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1
Gambale, Piero. « The Environment and its Protection as Fundamental Principle of the Italian Constitution : A Constitutional Innovation that Looks to Future Generations ? » Gdańskie Studia Prawnicze, no 4(56)/2022 (15 décembre 2022) : 111–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/gsp.2022.4.09.
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This article deals with two innovative aspects of Italian Constitutional Law. Firstly, the revision made by constitutional law no. 1/2022 that introduced (in art. 9 and 41 of the Italian Constitution) the principle according to which the Republic protects the environment, biodiversity, and ecosystems in the interest of future generations. Secondly, this article points out a recent trend in the constitutional reform process in Italy, particularly in the XVIII Legislature, that constitutional reforms are increasingly being implemented through specific/sectoral amendments. Apart from characterizing the indicated innovations, I also draw attention to their minor systemic consequences.
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Kholodkovskii, K. « Failure of the Constitutional Reform in Italy ». World Economy and International Relations 61, no 6 (2017) : 41–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2017-61-6-41-47.
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Faro, Sebastiano. « Italy – New Perspectives in Administrative and Constitutional Reform ». European Public Law 3, Issue 4 (1 décembre 1997) : 501–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro1997047.
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Romboli, Roberto. « La reducción del número de parlamentarios y la propuesta de reforma del sistema de elección del Consejo Superior de la Magistratura en Italia ». Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no 47 (29 avril 2021) : 265. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.47.2021.30718.
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El ensayo analiza la reciente reforma constitucional llevada a cabo en Italia que ha reducido significativamente el número de parlamentarios y el proyecto de ley del Gobierno con el que se pretende reformar el sistema de elección de los miembros del Consejo Superior de la Magistratura. En relación con la primera cuestión, trata de reconstruirse la tramitación seguida para la aprobación de la ley de reforma constitucional, el referéndum constitucional de septiembre de 2020 y las razones que la han motivado. A tal objeto, se reproduce, en síntesis, el debate mantenido entre la doctrina constitucionalista durante la campaña electoral del referéndum, y se indican las adaptaciones normativas que deben hacerse para implementar la reforma. Por lo que respecta a la propuesta de reforma del sistema de elección del CSM, se analizan las razones y el contenido del proyecto de ley y los aspectos que podrían afectar al modelo de CSM definido en la Constitución.The essay analyses the recent constitutional reform in Italy that has significantly reduced the number of parliamentarians. It also focuses on the Government bill which aims to reform the electoral system of the High Council of the Judiciary’s members. Regarding the first question, the essay reviews the process followed for the approval of the reform law, the constitutional referendum of September 2020 and the reasons which inspired the reform. To this end, it reproduces, briefly, the debate held by the constitutional doctrine during the referendum’s electoral campaign, and the regulatory changes that must be made to implement the reform are indicated. On the other hand, regarding the proposed reform of the CSM’s electoral system, the reasons and content of the bill are analysed as well as the aspects that could affect the CSM’s constitutional design.
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Mangione, Gariella. « The European Dimension to the Constitution of the Republic of Italy ». Comparative Law Review 28 (13 décembre 2022) : 411–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/clr.2022.014.
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Italy was one of the countries that signed the Treaty of Rome in 1957, which created the European Economic Community. Despite initial resistance and the numerous difficulties encountered during subsequent years, the choice to commit to Europe was widely shared, becoming irreversibly embedded in the national consciousness. However, whilst other legal systems chose at various stages of their European journey to amend their constitutions by incorporating a European clause, this never happened in Italy. Italy did not change its Constitution as a result of joining the European Economic Community, and has not done so subsequently after becoming part of the European Union with the Maastricht Treaty, following the adoption of the Treaty of Lisbon, nor indeed at any subsequent stage in the process of European integration. It was only in 2001, with the reform of Title V of the Constitution involving changes in the allocation of powers between the state, the regions, and the local authorities, that the expression “Community law” was incorporated into the Constitution. Given the absence of a European clause, the relationship between the Italian Constitution and Europe has been shaped by the Constitutional Court. First and foremost, it interpreted Article 11 of the Constitution, which lays down a generic clause intended to enable the exercise of sovereign powers by international organizations, in such a manner as to bring the European project within its scope. The Constitutional Court developed its case law in its subsequent decisions, even though progress was at times hardfought, and in some cases marked by contradictions; Italy’s cohabitation with Europe was undoubtedly welcome, but this did not mean that it was painless.
