteroskedasticity-based instruments. The results indicate that tax morale decreases with ideological differences between citizens and their governments. Citizens ideologically to the right of the government exhibit a lower willingness to pay taxes than those to the left. Therefore, an electoral change from a right-wing to a left-wing government reduces tax morale, an effect that becomes stronger with public sector size. Finally, Chapter 3 analyzes whether the belief that immigrants represent a threat to welfare sustainability affects citizens' willingness to pay taxes. The results robustly reveal lower levels of tax morale among those citizens who believe that immigrants are a strain on their country's welfare system. Considering that citizens' perceptions are unrelated to real levels of immigration and its real economic impact, the obtained results suggest that the belief that immigration erodes the welfare system could become a self-fulfilling prophecy.

La tesi ha finalità di comprendere la necessità di strumenti come l’ISEE all’interno del nostro ordinamento, con particolare attenzione al sistema delle scale di equivalenza, attraverso l’analisi degli sviluppi del welfare state nel nostro paese

This research analyses from a theoretical, empirical and comparative perspective couples’ decision-making and retirement ages within seven European Union-15 countries belonging to three Welfare State traditions: Social Democratic (Sweden and Denmark), Christian Democratic (Germany and Belgium) and Southern Europe (Spain, Italy and Greece). The fundamental theories and empirical evidence of literature on individual and couples’ retirement is explored in the second and third chapters. A theoretical and empirical analysis is conducted, from a macro institutional approach, on the influence of the four regimes (labour, Welfare State, retirement and gender) on retirement in the three traditions analysed in the fourth chapter. The outcomes indicate that there are three institutional contexts regarding couples’ retirement in Europe where each countries’ tradition shares some characteristics internally, while having, at the same time, differences amongst them. In the last chapter and from this typology, countries are grouped into the three traditions and an econometric micro analysis performed. The outcomes indicate that couples’ retirement ages are conditioned by the spouses’ variables albeit with different intensity, depending on the Welfare State tradition and the institutional context of the analysed countries.
Esta investigación analiza desde una perspectiva teórica, empírica y comparada las decisiones y la edad de jubilación de las parejas en siete países de la Unión Europea-15, pertenecientes a tres tradiciones del Estado de Bienestar: Socialdemócrata (Suecia y Dinamarca) Cristianodemócrata (Alemania y Bélgica) y Sur de Europa (España, Italia, Gracia). En el segundo y tercer capítulo se explora los fundamentos teóricos y la evidencia empírica de la literatura sobre la jubilación individual y jubilación de las parejas. En el cuarto capítulo, a partir de un enfoque macro institucional, se lleva a cabo un análisis teórico y empírico, de la influencia de cuatro regímenes (laboral, Estado del Bienestar, jubilación, género) en la jubilación de las tres tradiciones analizadas. Los resultados indican que existen tres contextos institucionales de jubilación de las parejas en Europa, compartiendo cada tradición de países características similares en su interior y a la vez diferenciándose entre ellas. A partir de esta tipología, en el último capítulo, los países se agrupan en tres tradiciones y se lleva a cabo un análisis micro econométrico. Los resultados indican que la edad de jubilación de las parejas está condicionada por las variables de los cónyuges, aunque con diferente intensidad dependiendo de la tradición del Estado de Bienestar y por el contexto institucional de los países analizados.

La tesi si snoda lungo tre piani di analisi per esaminare i rapporti fra Unione europea e welfare state. Innanzitutto, essa guarda alla CEE come organizzazione sorta principalmente per perseguire l’integrazione economica degli Stati membri senza interferire sulla loro funzione di welfare. Nel ripercorrere l’evoluzione delle competenze sociali dell’Unione europea, la tesi suggerisce come i sussistenti limiti procedurali e sostanziali evidenzino quella logica. In secondo luogo, la tesi ricorre alla categoria di costituzione economica europea al fine di spiegare la limitazione di sovranità cui gli Stati membri sono andati incontro per favorire l’attuazione del principio di libertà economica. Su questa base, vengono enucleati taluni effetti prodotti dalla costituzione economica europea sul welfare state. Un’attenzione particolare è dedicata ai riflessi della costituzione economica in materia pensionistica. Infine, la tesi guarda alle innovazioni apportate dalla Strategia di Lisbona e dal Trattato di Lisbona, con particolare riguardo al rafforzamento del metodo aperto di coordinamento ed all’entrata in vigore della Carta dei diritti fondamentali. In questa luce, si coglie la tendenza all’edificazione di un modello sociale europeo. Avendone discusso genesi e sviluppo, vengono illustrati i suoi tratti distintivi ed i suoi riflessi sulle politiche nazionali di sicurezza sociale e del lavoro.
The thesis examines the relationship between European Union and Welfare State under three different perspectives. Firstly, it looks at the EEC as an organization pursuing economic integration of Member States while not interfering with their welfare function. In tracing the evolution of the social competences of the European Union, it is highlighted how the original logic still underlies the existence of procedural and substantive limits to those competences. Second, the thesis draws on the category of European economic constitution to explain how Member States bounded their sovereignty in order to give full effect to economic freedom. On that basis, the thesis describes some of the inroads made by the European economic constitution into national welfare states, with special attention to its effects on pension systems. Finally, the thesis looks at some of the innovations introduced by the Lisbon Strategy and the Lisbon Treaty, focusing on the strengthening of the Open Method of Co-ordination and the entry into force of the Charter of Fundamental Rights. In this perspective, the thesis captures the emergence of a European social model. Having discussed origins and development of the European social model, its main distinctive features and reflexes on domestic social policies are spelled out.

La tesi si snoda lungo tre piani di analisi per esaminare i rapporti fra Unione europea e welfare state. Innanzitutto, essa guarda alla CEE come organizzazione sorta principalmente per perseguire l’integrazione economica degli Stati membri senza interferire sulla loro funzione di welfare. Nel ripercorrere l’evoluzione delle competenze sociali dell’Unione europea, la tesi suggerisce come i sussistenti limiti procedurali e sostanziali evidenzino quella logica. In secondo luogo, la tesi ricorre alla categoria di costituzione economica europea al fine di spiegare la limitazione di sovranità cui gli Stati membri sono andati incontro per favorire l’attuazione del principio di libertà economica. Su questa base, vengono enucleati taluni effetti prodotti dalla costituzione economica europea sul welfare state. Un’attenzione particolare è dedicata ai riflessi della costituzione economica in materia pensionistica. Infine, la tesi guarda alle innovazioni apportate dalla Strategia di Lisbona e dal Trattato di Lisbona, con particolare riguardo al rafforzamento del metodo aperto di coordinamento ed all’entrata in vigore della Carta dei diritti fondamentali. In questa luce, si coglie la tendenza all’edificazione di un modello sociale europeo. Avendone discusso genesi e sviluppo, vengono illustrati i suoi tratti distintivi ed i suoi riflessi sulle politiche nazionali di sicurezza sociale e del lavoro.
The thesis examines the relationship between European Union and Welfare State under three different perspectives. Firstly, it looks at the EEC as an organization pursuing economic integration of Member States while not interfering with their welfare function. In tracing the evolution of the social competences of the European Union, it is highlighted how the original logic still underlies the existence of procedural and substantive limits to those competences. Second, the thesis draws on the category of European economic constitution to explain how Member States bounded their sovereignty in order to give full effect to economic freedom. On that basis, the thesis describes some of the inroads made by the European economic constitution into national welfare states, with special attention to its effects on pension systems. Finally, the thesis looks at some of the innovations introduced by the Lisbon Strategy and the Lisbon Treaty, focusing on the strengthening of the Open Method of Co-ordination and the entry into force of the Charter of Fundamental Rights. In this perspective, the thesis captures the emergence of a European social model. Having discussed origins and development of the European social model, its main distinctive features and reflexes on domestic social policies are spelled out.