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Dudaeva, Marina V. « Historical and Political Analysis of the Decentralization Process in Italy ». Russian Journal of Legal Studies (Moscow) 8, no 1 (27 mai 2021) : 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls64467.
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The author of the article examines the peculiarities of the Italian political space through a retrospective analysis of that countrys longstanding decentralization process. As a starting point, the author takes the end of the Risorgimento era, during which the national liberation movement of the Italian people united against foreign domination of their fragmented nation. A periodization of the decentralization process is given, indicating its main milestones: 1) the establishment of the Kingdom of Italy (1815 to 1871); 2) the Fascist regime (1922 to 1943); 3) adoption of the Italian Constitution and the Statutes of the Special Regions (1947); 4) regional reform (1970) and; 5) constitutional reform (2001). The key criteria for assessing the degree of decentralization in Italy are considered, including whether the regions have the right to adopt their own laws, initiate legislation at the central level, and participate in international activities. The author concludes that the Italian political elite has succeeded in decentralizing the republic and building a new regional policy based on the principles of subsidiarity. The reforms of the political and legal institutional design were mainly related to the delineation of the spheres of competence between the state and the regions, the consolidation of autonomous status for all regions, the abolition of the government commissioner, and the challenge of regional legislation exclusively by the Constitutional Court, creating the basis for the quasi-federal features of the Italian political and legal system. Thus, it is natural to say that Italy belongs to a special transit form of state structure of the regionalist type, located at the juncture between unitarianism and federalism.
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Donovan, Mark. « Political leadership in Italy : towards a plebiscitary democracy ? » Modern Italy 3, no 02 (novembre 1998) : 281–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949808454810.
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SummaryFollowing the collapse of the ‘First Republic’, political leadership has become both more technocratic and more charismatic. Constitutional reform of a presidential type, which would reinforce this dual trend, has come near to being effected. This paper argues that organizational changes in the main political parties bring them close to being able to participate in such a system. It also argues that a plebiscitary form of constitutional democracy, namely some form of presidentialism, could reinforce the consolidation of the nascent two-bloc party system. Finally, it argues that a political system based on two competitive party blocs could be of great benefit to the Italian polity.
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Fusaro, Carlo. « The Politics of Constitutional Reform in Italy : A Framework for Analysis ». South European Society and Politics 3, no 2 (juin 1998) : 45–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608740308539537.
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Ferrari, Erminio. « Planning, Building and Environmental Law After the Recent Italian Devolution ». European Public Law 8, Issue 3 (1 septembre 2002) : 357–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/5095463.
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In this article, Professor Erminio Ferrari examines the impact of the recent Italian devolution on the system of building and planning regulation in Italy. These recent developments have taken place in the context of a constitutional reform which has altered the nature of devolved government in Italy. However, the revision failed to attend to many matters of detail, with consequential problems for interpretation and application.
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Martinelli, Alberto. « Italy : Weak State, Strong Society ». Tocqueville Review 22, no 1 (janvier 2001) : 105–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.22.1.105.
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The first constitution of the Italian nation state was the Statuto Albertino granted by Carlo Alberto in 1848 on the wave of democratic reforms in Europe to his kingdom of Piedmont, and later extended to all of Italy after the independence war of 1859-60. The Statuto provided for a constitutional monarchy and a parliamentary* democracy. It recognized fundamental rights of citizens. But it was authoritarian with respect to the powers of the head of the state and it did not prevent the Fascist dictatorship in the period between the two world wars.
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Martinico, Giuseppe. « Between Mimetism and Parasitism : Italian Populism in a Comparative Perspective ». European Public Law 26, Issue 4 (1 décembre 2020) : 921–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2020071.