This research enlightens several critical issues emerging from the tension between intra-European mobility and national welfare states. Initially, a broad literature review presents the current academic contributions dealing with the topic from a variety of points of view. Four main disciplines (sociology, economics, political sciences and law) and three levels of analysis (the national, the supra-national and the individual one) are discussed. Subsequently, three empirical chapters provide examples of studies on ‘micro’ data against this ‘macro’ background. In particular, two chapters are dedicated to the debated issue of mobile European citizens’ access to welfare in host member states. The focus is on unemployment, family and housing benefits which present higher rates of receipt among EU citizens and are the most ‘visible’ dimension of welfare. The first study provides also a detailed descriptive overview on the populations of EU citizens across countries, while the second tests the concept of ‘migration neutrality’ over time both intra and inter generations. The use of benefits by EU citizens does not seem to be always connected with their socio-economic profiles, and the first five years of residence come out to be the only relevant threshold to access benefits across all welfare regimes. The last empirical chapter faces a new emerging issue by adopting the point of view of sending countries, that is whether intra-EU mobility is beneficial for intergenerational social mobility. In the case of Romanians, who are the most mobile population in Europe nowadays, the choice to migrate emerges to be detrimental for social mobility, independently from the area of destination. These insights contribute to add evidence to the complex and evolving picture of intra-European mobility, hopefully informing both academics and policy makers.

La connotazione del concetto di mix socio-abitativo è strettamente legata al contesto storico e socio-economico di riferimento, nonché alle specificità nazionali, locali e micro-locali. Negli anni Novanta, il concetto di mix sociale è entrato nell'agenda urbana di molti paesi dell'Europa occidentale nel quadro delle politiche di riqualificazione urbana area-based di contrasto alla segregazione urbana. L’aumento delle disuguaglianze socio-economiche, della segregazione residenziale, delle forme di diversità urbana e del problema dell’affordability nel mercato abitativo, che colpisce gruppi sociali sempre più diversificati, rappresentano alcune delle tendenze principali che caratterizzano le società urbane del XXI secolo. Tali dinamiche offrono l’occasione per studiare la trasformazione dell'idea di mix sociale nell’attuale contesto storico. Ciascuna tendenza assume risvolti specifici a seconda del contesto nazionale e locale di riferimento, anche per effetto dei diversi sistemi abitativi e di welfare. L'obiettivo di questa tesi è comprendere se e come le attuali tendenze e sfide macro-economiche e sociali stanno trasformando la concettualizzazione del mix sociale e comprendere il ruolo giocato dai fattori contestuali, in particolare quelli relativi ai recenti sviluppi dei sistemi abitativi e di welfare, nel determinare similitudini e/o differenze in questo processo di trasformazione. La tesi esamina come la trasformazione dell’idea di mix sociale sta modificando i ruoli, le strategie e la mission di policy-makers e operatori, nonché le interazioni tra inquilini e le loro relazioni con gli stessi operatori. La tesi confronta Italia e Paesi Bassi, due paesi con regimi di welfare e sistemi abitativi differenti. Di fronte all'aumento della domanda di alloggi a prezzi accessibili che riguarda un’utenza sempre più ampia e diversificata, in entrambi i paesi si osserva lo sviluppo di nuovi progetti di edilizia sociale indirizzati ad un mix di diversi gruppi sociali, in particolare tra inquilini “consapevoli” (es. studenti, giovani ecc.) e inquilini “vulnerabili” (es. nuclei socio-economicamente svantaggiati, rifugiati, ecc.). La tesi si basa sull'analisi di casi studio, ovvero due progetti di “Magic Mix”, cioè Startblok Riekerhaven ad Amsterdam e Majella Wonen a Utrecht, e tre progetti di housing sociale, cioè Casa dell'Accoglienza, ViVi Voltri e Ospitalità Solidale nell’area di Milano. Sono state condotte 48 interviste semi-strutturate con operatori, responsabili di progetto, policy-makers e un focus group con inquilini. La tesi contribuisce alla letteratura sul mix sociale, proponendone una nuova concettualizzazione. A differenza della cornice entro cui si innestava l’idea di mix sociale negli anni Novanta, ovvero contrasto alla segregazione residenziale tramite ristrutturazione e diversificazione abitativa di interi quartieri, attualmente l’elemento cardine del mix sociale è la responsabilizzazione individuale. La tesi analizza le strategie volte ad aumentare il grado di responsabilizzazione degli inquilini. Da un lato si tratta di sperimentare approcci innovativi alla gestione abitativa, quali l’autogestione nei Paesi Bassi e la Gestione Sociale in Italia, che implicano nuovi ruoli e obblighi per gli inquilini; dall’altro si introduce un principio di condizionalità tale per cui l’assegnazione degli alloggi sociali avviene a condizione che gli inquilini si impegnino regolarmente in attività di sostegno all'interno del progetto abitativo. La tesi dimostra che l’idoneità a beneficiare delle nuove soluzioni abitative, sviluppate per contrastare il crescente e sempre più diffuso problema della scarsa affordability, comporta anche nuovi obblighi a carico degli inquilini legati al dovere di attivarsi nei confronti della propria comunità di abitanti.
Discourses, values and connotation attached to the concept of social mix in housing studies are strongly shaped by the broad socio-economic and historical context as well as the specifics at national, city, and neighbourhood level. In the 1990s, the notion of social mix entered the housing and urban agenda of many Western European countries in the policy frame of area-based, state-led urban renewal programmes against residential segregation. The 21st century society is characterized by global dynamics and societal trends, such as the growing socio-economic inequalities and residential segregation; the increasing problem of housing affordability affecting a variety of social groups, and the growing urban diversity, which provide new opportunities to reframe the ideal of social mix. Such macro dynamics unfold differently from context to context, due also to the role played by different welfare regimes and housing systems. In this light, the aim of this dissertation is to better understand whether and how contemporary macro trends and societal challenges are reshaping the current framing of social mix, and to provide a better understanding of the role of contextual factors, in particular those related to current developments in welfare and housing systems, in determining different and/or similar patterns of such reframing process. The dissertation specifically looks at how the current framing of social mix is re-shaping housing professionals’ roles, strategies and missions as well as the interactions between tenants and their relationships with professionals. This dissertation compares Italy and the Netherlands, which are characterized by different welfare regimes and housing systems. However, facing rising demand for affordable housing by a widespread and differentiated audience, in both countries policy-makers and practitioners address this emerging need by implementing new social housing projects targeting diverse social groups, which results in a fine-grained social mix between ‘resourceful’ tenants (e.g. students, young households, etc.) and ‘vulnerable’ tenants (e.g. welfare dependents, refugees, etc.). The dissertation is based on case study analysis of two Magic Mix projects, i.e. Startblok Riekerhaven in Amsterdam and Majella Wonen in Utrecht, and three Housing Sociale projects, i.e. Casa dell’Accoglienza, ViVi Voltri and Ospitalità Solidale in Milan and its metropolitan area. Totally, 48 semi-structured interviews with professionals, project managers, policy-makers and one focus group with tenants have been conducted. This dissertation contributes the existing literature on social mix by elaborating a new conceptualization of this notion. While the 1990s-framing of social mix was mainly focused on combating residential segregation at neighbourhood level, central to such new conceptualization of social mix is the promotion of individuals’ self-responsibilisation. The dissertation examines specific strategies that are promoted by professionals to increase tenants’ responsibilities. First, it investigates innovative housing management approaches, e.g. self-management and Social Management, in which tenants’ are assigned wider roles and obligations in the processes of housing management,. Second, it examines the principle of conditionality underling these projects, i.e. allocating social dwellings provided that tenants regularly engage in supportive activities within the housing project. The dissertation shows that the eligibility for new social housing opportunities, which aim to address the widespread problem of affordable housing, entails also new obligations and behavioral patterns for tenants in terms of additional duties towards the community.

Given that business interests have assumed ever-growing importance in welfare state restructuring, and that welfare programmes impose significant costs on firms, when and how can employers decide to actively support the development of contemporary social policy? This thesis shows that specific types of business interest organisation can favour the cooperation of employers for the establishment of new social welfare legislation by mediating between their heterogeneous economic interests and the political target structure, and by governing their collective political mobilisation. Drawing on theories of collective action and neo-corporatist models, the thesis elaborates an original typological framework and assesses it through an historical cross-national study of the role of organised business in the Austrian and Italian severance pay reforms (1990s-2000s). Detail process-tracing and systematic cross-case comparison are used to reconstruct and analyse what motivated and enabled the Austrian business community, but not the Italian one, to decisively promote the use of severance payments for the expansion of supplementary pension funds. Empirically, the thesis finds that differences in the institutional set-up of the national organisation of business interests have shaped divergent governance roles of business in the two countries by making for different organisational capacities of interest coordination and unification on the one hand, and of bargained interest accommodation, on the other. In particular, highly inclusive and cohesive organisational forms of interest representation, like the Austrian ones, have allowed employers’ representatives to contain intra-class interest conflicts and deliver unitary, politically manageable and moderate social policy demands. Moreover, rather stable participation in state regulation (in non-wage policy areas) and high sanction leverage vis-à-vis members have enabled organisational leaders to determine collective social policy goals and strategies quite independently from the short-term interests of employers, and to render organisational decisions binding also for members opposing resistance. In closing, the thesis provides evidence that, even in presence of appropriate institutional arrangements, a remarkable responsibility for building business support for social welfare initiatives rests on the government. Since the latter can bias the contingent conditions of political influence, it can dampen organisations’ cooperative efforts whenever it opts for clientelistic dynamics of policy formation instead of backing the construction of cross-class reform coalitions.

Esta tesis doctoral está basada en la identificación de las desigualdades de género en salud laboral descritas en la literatura científica, así como en el análisis de las desigualdades de género en la población ocupada en España y Europa, y como estas desigualdades se ven influenciadas por la clase social ocupacional, el sector de actividad de la empresa y el estado del bienestar. En primer lugar, se identificaron las desigualdades de género en la exposición a los riesgos laborales derivados de las condiciones de empleo y trabajo, así como de los problemas de salud derivados del trabajo a partir de una revisión sistemática de la literatura científica en distintas bases de datos. En segundo lugar, se analizaron 25 indicadores de desigualdades de género relacionados con las condiciones de empleo, trabajo, conciliación de la vida laboral y la familiar y con los problemas de salud derivados del trabajo. Para ello, se analizó la sexta edición de la Encuesta Nacional de Condiciones de Trabajo de 2007. Igualmente, se exploró como estos 25 indicadores variaban en función de la clase social ocupacional y el sector de actividad de la empresa. Finalmente, se analizó como la clase social ocupacional y el estado del bienestar podrían influir en las desigualdades de género en la exposición a los riesgos psicosociales derivados del trabajo. Para ello, se analizó la cuarta edición de la Encuesta Europea de Condiciones de Trabajo de 2005.
This thesis is based on the identification of gender inequalities in occupational health described in scientific literature, as well as in the analysis of gender inequalities in employed population in Spain and Europe, and how these gender inequalities are influenced by the occupational social class, sector of activity of the company and welfare state regime. Firstly, we identified gender inequalities in exposure to occupational hazards arising from the employment and working conditions, as well as work-related health problems from a systematic review on the scientific literature in different databases. Secondly, we analyzed 25 indicators of gender inequalities related to employment and working conditions, balancing job and family life and work-related health problems. To achieve this objective, we analyzed the sixth edition of the National Survey on Working Conditions from 2007. In addition, we explored how these 25 indicators of gender inequalities varied according to occupational social class and sector of activity of the company. Finally, we analyzed how the welfare state regime and the occupational social class could influence gender inequalities in the exposure to work-related psychosocial hazards. To achieve this objective, we analyzed the fourth edition of the European Survey on Working Conditions from 2005.

El objetivo general de mi tesis doctoral ha sido analizar la inestabilidad laboral y las estrategias de emancipación de los “mileuristas” entre 25 y 34 años de edad en España e Italia. En estos dos países la desregulación del sistema de empleo se ha llevado a cabo sobre todo en los últimos veinte años, con ambivalentes consecuencias sociales y económicas. Los científicos sociales han estudiado la precariedad asimilándola a los efectos negativos de la flexibilidad laboral. Esta flexibilidad se define como situación de inestabilidad e inseguridad porque los trabajadores reciben salarios bajos y tienen escasas tutelas sociales (indemnizaciones, cotizaciones, derechos), limitadas oportunidades para promocionar y fortalecer sus carreras, desarrollando tareas por debajo de su cualificación y encadenando contratos temporales, con fases intermitentes de desempleo involuntario. Los jóvenes representan uno de los grupos sociales más afectados por la flexibilidad laboral en España e Italia, a pesar de su mayor nivel de instrucción formal. Las credenciales formativas facilitan la entrada en el mercado y el mantenimiento de la propia empleabilidad, pero sin la certeza que a la alta cualificación corresponda un trabajo significativo y de calidad. Las problemáticas relativas a las formas en que se desarrolla su emancipación, a pesar de la propia inestabilidad laboral, son elementos que ellos resuelven con diversas posibilidades de reacción y a partir de diferentes circunstancias y prioridades individuales. He matizado estos aspectos en una categoría específica de jóvenes-adultos, los “mileuristas” titulados superiores, que presentan evidentes caracteres de inestabilidad laboral justamente en el cruce de sus itinerarios de autonomía personal e independencia material y residencial de las familias de origen. La denominación de esta categoría ha sido acuñada en la prensa y difundida en los medios de comunicación españoles, pero aún está pendiente de ser analizada de forma sistemática por parte de las ciencias sociales. Mi estudio ha aportado más conocimiento sobre sus condiciones, en términos de sobrecualificación, temporalidad, salarios insuficientes y desprotección. He añadido a la perspectiva de individualización estructurada un enfoque constructivista para interpretar las representaciones del fenómeno investigado tal como los integrantes de mi categoría de análisis lo perciben y lo representan. La precariedad se evidencia para ellos como tensión constante entre riesgos y oportunidades, afectando directamente a su estilo de vida y proyectos personales, de cara a sus estrategias de enclasamiento. Su mayor dificultad es replicar los mínimos de bienestar alcanzados por sus familias, especialmente en el caso de los jóvenes-adultos de clase media residentes en grandes centros urbanos. Estos “mileuristas” evitan sectores marginales del mercado, no suelen tener largas temporadas de desempleo o desarrollar tareas manuales, y sus salarios crecen más de los que son menos cualificados después de por lo menos tres años de haberse licenciado, con menores probabilidades de quedarse en paro. Por otra parte, se han extendido los tiempos para que ellos se estabilicen profesionalmente mientras que sus expectativas de mejora ocupacional y de emancipación no son tan fácilmente realizables. Además, la inflación de las credenciales formativas y la falta de una adecuada sintonía entre la demanda y la oferta de trabajo en sistemas productivos como el italiano y el español -que invierten comparativamente menos en innovación respecto a los demás países de la OCDE y generan escaso empleo de alta cualificación- hacen aún más difícil que puedan rentabilizar su capital humano. Todo ello influye en la prolongación de sus condiciones de semi-dependencia de las familias de origen, o en itinerarios frágiles y caracterizados por la aproximación incierta y discontinua a la estabilidad. Cada “mileurista” que he entrevistado, me ha ayudado a dibujar las distintas facetas de la inestabilidad laboral, matizando las influencias y las transposiciones que ésta manifiesta en sus experiencias directas. Las historias recogidas no agotan las representaciones que los jóvenes pueden tener de este fenómeno y tampoco todas sus consecuencias en España e Italia. Sin embargo, proporcionan herramientas novedosas para explicar y sintetizar distintas expresiones del coste humano y social de la inestabilidad laboral, en un contexto de emancipación caracterizado por nuevos aspectos del familismo y por la constante metamorfosis del trabajo asalariado y de la condición juvenil.
“Employment instability and transitional strategies. The mileuristas young-adults from Barcelona and Rome" Job instability causes many and varied problems for young Spanish adults when they are set to leave home and try to build an independent life. In this tesis we focus on how a sample of 80 “mileuristas” (€1000 gross/month salaried workers), 40 from Barcelona (Spain) and 40 from Rome (Italy), between 25-34 years old perceive and represent job instability, directly from their own experience related to the transition to adulthood process. The main objective is to explore how they confront the risks of job instability, how it influences their job placement, their welfare and future prospects, what kind of flexibility and security they look for in their process of emancipation and independence and what role their families play as the “social shock absorbers” of the negativity provoked by their children’s precarious and insecure work situation. With regard to these issues, one wonders what effects job insecurity has on the lives of young adults? That is: how do they perceive and represent their employment situation? How is the precariousness manifested in their definition of autonomy and independence? What strategies and attitudes develop from the pressures that job insecurity poses to their identities, life courses and social integration? What flexibility and security needs challenge their process of emancipation? What flexibility and security requirements do they set for their emancipation processes? Various studies have coincided in explaining that job insecurity is the principle reason why young Spanish adults delay leaving the family home. With the formulation answers to the questions above we try to enter into an in-depth understanding of the consequences of job insecurity as the manifestation of a complex social phenomenon. For this purpose, the use of qualitative analysis techniques (interviews and life stories), constitute the perfect tool for interpreting the job insecurity of the young adults who are directly living it in their transition towards adulthood.