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This article explores the relationship between constitutionalism and populism with particular attention paid to the Italian case. This piece is divided into two parts. In Part I it will be argued that the relationship between populism and constitutionalism should not be seen in terms of mutual exclusion and perfect opposition. Indeed, it is possible to say that populism frequently relies on concepts and categories belonging to the language of constitutionalism (majority, democracy, people), trying to reshape them and offering in this way a sort of constitutional counter-narrative. In this sense, the populist approach to constitutional categories can be described in light of two concepts: mimetism and parasitism. In Part II, I shall focus on the referendum, which is an instrument frequently used by populists and currently object of a problematic constitutional reform proposal advanced by the MoVimento 5 Stelle. As we will see this reform risks affecting the constitutional balance between powers in Italy. Populism, mimetism, parasitism, post – WWII constitutionalism, referendum
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Urbaniak, Monika. « Devolution in the Italian Healthcare System. The Role of Regions in Organizing Healthcare after 2001 ». Barometr Regionalny. Analizy i Prognozy 12, no 1 (9 juin 2014) : 89–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.56583/br.1080.
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A very important act reforming healthcare in Italy was the Act of 23 December 1978, which initiated devolution of competence in the matter of healthcare, with the transfer of administrative and legislative functions in this field to regions. As a result of this reform, Italy underwent a transfer from the insurance model of healthcare financing to the model of national healthcare service. Other changes concerning, first of all, the form of the regional state and broadening regional autonomy were introduced by the Constitutional Act No. 3 of 18 October 2001, amending Title V of the Constitution and concerning the status of regions, provinces and communes. As a result of these reforms, it is regions that currently represent the most important level of administration between the central government and communes. The main result of the process of federalism is how the regions were granted authority to allocate owned funds in the healthcare system in the manner that they consider most appropriate for funding basic levels of services (LEA) in their territory, as well as the management of the organization of healthcare in their local area in the way that meets the requirements of the population living there.
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Blokker, Paul. « Constitutional Resistance in Populist Times ». Federal Law Review 48, no 4 (10 septembre 2020) : 511–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x20955102.
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The article departs from the discussion of constitutional mobilisation—the ‘process by which social actors employ constitutional norms and discourses to advocate for constitutional change’ 1 —to introduce the concept of constitutional resistance—the public invocation of constitutional norms and principles, in defence of a distinctive view of constitutionalism, in opposition to governing or reform action by the authorities. Constitutional mobilisation and resistance are theorized on an interdisciplinary and conceptual basis, suggesting that the study of the critical role of societal actors in constitutional politics and in ‘constituent conflicts’ remains so far underexplored. The analysis of constitutional resistance is particularly relevant in the contexts of authoritarian societies or democratic societies that face increasing populist and authoritarian challenges. The article first briefly explores various scholarly approaches that provide considerable contributions for the development of a political sociology of constitutional mobilisation. It subsequently discusses constitutional mobilisation and focuses in particular on constitutional resistance, a so far undiscussed dimension of constitutional mobilisation, exemplifying the latter by briefly exploring the cases of Italy and Poland.
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Bologna, Silvio. « Internal coordination of social security in Italy ». European Journal of Social Security 21, no 2 (31 mai 2019) : 141–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1388262719847808.
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This contribution deals with the internal coordination of health care, long-term social care and social assistance schemes – covered by EU regulation no. 883/2004 – in Italy after the constitutional reform enacted in 2001, which significantly decentralised legislative and administrative machinery by strengthening the prerogatives of the Regions, especially in terms of organisation and funding of the services. This article seeks to demonstrate that, although the decentralisation of health care and long-term social care has been accompanied by mechanisms of internal coordination among the Regions (particularly in the field of inter-regional mobility), regional social assistance schemes providing money transfers lack any form of coordination.
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Martinico, Giuseppe, Richard Albert, Antonia Baraggia et Cristina Fasone. « An Opportunity for Reflection – A Special Issue on “The Constitution of Canada : History, Evolution, Influence and Reform” ». Perspectives on Federalism 9, no 3 (1 décembre 2017) : Ed—I—Ed—VII. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pof-2017-0027.