En este trabajo se construido una serie de gasto social en España, entre 1850 y 2005, que ha permitido obtener una visión de largo plazo sobre la evolución de la política social y situar la experiencia española en el contexto internacional. A partir de esta nueva serie y de la información disponible internacionalmente sobre otros países, se ha analizado econométricamente el impacto de la desigualdad sobre la política social en sus etapas iniciales, esto es en el periodo comprendido entre 1880 y 1933. A continuación se ha analizado el impacto de las dictaduras sobre la política social en los países de la Europa occidental en el periodo comprendido entre 1950 y 1980. Los resultados obtenidos indican que, al contrario de lo que se podría pensar inicialmente, la desigualdad tuvo un impacto negativo sobre las etapas iniciales del desarrollo de la política social. Ello sugiere que los países con más desigualdad se encontraban en una especie de trampa de la desigualdad, en el sentido de que elevados niveles de desigualdad inicial se vieron reforzados por políticas menos redistributivas. En lo que se refiere al impacto de las dictaduras, los resultados indican que, al contrario de lo que se desprende de algunos trabajos recientes, los gobiernos no democráticos tuvieron un impacto negativo sobre los niveles de gasto social y además financiaron la política social de forma menos redistributiva, fundamentalmente vía contribuciones sociales que no implicaban redistribución vía impuestos.

The arrhythmogenic right ventricular cardiomyopathy is a primitive disease caused by defects of the genes coding the proteins that keep the cardiomyocites jointed at cellular junctions (desmosomal disease), and it is characterized by the presence of structural alterations (fibrofatty infiltration with areas of surviving myocytes, typically located at the angles of the “triangle of dysplasia” at the infero-apical and infundibular walls) and functional alterations of the right ventricle, with related electric instability and ventricular arrhythmias, to the point of ventricle fibrillation, with a risk of sudden death. In fact, the development of fibrofatty scans, either diffused or regional, with adipose fibers replacement and dilation of the right ventricle, promotes the appearance of re-entry circuits which are the origin of ventricular arrhythmias. ARVC is a hereditary disease genetically determined, with dominant autosomic transmission, and with incomplete penetration. After carrying out a complete review of modern techniques used to evaluate cardiac function, the research focuses on the specific aspects of the disease from a forensic medicine perspective with particular emphasis – due to the disposition of the disease – on two basic tests: echocardiography and cardiovascular magnetic resonance (CMR). With regards to the forensic medicine aspects, and taking into consideration that the disease is one of the main causes of sudden cardiac death (SCD) in young athletes, prime aspects of medical professionals’ responsibility due to lack of a diagnosis of the disease are investigated, as well as the lack of prophylaxis of a malignant arrhythmia with implantable cardioverter defibrillator (ICD). Moreover, since effort is a possible trigger for ventricular arrhythmias in subjects affected by ARVC, possible responsibilities of physicians issuing certificates of sporting fitness are considered. Lastly, dealing with a pathology that affects primarily youth and frequently generates damages that have to be evaluated in a welfare context (“Social Medicine”), exact evaluation methods of the disability derived by such pathology are proposed (and this is just the most innovative aspect, since there are no other works of this kind in literature) for the two most important Italian health care and social security areas: the civil disability and INPS disability, and disability retirement
La cardiomiopatia aritmogena del ventricolo destro è una malattia primitiva del miocardio dovuta a difetti dei geni che codificano per le proteine che tengono adesi i cardiomiociti a livello delle giunzioni intercellulari (malattia del desmosoma), caratterizzata dalla presenza di alterazioni strutturali (atrofia miocardica progressiva con perdita dei miociti e sostituzione fibro-adiposa con aree in cui i miociti sono conservati, tipicamente localizzati nel “triangolo della displasia” a livello delle pareti infero-apicale e infundibolare) e funzionali del ventricolo destro, con instabilità elettrica e aritmie ipercinetiche ventricolari, anche maggiori, a rischio di morte improvvisa. Infatti, lo sviluppo di atrofia miocardica progressiva diffusa o segmentaria con sostituzione fibro-adiposa e dilatazione del ventricolo destro favorisce la comparsa di circuiti di rientro che sono all’origine delle aritmie ventricolari. La CAVD è una malattia ereditaria geneticamente determinata, a trasmissione autosomica dominante, a penetranza incompleta. Dopo avere fatto una rassegna completa delle moderne tecniche strumentali di valutazione della funzionalità cardiaca, soffermandosi soprattutto – stante la particolarità della malattia – su due esami fondamentali: l’ecocardiogramma e la risonanza magnetica cardiaca, la ricerca prende in esame gli aspetti peculiari della malattia dal punto di vista medico legale. Per quanto riguarda gli aspetti medico-legali, trattandosi di una delle cause principali di morte cardiaca improvvisa (SCD) nei giovani sportivi, si esaminano anzitutto gli aspetti di responsabilità professionale medica dovuta alla mancata diagnosi della malattia e alla mancata profilassi delle aritmie maligne mediante impianto di defibrillatore (ICD). Inoltre, poiché lo sforzo è uno dei trigger che possono determinare destabilizzazione del ritmo nei soggetti affetti da ARVC, si discute sulle eventuali responsabilità dei medici che rilasciano idoneità sportive. Infine, trattandosi di una patologia che interessa soprattutto l’età giovanile e che non infrequentemente determina un danno a persona da valutare in ambito di medicina sociale, si fanno (e questo è probabilmente l’aspetto più innovativo del lavoro, poiché in letteratura non esistono altre pubblicazioni su questo argomento) precise proposte di valutazione della menomazione derivata da tale patologia nei due più importanti ambiti assistenziali e previdenziali italiani: l’invalidità civile e l’invalidità pensionabile Inps.