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Abstract Canada is and will for the foreseeable future be a peaceful and prosperous liberal democracy whose Constitution Act, 1867, now 150 years old as of 2017, has become a model for the modern world. The Constitution of Canada has exerted considerable influence on other countries, particularly since the coming into force of its Constitution Act, 1982, which included the celebrated Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Just as Canada drew from foreign and international experiences in drafting its Charter, the world has learned a great deal from Canada, not only as to rights protections but also as to the separation of powers, the judicial function, and the structure of government. In light of these impressive achievements, an international symposium on the Canadian Constitution was held in Pisa at the Scuola Sant’Anna under the auspices of the Sant’Anna Legal Studies project and with the support of the DIRPOLIS (Law, Politics and Development) Institute at the Scuola Sant’Anna, the Canadian Embassy in Italy, and the International Association of Constitutional Law. This special issue collects some of the papers presented on that occasion.
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Favaretti, Carlo, Americo Cicchetti, Giovanni Guarrera, Marco Marchetti et Walter Ricciardi. « Health technology assessment in Italy ». International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 25, S1 (juillet 2009) : 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462309090539.
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Objectives: The aim of this study was to review the history of health technology assessment (HTA) in Italy.Methods: Founded in 1978, the Italian National Health Service (NHS) has been strongly regionalized mainly after a constitutional reform, which started a devolution process. HTA started in the 1980s at the National Institute of Health and in a few University Hospitals, with a focus on big ticket technology: that process was driven by clinical engineers.Results: In recent years, HTA is becoming an important tool for decision-making processes at central, regional, and local levels. In particular, the National Agency for Regional Health Services (AGENAS) and five regions (of twenty-one) are strongly committed to develop HTA initiatives connected with the planning process.Conclusions: At the local level, the hospital-based HTA activity is probably the most important peculiarity of the country and the real driver of the HTA movement.
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Gianluca Bianchi, Davide. « ‘I missed a penalty’ : the constitutional referendum and Matteo Renzi’s mistakes ». Modern Italy 22, no 3 (24 juillet 2017) : 315–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2017.35.
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This paper provides an empirical analysis of the result of the referendum on constitutional reform held in Italy on 4 December 2016. The votes against (59.1%) won by a significant margin, with an unexpectedly high turnout at the polls and more than 33 million citizens voting. Using as a point of departure the polls carried out prior to and following the referendum, in which Italians said they were essentially in favour of the reform proposed by the prime minister, the essay focuses on the mistakes made by Matteo Renzi that discouraged Italians from voting Yes. These touch on all aspects of the referendum: 1) the parliamentary process, 2) its combination with electoral law, 3) institutional communication, and 4) his political analysis and strategic approach. The final section evaluates the effects of the referendum result on the Italian political system, emphasising the setback to reformism and the strengthening of the anti-system parties that support leaving the Euro (in particular the Movimento 5 Stelle).
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Guastaferro, B. « Constitutional Reform in Italy : the Senate as a Second Chamber Representative of Territorial Institutions ». Tijdschrift voor Constitutioneel Recht 7, no 3 (juillet 2016) : 275–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/tvcr/187966642016007003007.
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Vasilieva, Tatiana. « Constitutional reforms in Italy : endless quest for elusory result ». Sravnitel'noe konstitucionnoe obozrenie 125, no 4 (2018) : 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21128/1812-7126-2018-4-85-99.
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Pensabene Lionti, Tommaso. « Aspectos relevantes del intento de reforma constitucional en Italia en la cuestión de procedimiento legislativo y fuentes primarias = Aspetti rilevanti della tentata riforma constituzionale in Italia in tema di procedimiento legislativo en fonti primarie = Relevant aspects of the constitutional reform attemp in Italy in the matter of legislative procedure and primary sources ». Revista Jurídica de la Universidad de León, no 4 (20 décembre 2017) : 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/rjule.v0i4.5287.