La tesis realiza una aproximación al sistema organizativo y competencial de los servios sociales de la Cataluña de la postcrisis, a través del modelo de prestación territorial que desde la perspectiva local pone en el centro de gravedad del sistema a la persona. La primera parte se centra en el análisis del marco jurídico internacional, estatal y nacional que configuran el verdadero derecho a los servicios sociales para las ciudadanas y los ciudadanos de Cataluña, en una situación económica y social de postcrisis. Asimismo, se estudia con exhaustividad la distribución de competencias materiales y funcionales en el ámbito de los servicios sociales entre la administración de la Generalitat y los en locales. La segunda parte analiza la arquitectura pública prestacional catalana, donde los entes locales resultan la unidad imprescindible para desarrollar los servicios sociales, en virtud de los principios de universalidad, proximidad y descentralización, consagrados en la Ley 12/2007 de servicios sociales. Esta ley establece el acceso a los servicios sociales para todas las ciudadanas y todos los ciudadanos, lo que podemos interpretar como el nacimiento de un nuevo derecho social. Asimismo, se hace una aproximación a la legislación sectorial con implicaciones para los servicios sociales locales. En la tercera, y última parte, se hace una crítica fundamentada al sistema político y económico de nuestra sociedad, y de su funcionamiento contradictorio. Un sistema que lejos de resultar inclusivo, expulsa a una parte de la ciudadanía, para abocarla a la marginación o la exclusión social, en vez de desplegar políticas valientes para poder erradicar estas situaciones.
La tesi realitza una aproximació al sistema organitzatiu i competencial dels serbis socials de la Catalunya de la postcrisi, a través del model de prestació territorial que des de la perspectiva local posa en el centre de gravetat del sistema a la persona. La primera part se centra en l'anàlisi del marc jurídic internacional, estatal i nacional que configuren el veritable dret als serveis socials per a les ciutadanes i els ciutadans de Catalunya, en una situació econòmica i social de postcrisi. Així mateix, s'estudia amb exhaustivitat la distribució de competències materials i funcionals en l'àmbit dels serveis socials entre l'administració de la Generalitat i els en locals. La segona part analitza l'arquitectura pública prestacional catalana, on els ens locals resulten la unitat imprescindible per a desenvolupar els serveis socials, en virtut dels principis d'universalitat, proximitat i descentralització, consagrats en la Llei 12/2007 de serveis socials. Aquesta llei estableix l'accés als serveis socials per a totes les ciutadanes i tots els ciutadans, la qual cosa podem interpretar com el naixement d'un nou dret social. Així mateix, es fa una aproximació a la legislació sectorial amb implicacions per als serveis socials locals. En la tercera, i última part, es fa una crítica fonamentada al sistema polític i econòmic de la nostra societat, i del seu funcionament contradictori. Un sistema que lluny de resultar inclusiu, expulsa a una part de la ciutadania, per a abocar-la a la marginació o l'exclusió social, en comptes de desplegar polítiques valentes per a poder erradicar aquestes situacions.
The thesis approaches the organizational and competence system in postcrisis Catalonia's social services, through the territorial service model that, from the local perspective, puts the person in the center of gravity of the system. The first part of the thesis focuses on the analysis of the international, state and national legal framework that shapes the true right to social services for the citizens of Catalonia, in a post-crisis economic and social situation. Likewise, the distribution of material and functional competencies in the area of social services between the administration of the Generalitat and the local authorities is studied in detail. The second part analyses the Catalan public service architecture, in which local entities are the essential unit for developing social services, by virtue of the principles of universality, proximity and decentralisation, as enshrined in Law 12/2007 on social services. This law establishes access to social services for all citizens, which can interpret as the rise of a new social right. It also provides an approximation to the sectoral legislation with implications for local social services. In the third part, a well-founded criticism is made of the political and economic system of our society, and of its contradictory functioning. A system that, far from being inclusive, expels a part of the citizenry, in order to marginalize or socially exclude them, instead of deploying courageous policies to eradicate these situations.

Esta tesis doctoral examina las repercusiones de la llamada "Gran Depresión" de finales del siglo XIX sobre la sociedad rural catalana a partir del análisis del que puede ser visto como uno de los síntomas más característicos de cualquier crisis agraria: la pérdida de derechos de propiedad sobre la tierra o sobre otros inmuebles de carácter rural como consecuencia de reclamaciones de deudas, promovidas por particulares o por el Estado, que culminaron en subasta pública.
El trabajo ha sido dividido en dos secciones. En la primera se analiza la desposesión causada por procedimientos ejecutivos impulsados por la Administración de Hacienda por impuestos impagados. En la segunda se ha estudiado la actividad judicial que concluyó en subasta pública de bienes inmuebles, y se han mostrado sus relaciones con la situación agraria, especialmente en los sectores del trigo y de la vid.
This Doctoral Thesis examines the repercussions of the Great Depression of end of the 19th century on the Catalan rural society from the analysis of the one that can be seen as one of the most characteristic symptoms of any agrarian crisis: the loss of property rights on the land or on other real estate of rural nature as a consequence of claims of debts carried out by individuals or by the State that culminated in public auctions.The work has been divided in two sections. In the first, the dispossession because of administrative executive procedures by unpaid taxes that took place in Catalonia in this period is analysed. In the second, we have studied the judicial activity that finished in public auction of real estate goods and we tried to relate it to the agrarian situation, especially in the wheat and the wine sectors.

Desde los inicios de los Ayuntamientos democráticos en abril de 1979, los gobiernos locales han venido prestando un número creciente de servicios públicos y contribuido a la consecución de las finalidades del Estado social y a la consolidación de los sistemas locales de bienestar. La tesis revisa la legislación local y los efectos de la Ley de racionalización y sostenibilidad de la Administración Local de 2013, aprobada para adaptar el subsistema local a las exigencias de estabilidad presupuestaria y sostenibilidad financiera, y constata el desapoderamiento competencial de los municipios y el debilitamiento de su posición institucional, pese a lo cual los actores locales muestran su resiliencia en la defensa de la prestación de los servicios públicos que les son propios. Sin negar el interés del debate sobre la disyuntiva de optar por la gestión directa o indirecta, se centra en el análisis teórico y empírico de esta última, plasmada en el contrato de gestión de servicios públicos (CGSP), con sus diferentes modalidades, partiendo de la idea de que lo realmente esencial para el Estado social es el mantenimiento del concepto de servicio público. A partir de la obligada transposición de las Directivas Comunitarias 2014/23 y 24/UE, se aborda la gestión contractual de los servicios públicos en el vigente Texto refundido de la Ley de Contratos del Sector Público de diciembre de 2011 y en el Anteproyecto de la nueva Ley de Contratos de Sector Público de octubre de 2015 (ALCSP). Analiza la propuesta del Anteproyecto sobre la desaparición del CGSP, articulada a partir de la sujeción a la concesión de la explotación de servicios públicos en que se transfiera el riesgo operacional al contratista, y la subsunción en el contrato de servicios de aquellos en que no se produzca tal transferencia. Como alternativa a esta subsunción se plantea el mantenimiento del CGSP, en sus modalidades de gestión interesada, concierto y sociedad de economía mixta, y reintroduciendo, de lege ferenda, el arrendamiento, incorporando las exigencias sobre publicidad comunitaria, recurso especial de contratación y demás de la Directiva 24, y actualizando un régimen jurídico que conserva su unidad, imprescindible para garantizar los derechos de los usuarios y la continuidad y regularidad de los servicios públicos en el marco del Estado social. La tesis se cierra con el estudio del efecto directo de las Directivas comunitarias, consecuencia de su falta de transposición antes de la fecha límite de abril de 2016, en un período transitorio de incierta duración. El ALCSP de octubre de 2015 llegó a ser dictaminado por el Consejo de Estado (marzo de 2016), que apreció objeciones esenciales en su planteamiento de la dicotomía entre la concesión de servicios y el contrato de servicios, acogiendo argumentos avanzados en las alegaciones que presenté al Anteproyecto de abril de 2015 y en el artículo que publiqué en octubre siguiente. Sin embargo, el ALCSP no ha podido ser tramitado como proyecto de ley ante las Cortes Generales al hallarse el Gobierno en funciones y no resolverse la investidura gubernamental tras las dos citas electorales de diciembre de 2015 y junio de 2016, lo que, al cierre de esta tesis a inicios de septiembre de 2016, deja abierta la cuestión, a cuyo debate espera contribuir.
Des dels inicis dels Ajuntaments democràtics a l'abril de 1979, els governs locals han prestat un nombre creixent de serveis públics i contribuït a la consecució de les finalitats de l'Estat social i la consolidació dels sistemes locals de benestar. La tesi revisa la legislació local i els efectes de la Llei de racionalització i sostenibilitat de l'Administració Local de 2013, aprovada per adaptar el subsistema local a les exigències d'estabilitat pressupostària i sostenibilitat financera, i constata el desapoderament competencial dels municipis i el debilitament de la seva posició institucional, malgrat la qual cosa els actors locals mostren la seva resiliència en la defensa de la prestació dels serveis públics que els són propis. Sense negar l'interès del debat sobre la disjuntiva d'optar per la gestió directa o indirecta, se centra en l'anàlisi teòrica i empírica d'aquesta última, plasmada en el contracte de gestió de serveis públics (CGSP), amb les seves diferents modalitats, partint de la idea que allò realment essencial per a l'Estat social és el manteniment del concepte de servei públic. A partir de l'obligada transposició de les Directives Comunitàries 2014/23 i 24/UE, s'aborda la gestió contractual dels serveis públics en el vigent Text refós de la Llei de Contractes del Sector Públic de desembre de 2011 i en l'Avantprojecte de la nova Llei de Contractes de Sector Públic d'octubre de 2015 (ALCSP). Analitza la proposta de l'Avantprojecte sobre la desaparició del CGSP, articulada a partir de la subjecció a la concessió de l'explotació de serveis públics en què es transfereixi el risc operacional al contractista, i la subsumpció en el contracte de serveis d'aquells en què no es produeixi aquesta transferència. Com a alternativa a aquesta subsumpció es planteja el manteniment del CGSP, en les seves modalitats de gestió interessada, concert i societat d'economia mixta, i reintroduint, de lege ferenda, l'arrendament, incorporant les exigències sobre publicitat comunitària, recurs especial de contractació i altres de la Directiva 24, i actualitzant un règim jurídic que conserva la seva unitat, imprescindible per garantir els drets dels usuaris i la continuïtat i regularitat dels serveis públics en el marc de l'Estat social. La tesi es tanca amb l'estudi de l'efecte directe de les Directives comunitàries, conseqüència de la seva falta de transposició abans de la data límit d'abril de 2016, en un període transitori d'incerta durada. L’ALCSP d'octubre de 2015 va arribar a ser dictaminat pel Consell d'Estat (març de 2016), que va apreciar objeccions essencials en el seu plantejament de la dicotomia entre la concessió de serveis i el contracte de serveis, acollint arguments avançats en les al·legacions que vaig presentar a l'Avantprojecte d'abril de 2015 i en l'article que vaig publicar a l'octubre següent. No obstant això, el ALCSP no ha pogut ser tramitat com a projecte de llei davant les Corts Generals en trobar-se el Govern en funcions i no resoldre’s la investidura governamental després de les dues cites electorals de desembre de 2015 i juny de 2016, el que, al tancament d'aquesta tesi a inicis de setembre de 2016, deixa oberta la qüestió, al debat de la qual espera contribuir.