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<p>El 4 de diciembre de 2016 los italianos fueron llamados a participar, a través de la votación, en el <em>referéndum</em> concerniente una ley constitucional que (en caso de resultado positivo), habría modificado de manera radical el ordenamiento constitucional italiano. Entre las múltiples modificaciones que la reforma quería introducir, se enfocan lo significativos cambios que la misma habría producido en materia de procedimiento legislativo. En efecto, al final de la reforma, el sistema parlamentario italiano habría cambiado, transitando desde el llamado “bicameralismo paritario” hasta un sistema monocameral “asimétrico o diferenciado”. En consecuencia, habría cambiado el procedimiento legislativo, estructurándose en múltiples procedimientos, o variantes procedimentales, de los cuales se describe la disciplina, haciendo hincapié sobre algunos relevantes aspectos problemáticos. Se subraya, también, que la reforma, a través de la modificación del procedimiento legislativo, junto con la nueva disciplina constitucional de los decretos-leyes y de la nueva repartición de las competencias normativas entre el Estado y las Regiones, habría producido cambios importantes sobre las mismas características de las leyes y de los actos con fuerza de ley. En conclusión, se plantean las posibles razones, políticas y jurídicas, que han llevado al resultado negativo del <em>referendum</em> constitucional.</p><p>On December 4, 2016, Italians were called upon a <em>referendum</em> to approve a constitutional law that would (if successful) radically change the Italian constitutional system. Among the many changes that the reform intended to pursue, we are focusing on the significant changes it would bring in the legislative procedure. As a result of the reform, in fact, the Italian parliamentary system would be changed, passing from "bicameralism equal" to a "asymmetric or differentiated" monocameral system. Consequently, the legislative process would have changed, articulating into multiple procedures or procedural variants, of which the discipline is described, focusing on some relevant problematic profiles. It should also be noted that the reform, with the modification of the legislative procedure, together with the new constitutional discipline of the decree-law and the new division of normative competences between the State and the Regions, would have produced important changes in the features of laws and acts with force of law. Finally, we are questioning about the possible reasons, policies and legal issues, that have led to the negative outcome of the constitutional <em>referendum</em><em>.</em></p>
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Truglia, Francesco Giovanni, et Alessandro Zeli. « Spatial analysis of economic and social determinants of vote : the case of the European Parliament and constitutional referendum votes in Italy ». Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 50, no 2 (13 septembre 2019) : 173–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2019.29.
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AbstractThe 2014 European Parliament election and the 2016 Constitutional Referendum in Italy occurred in the middle of two general elections. These votes, taking place respectively at the beginning and the end of the government led by Matteo Renzi of the Democratic Party (PD), represented a public test of the PD leadership. The election results were diverse in many respects, but they replicate social, economic, political, and cultural differences. In particular, between the two electoral exercises the differential electoral behaviour of South compared with the rest of the country is deepened. Moreover, the results can be interpreted as the outcome of differences in age, educational levels, social, and economic unrest; all these variables are synthesized by the territorial distribution of the vote and this helps in interpreting the evolution of political sentiment in Italy. A spatial statistics methodology is utilized to analyse votes by means of their territorial distributions. The outcomes indicate that referendum result was influenced by the economic vote. Apart from the substance of the constitutional reform, the referendum result can be traced back to economic factors: the absence of perceived economic improvements and the persistence of high unemployment.
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Barrios-Suvelza, Franz Xavier. « Neither unitary nor federal : Did Bolivians invent something new ? » International Political Science Review 41, no 3 (3 juin 2019) : 402–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512119829475.
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The unitary–federal dichotomy is used as a standard means for taxonomizing state forms. However, its classificatory power has been increasingly stretched by heterodox cases such as Spain, Italy, South Africa and, most recently, Bolivia. This article contends that Bolivia’s constitutional changes have definitively challenged the long-standing assumption that the unitary–federal divide best serves the goal of an accurate taxonomization in the field of comparative federalism. Despite the noise Bolivia’s latest constitutional reform has caused in the otherwise settled framework of comparative federalism’s most basic concepts, scholarship is opting for the most comfortable choice by squeezing Bolivia into the unitary compartment. Subsequent to the screening of different types of taxonomic approaches, a new classificatory framework for state forms, based on a dichotomy that combines legal theory and the methodological tools of political science, is proposed and tested on the Bolivian case.