The study has made an attempt to review the legal framework concerning the insurance coverage enjoyed primarily by youth; pointing out some legal gaps in terms of safeguards arising from precarious youth employment. A first conclusion is that those engaged on flexible forms of work are in need of further social protection; since they are not granted the same safeguards as workers in standard or salaried employment; or in apprenticeships; as the survey pointed out. In the normal run of things; a modern and efficient welfare system should also consider the historical developments and be reviewed accordingly; in order to offer protection and meet the expectations of younger generations. Yet this is not always the case; for the investigation revealed that among developed countries; Italy is the one with the highest distribution rate of resources allocated to older generations; thus penalising the new ones. Relevant statistics point to a kind of “intergenerational” liability concerning the distribution of costs for the solutions adopted; and argue in favour of those who see youth as the victims of far than straightforward moves in the past. The last section of the survey investigates supplementary retirement schemes and partial pensions; initiatives which; albeit not new; are not widely widespread within our national welfare system. Research highlights that there are not pre-established solutions to ensure adequate retirement schemes to youth. Yet on the basis of legal opinion and good practices; it is possible to pinpoint most effective measures to review the Italian social system and deal with possible social risks. Only in this way is it possible to restore equity and provide the same opportunities in terms of welfare to this category of people.

Reputable international organisations, such as OECD and ECLAC have revealed that although the tools actually do exist to tackle inequality, policy-makers have not been able to undertake effective policies to face this phenomenon (ECLAC, 2012) (OECD, 2011). Also a new team of researchers, led by Dani Rodrik, have created a network named Economics for Inclusive Prosperity (ECONFIP). In their introductory brief, they claim that the economy is not only the foundation of the market, but it should serve for the inclusive prosperity of all, not only for the top 1% (Rodrik, Naidu & Zucman; 2019). This ECONFIP group take some of their institutional approaches from Karl Polanyi, namely the double movement and embeddedness: “crucial markets (e.g. the “fictitious commodities” of labour, land, and capital) must be embedded in non-market institutions, the “rules of the game” supplied by government” (Rodrik, Naidu & Zucman; 2019: 6). Also, Kate Raworth (2018: 171) takes a multidimensional approach by delving into the correlation of income inequality with health - life expectancy – as well as education levels. Two very different approaches of welfare state policies from Brazil and Germany are taken to study their impact on income inequality from 1990 to 2016. On the one hand the (a) Corporatist-welfare model, represented by Germany, and on the other hand; the (b) hybrid between a Residual and Universal model according to the Esping-Ansersen (1990) classification, as undertaken by Brazil. Both have been proven to possess advantages and drawbacks regarding their impact on income inequality. This study goes in line with the literature that describe the welfare state models in emerging countries and more specifically, Latin American countries. The most known welfare state classifications from Titmuss (1974) to Esping Andersen (1990) are mainly focused on European countries. However, Latin American countries have not been the object of welfare state classifications until recently when Julianna Martinez (2007) has undertaken one of the most comprehensive study regarding Latin American welfare state classifications (Ubasart-González & Minteguiaga, 2017). On the one hand, for the quantitative study, Germany and Brazil represent the cases of this longitudinal comparative study, which are analysed from 1990 to 2016, or the latest data available depending on the source of the database. The dependency relation between the explanatory variables together with the control is tested through a multiple linear regression. This statistical model is commonly used to test the relationship between two or more explanatory variables and a response variable by fitting a linear equation to observed data. On the other hand, the descriptive study attempts to give an explanation for the results of the empirical study by analysing the following elements: the direction of social expenditure (how to spend the social budget) and the finance of this social budget (who contributes to the welfare state). Social expenditure allocations are divided and analysed through a longitudinal study from the early 1990s to the mid-2010s to understand the modifications in the social expenditure function in both countries. Afterwards, the different components of the social budget are classified from a sociological perspective following the so-called welfare classification of Esping-Andersen (1990). This descriptive analysis frames the results of this study within the current debates about the different outcomes of a welfare model in one and another socioeconomic context, especially within the discussions between less developed and OECD countries. The conclusions of the thesis show that social contract plays an important role in reducing income inequality. In developing countries (Brazil) the focus on social assistance policies may help at first to bring people from the informal to the formal social contract. However, once most of the population work in formality conditions, welfare states policies become more complex and its power its more limited due to the existence of stronger forces that affect the strength of the formal labour market (dualization in the case of Germany).

In this article, the author presents the theme of the historical evolution of Labour Law, analyzing the most important milestones in which it develops. Firstly, he addresses the regulation of work in the preindustrial era; then, the emergence of Labour Law as a result of historical and social factors; and finally, its evolution throughout the twentieth and twenty-first century, concluding that this development has come to be circular.
En el presente artículo, el autor abarca el tema de la evolución histórica del Derecho del Trabajo, analizando los hitos más importantes en los que se desarrolla. En primer lugar, aborda la regulación del trabajo en la época preindustrial; a continuación, el surgimiento del Derecho del Trabajo a consecuencia de factores histórico-sociales; y, finalmente, su evolución a lo largo del siglo XX y XXI, concluyendo que esta evolución ha terminado por ser circular.