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Becci, Vittoria. « The Shape of the Land Reform : Palermo 1960 ». McGill GLSA Research Series 1, no 1 (22 novembre 2021) : 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/glsars.v1i1.146.
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The constitutional land reform in Italy, which took place in the 1950s, was accompanied by profound changes that affected not only the countryside, but cities as well. The reform was mainly addressed toward the south, il mezzogiorno, and Sicily in particular where the reform was intended to affect all cities in the region. On the one hand this was a social change dictated by the new constitutional principles, such as redistribution and employment increment in the agricultural sector. On the other hand, an economic boom complemented the redistribution, especially in the building sector. This combination was a main force in dictating the shape and the form of the cities during those years. Sicily’s main city, Palermo, experienced a major “restyling” during the twenty years that followed the reform. The depopulation of the historic city centre, due to the WWII bombings, provided an opportunity to think about new urban areas. Contrary to what was expected, a dark chapter in the history of Italian urbanization unfolded: the so-called Sacco di Palermo. The city was “ravaged” by property speculation, illegal constructions, and it was aesthetically deprived of its identity by the demolition of entire art nouveau districts and 18th century buildings which were later replaced with tower blocks. These real and concrete consequences are part of a network of connections through which law creates space, connections that this paper aims to study by shifting the perspective by asking: how does space create law? and how architecture regulates society? It takes Palermo as case study, in order to study spaces that the law creates intentionally and unintentionally. In giving a shape to the law, this paper aims to take into consideration urban spaces that will help to better understand how the idea and the definition of law relate to space, to cities and its main actors especially in terms of redistribution and property.
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DINCECCO, MARK, GIOVANNI FEDERICO et ANDREA VINDIGNI. « Warfare, Taxation, and Political Change : Evidence from the Italian Risorgimento ». Journal of Economic History 71, no 4 (14 novembre 2011) : 887–914. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205071100218x.
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We examine the relationships between warfare, taxation, and political change in the context of the political unification of the Italian peninsula. Using a comprehensive new database, we argue that external and internal threat environments had significant implications for the demand for military strength, which in turn had important ramifications for fiscal policy and the likelihood of constitutional reform and related improvements in the provision of nonmilitary public services. Our analytic narrative complements recent theoretical and econometric works about state capacity. By emphasizing public finances, we also uncover novel insights about the forces underlying state formation in Italy.“The budget is the skeleton of the state, stripped of any misleading ideologies.”Sociologist Rudolf Goldscheid, 19261
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Meldolesi, Luca. « Una nota per la riforma dello Stato : quarta libertŕ e federalismo democratico ». RIVISTA TRIMESTRALE DI SCIENZA DELL'AMMINISTRAZIONE, no 1 (juillet 2009) : 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sa2009-001002.
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- As a comment (on "The Forth Freedom", 2007) and anticipation (of "Democratic Federalism", 2009), this article, drawing from those monographies by the Author, carves its hypothesis out of a comparison between the European and the "New World" administrative traditions. Italy was largely imbued by the franco-prussian étatisme of the 18th and 19th centuries; and even developed a peculiar variety of it, based on "assistenzialismo" and the "theft and police" game. Since the end of the 19th century, however, and, more recently, since the second world war, Italy experienced a strong and rising tendency toward "autonomism" and regionalism, which eventually brought to a constitutional reform in 2001. According to it, Local Institutions and the central State should be considered on the same footing: a central proposition that may open the way to the development of "democratic federalism". The article addresses numerous policy issues (on cultural, pedagogic, administrative, outcome, working, benchmarking etc grounds) that rapidly may induce that desirable transformation.Key words: Public Innovation; Freedom; Federalism; Administrative Tradition; Western Autonomy; Local Government. Parole chiave: Innovazione pubblica; Libertŕ; Federalismo; Tradizione amministrativa occidentale; Autonomia; Regionalismo
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da Empoli, Domenico. « The Introduction of Federalism in Unitary States : The Case of Italy ». Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 32, no 1 (1 avril 2014) : 155–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569214x15664520275093.