Universal basic income (UBI) is becoming an increasingly salient policy alternative to reform the welfare state. Defined as a universal, unconditional and periodical cash payment made to all of the population on an individual basis, regardless of socio- economic conditions, working status or ability, the idea of a UBI has moved from being considered a radical utopia, to an increasingly attractive policy proposal to tackle the various challenges that current welfare institutions are unequipped to address, like the rising labour automation, changing labour market demands, exacerbating income insecurity, changing socio-demographic structure of the population and crucially, the lasting and severe socio-economic consequences of the covid-19 pandemic. Despite the growing saliency and the promising effects of such an alternative, we know little about the politics of this proposal, and even less, about the public support for this policy idea. Existing accounts of public opinion support for UBI consistently show that the traits of individuals matter to explain support for this policy (Chrisp, Pulkka and Rincón, 2020; Roosma and van Oorschot, 2020; Vlandas, 2020), and so does the specificities of policy design (Dermont and Stadelmann-steffen, 2019). Yet, existing work raises more puzzles than answers. One of the critical questions that current research is unable to dilucidate is what particular characteristics of UBI make this policy more or less attractive in relation to other policy alternatives. A second important paradox that existing studies in the field have raised concerns the fact that the predictors of UBI support are the same as those of targeted instruments and conditional transfers, or general support for redistribution. This landscape shows a hazy picture of UBI support, which complicates understanding who the coalition of UBI supporters are, and what these levels of UBI support are really showing. In this context, the key objective of this thesis is to understand the determinants of public opinion support for UBI. Building on the work of multidimensional attitudes to the welfare state, I begin by exploring the effects of policy design on support for UBI. Theoretically, I build on welfare and political psychology work of deservingness heuristics to explain why individuals should be discouraged by UBI’s key attributes of universality and unconditionality. Aside from this recent focus on policy design, recurring accounts of UBI and welfare preferences point to material self-interest and value-laden motivations to explain support for specific policies. I explore under which conditions these factors moderate support for different UBI characteristics. In line with much previous research I find that left-wing ideology is a common predictor of support for universality, albeit these individuals still prefer means-tested benefits over universal cash transfers. A novel finding is that I show for the first time that the effect of ideology on support for universality is conditional on the UBI model proposed. Those on the right, boost its support for universality significantly if UBI is proposed as a mechanism to replace the core of universal welfare. Strikingly, I find that material variables do not have an effect on support for UBI. This contexts naturally gives rise to the question of who really support and prefers a UBI over other policy alternatives? I propose an argument that can account for this question and reconcile some important paradoxes of preferences, like the left-wing division over the desirability of this proposal. I contend, and show that, individuals do not have homogeneous perceptions about which polices are more redistributive, and these beliefs together with redistribution preferences shape support for universal cash transfers. The core coalition of supporters are those who favour redistribution and perceive universality to be a more effective design for cash transfers. Because preferences do not exist in a vacuum and are sensitive to the debates taking place, I examine the impact of information on preferences. Contrary to previous work, I show that neither scientific evidence nor belief-congruent information has an impact on attention or support for policy proposals. Prior beliefs per se however, do determine these dynamics, showing that the coalition of supporters for UBI has a higher predisposition to access any type of information on UBI. All in all, this dissertation has unveiled important dynamics of UBI support and reconciled several literatures in the field, settling some of the paradoxical findings delivered by previous work. Altogether, the conclusions derived from this dissertation have important implications to the study of welfare preferences and the politics of welfare reform.
La renta básica universal (RBU) se está convirtiendo en una alternativa política cada vez más destacada para reformar el Estado del bienestar. Se suele definir como un ingreso universal, incondicional y periódico que realizado a toda la población de forma individual, independientemente de las condiciones socioeconómicas, la situación laboral o la capacidad individual para trabajar y contribuir en la sociedad. La idea de una RBU ha pasado de ser considerada una utopía radical a una propuesta política cada vez más atractiva para hacer frente a los diversos retos que los actuales estados de bienestar no están preparadas para abordar. Los estudios existentes en materia de opinión pública respecto a la RBU muestran sistemáticamente que los rasgos de los individuos son importantes para explicar el apoyo a esta política (Chrisp, Pulkka y Rincón, 2020; Roosma y van Oorschot, 2020; Vlandas, 2020), así como las especificidades del diseño de esta política (Dermont y Stadelmann- steffen, 2019). Sin embargo, la literatura desarrollada en esta materia presenta más enigmas que respuestas. Una de las cuestiones fundamentales que la investigación actual no puede dilucidar es qué características particulares de una RBU hacen que esta política sea más o menos atractiva en relación con otras alternativas. Este contexto da lugar a la pregunta de ¿quién apoya y prefiere una RBU sobre otras alternativas políticas? Propongo un argumento que puede dar cuenta de esta cuestión y reconciliar algunas importantes paradojas de las preferencias, como la división de la izquierda en el apoyo a la RBU. Sostengo, y demuestro, que los individuos no tienen percepciones homogéneas sobre qué políticas son más redistributivas, y que estas creencias, junto con el apoyo a la redistribución, determinan el apoyo a las transferencias monetarias universales. Así, estos resultados indican que el núcleo de la coalición de apoyo de la RBU no son ni de izquierdas ni con bajos ingresos –como se demuestra en estudios anteriores- sino que son personas que están a favor de la redistribución y perciben que las políticas universales son más eficientes para reducir las desigualdades económicas. En definitiva, esta tesis ha desvelado importantes dinámicas de apoyo a la RBU y ha reconciliado varias literaturas en este campo de investigación, resolviendo algunas de las conclusiones paradójicas aportadas por trabajos anteriores. En conjunto, las conclusiones derivadas de esta tesis tienen importantes implicaciones para el estudio de las preferencias hacia la reforma del estado de bienestar y al proceso político de esta reforma.
La renda bàsica universal (RBU) s'està convertint en una alternativa política cada vegada més destacada per a reformar l'Estat del benestar. Se sol definir com un ingrés universal, incondicional i periòdic que realitzat a tota la població de manera individual, independentment de les condicions socioeconòmiques, la situació laboral o la capacitat individual per a treballar i contribuir en la societat. La idea d'una RBU ha passat de ser considerada una utopia radical a una proposta política cada vegada més atractiva per a fer front als diversos reptes que els actuals estats de benestar no estan preparades per a abordar. Aquests reptes inclouen la creixent automatització de l'ocupació, amb les seves diverses conseqüències en el mercat laboral, com la desocupació tecnològica o els canvis en la demanda de l'ocupació, la creixent inseguretat econòmica, la canviant estructura sociodemogràfica de la població –amb una major població anciana i descens de naixements- i, sobretot, les duradores i greus conseqüències socioeconòmiques derivades de la pandèmia de la covid-19. Malgrat la creixent notorietat i els efectes prometedors d'una RBU, sabem poc sobre la política d'aquesta proposta, i encara menys, sobre el suport públic a aquesta idea. Els estudis existents en matèria d'opinió pública respecte a la RBU mostren sistemàticament que els trets dels individus són importants per a explicar el suport a aquesta política (Chrisp, Pulkka i Rincón, 2020; Roosma i van Oorschot, 2020; Vlandas, 2020), així com les especificitats del disseny d'aquesta política (Dermont i Stadelmann- *steffen, 2019). No obstant això, la literatura desenvolupada en aquesta matèria presenta més enigmes que respostes. Una de les qüestions fonamentals que la recerca actual no pot dilucidar és quines característiques particulars d'una RBU fan que aquesta política sigui més o menys atractiva en relació amb altres alternatives. Una segona paradoxa que plantegen els estudis existents en aquest camp concerneix els determinants del suport a la RBU; aquests són els mateixos que els d'altres polítiques i ingressos condicionats, i també els del suport a la redistribució. Aquest panorama planteja una sèrie de preguntes, com quina és la coalició de suport d'una RBU i què mostren realment aquests nivells de suport a la RBU. En aquest context, l'objectiu d'aquesta tesi és comprendre els determinants del suport de l'opinió pública a la RBU. Basant-me en el treball de les actituds multidimensionals cap a l'estat del benestar, començo explorant els efectes del disseny de les polítiques sobre el suport al RBU. Sostinc, i demostro, que els individus no tenen percepcions homogènies sobre quines polítiques són més redistributives, i que aquestes creences, juntament amb el suport a la redistribució, determinen el suport a les transferències monetàries universals. Així, aquests resultats indiquen que el nucli de la coalició de suport de la RBU no són ni d'esquerres ni amb baixos ingressos –com es demostra en estudis anteriors- sinó que són persones que estan a favor de la redistribució i perceben que les polítiques universals són més eficients per a reduir les desigualtats econòmiques. En definitiva, aquesta tesi ha revelat importants dinàmiques de suport a la RBU i ha reconciliat diverses literatures en aquest camp de recerca, resolent algunes de les conclusions paradoxals aportades per treballs anteriors. En conjunt, les conclusions derivades d'aquesta tesi tenen importants implicacions per a l'estudi de les preferències cap a la reforma de l'estat de benestar i al procés polític d'aquesta reforma.

La ricerca prende l’abbrivio dalla constatazione della crescente importanza acquisita, nel panorama delle fonti penalistiche, dal fenomeno dell’autonormazione: prodotto del diritto penale post-moderno consistente nell’autoimposizione, da parte dei destinatari stessi della norma, di precetti comportamentali in chiave criminal-preventiva. Oltre al ruolo ambivalente del principio di legalità penale (effetto e causa, al contempo, del fenomeno qui preso in considerazione), l’interesse del penalista per l’approfondimento scientifico del fenomeno è sollecitato dal potenziale che quest’ultimo rivela come alternativa (sostitutiva o integrata) rispetto al diritto penale. Il primo capitolo è dedicato alla ricostruzione delle cause che hanno dato origine al fenomeno, all’uopo ripartite in due macro-categorie: (i) le cause di ordine generale, per l’enucleazione delle quali è stata condotta una ricerca che spazia nelle materie sociologiche, economiche e giusfilosofiche; (ii) le cause di natura giuridica, che sono state investigate considerando sia le manifestazioni comuni all’intero ordinamento giuridico, sia quelle specifiche della penalistica, in cui la crisi del principio della riserva di legge e il declino del diritto penale classico assumono un’importanza cruciale. Nel secondo capitolo, il focus dell’analisi si concentra sulla dimensione strutturale del paradigma autonormativo per come emerso nelle sue principali manifestazioni e nelle concettualizzazioni teoriche maturate soprattutto grazie all’approfondimento riservato al fenomeno della Self-Regulation dagli studiosi di area anglosassone. La paradigmatica dell’autonormazione viene scrutinata tanto nelle sue singole componenti costitutive statiche, quanto nei suoi moti dinamici come strategia regolatoria all’interno dell’ordinamento. La ricerca si sposta nel terzo capitolo dalla struttura alla funzione, con l’obiettivo di ricavare i criteri di politica-criminale strumentali all’impiego dell’autonormazione nel sistema penale. A tal fine, sono state esplorate le possibili relazioni interordinamentali di raccordo tra sistemi autonormativi e ordinamento statale, applicando una metodologia mutuata dall’impostazione di Santi Romano ma ambientata sul terreno del diritto penale e delle sue alternative. Nel quarto capitolo l’indagine si rivolge verso i più eminenti esempi di autonormazione manifestatisi nell’ordinamento italiano: i modelli organizzativi ex D. Lgs. 231 del 2001; i piani per la prevenzione della corruzione nella P.A.; le linee guida medico-chirurgiche per lo svolgimento delle attività sanitaria. Oltre a una disamina ricognitiva della disciplina di questi sub-sistemi normativi, i tre banchi di prova vengono scandagliati in chiave struttural-funzionalistica alla luce dei criteri di analisi illustrati nel secondo capitolo e ricavati nel terzo. Il capitolo 5 chiude il lavoro proiettando i risultati delle ricerche sul piano della teoria del reato, per verificare quale impatto abbia/possa avere l’autonormazione sulla dogmatica. Dopo aver passato in rassegna le possibili ricadute sulle diverse categorie penalistiche, la chiosa finale valorizza il potenziale del diritto riflessivo come candidato ideale per la concretizzazione della clausola di extrema ratio in materia penale. L’uso dell’autonormazione come strumento alternativo rispetto al diritto penale viene ritenuto, infatti, il profilo applicativo più promettente e degno di essere ulteriormente esplorato.
One of the crucial challenges of Criminal Law in the new millennium is to deal with the complexity of contemporary society. The traditional approach based on the State monopoly on criminal matters keeps abreast no longer with the scientific-technological sophistication and the rate of changes in criminal behavior in the era of globalization. In this scenario, we witness the rise of Self-Regulation as an auxiliary tool of crime prevention, whose main goal is to fill the vacuum and to compensate for the rapid obsolescence of state legislation. Compliance Programs, Anti-Bribery Plans, Clinical Guidelines are some of the elements of a diverse constellation of cases in which preventive measures, behavioral rules, surveillance, and sanctions are issued and enforced by a legislator who coincides with the recipient, and which is often a private actor. Nevertheless, the ambivalence of Self-Regulation lies in the fact that – in the face of some positive externalities promised – this paradigm could jeopardize some of the fundamental principles of Criminal Law. The aim of this work is to provide a critical analysis of such phenomenon in order to verify the compatibility of Self-Regulation with the Rule of Law and to assess its efficacy in deterring and detecting misconducts.

En un contexto de envejecimiento de la población activa y de implantación de medidas de retraso de la jubilación, la presente tesis estudia la relación entre las condiciones de empleo a través de las trayectorias laborales y la salida prematura del mercado de trabajo por incapacidad permanente (IP). La IP es un fenómeno que pone en crisis la sostenibilidad del sistema de protección social y debilita el mercado de trabajo. Los resultados, basados en el análisis de la Muestra Continua de Vidas Laborales (MCVL), muestran que factores como la ocupación y las características de las trayectorias laborales en términos de flexibilidad e inseguridad influyen en el abandono definitivo de la vida laboral activa. Las categorías de trabajadores no cualificadas (en especial las manuales) y las trayectorias laborales caracterizadas por una alta inseguridad y una alta flexibilidad, presentan en mayor medida un abandono prematuro del mercado de trabajo, medido en términos de Años Potenciales de Vida laboral perdidos (APVLP). Sin embargo, hemos observado que en términos de estos APVLP, las trayectorias caracterizadas por una alta flexibilidad, compensada con una baja inseguridad, suponen un retraso en la salida prematura del mercado de trabajo por IP. Una política de relaciones laborales que favorezca la flexiseguridad puede ayudar a retrasar la salida prematura del mercado de trabajo.
In a context of active population ageing and implementation of policies to postpone retirement, this thesis examines the relationship between employment conditions through labor market trajectories and early retirement due to permanent disability (PD). This phenomenon puts a strain on the sustainability of the social protection system and weakens the labor market. Results based on the Continuous Working Life Sample (CWLS) show that factors, as the occupation and labor market trajectories characteristics in terms of flexibility and insecurity, influence on the definitive cessation of active working life. Non qualified occupational categories (especially manual categories) and those labor market trajectories characterized by high insecurity and high flexibility show to a greatest extent an early retirement measured by potential years of working life lost (PYWLL). However, we have observed that in terms of these PYWLL, labor market trajectories characterized by high flexibility, compensated by low insecurity, involve a delay in the early retirement due to PD. Labor relations policies that promote flexicurity can help to delay early retirement from the labor market.

Defence date: 28 February 2002
Examining board: Prof. Y. Mény (Istituto Universitario Europeo) ; Prof. M. Rhodes (Istituto Universitario Europeo) ; Prof. M. Ferrera (Università di Pavia) ; Dott. G. Bonoli (Università di Friburgo)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

This dissertation examines the creation and consolidation of Mexico’s segmented system of welfare provision between and the consequences it had for the people who relied on it for basic medical and economic benefits. The Instituto Mexicano del Seguro Social (IMSS), founded in 1943, was responsible for the welfare of formal workers and their families through the provision of general healthcare and pensions in the case of accident, disability, illness, old-age or death. Publicly, Mexican authorities voiced the expectation that, one breadwinner at a time, IMSS would soon become nearly universal. By using IMSS historical sources, statistics, and general population censuses, this dissertation argues that the National Security Institute’s design, which relied on contributions from salaried workers in stable employment relationships, made this project unlikely. The result was that most of the country’s population had to resort to the Secretaría de Salubridad y Asistencia (SSA) for medical and social services; these, however, had been planned to become marginal vis-à-vis an expanding IMSS, and were therefore chronically underfunded and overcrowded, and ill-prepared to tend for the majority of the country’s population. Moreover, as an examination of cases who received social assistance from the SSA during the 1960s show, the services provided by this institution were, unlike those of IMSS, temporary, conditional and often stigmatizing, introducing long-standing inequalities in the social and economic rights that different sectors of the Mexican population could access.