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Abstract Among the great variety of fiscal institutions, a current tendency, probably favored by the globalization process, is that to increase the power of minor levels of government. This tendency was particularly emphasized in Europe in consequence of the transfer of powers from national governments to the European Union.A typical case of this decentralization process is that of Italy, a country that since its origin, in 1861, was based on the Napoleonic administrative centralization. In 2001, however, a constitutional reform decided that «The Republic is constituted by municipalities, provinces, metropolitan cities, regions and the State” (art. 114).Since that time, Italian regions, and more than 8000 local governments, started acting almost independently from the central government (from which they continued, however, to draw a great part of their financial resources).This situation appears to be proper of a kind of ‘anarchic polycentrism’ rather than fiscal federalism, with a lot of contradictions between decisions taken by the central government and those of the subcentral and local powers.This paper focuses on the bureaucratic and political shortcomings of the devolution of powers in a centralized and unitary state.
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Santuari, Alceste. « Health care rationing in Italy : right to health vs. budget constraints in a regional-based health system ». Journal of Medical Law and Ethics 7, no 3 (31 décembre 2019) : 259–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.7590/221354020x15815920230942.
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After the enactment of the 2001 Constitutional Reform Act, the Italian health system consists of as many as 21 regional health systems. The central government retains the public task of ensuring that all citizens, regardless of their territorial residence, may access the same universal and equitable health services and provisions.<br/> After the economic crisis of 2007/2008, as has been the case in many other EU MSs, the Italian central government has decreased public expenditure on health care. Not only has such an approach undermined citizens' fundemental right to health. It has also triggered a fierce confrontation between regional governments and the State, which has also been the object of some rulings of the Italian Supreme Court.<br/> Against this background, the paper aims to analyse the impacts that health care rationing has on the organisation of health and care services and on the evolution of social enterprises as health providers.
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Bull, Martin J., et James L. Newell. « Still the Anomalous Democracy ? Politics and Institutions in Italy ». Government and Opposition 44, no 1 (2009) : 42–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2008.01275.x.
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AbstractUntil the early 1990s, the Italian political system was regarded as anomalous among advanced democracies because of its failure to achieve alternation in government. Since then, that problem has been overcome, but Italy has been popularly viewed as continuing to be different to other democracies because it is ‘in transition’ between regimes. However, this position itself is becoming increasingly difficult to sustain because of the length of time of this so-called transition. Rather than focus on what is rather an abstract debate, it may be more fruitful to analyse what, in substance, is distinctive about Italian politics in this period: the manner in which a debate over fundamental institutional (including electoral) reform has become entangled in day-to-day politics. This can best be exemplified through an analysis of two key electoral consultations held in 2006: the national elections and the referendum on radically revising the Italian Constitution.
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Fiume, Giovanna. « Women's History and Gender History : The Italian Experience ». Modern Italy 10, no 2 (novembre 2005) : 207–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940500284291.
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SummarySince the early nineteenth century political opposition became a central concept of political representation in constitutional monarchies. While this concept marked the political language of unified Italy on the national level, in local administration the legitimacy of political opposition remained an issue of dispute, as illustrated in this analysis of the political language in Bologna's city council. Local perceptions of national events, like Garibaldi's unsuccessful Mentana-campaign, assumed a significant symbolic meaning and challenged traditional understandings of local administration by introducing notions of political opposition. In Bologna, the second city of the former Papal State, the Moderates were able to form a political hegemony after the Unification of Italy and remained the predominant political force also after the parliamentary revolution of 1876 and the electoral reforms of the 1880s. Due to its limited influence on the local administration, Bologna's Left defined its ideological profile earlier and more clearly than the Left in other parts of Italy and integrated issues of national importance into local political discourse. Illustrating the relationship between central administration and the periphery, the article analyses the development of political language and changing meanings of political representation on the local level between Unification and World War One.
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Körner, Axel. « Local Government and the Meanings of Political Representation : A Case Study of Bologna between 1860 and 1915 ». Modern Italy 10, no 2 (novembre 2005) : 137–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940500284168.
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SummarySince the early nineteenth century political opposition became a central concept of political representation in constitutional monarchies. While this concept marked the political language of unified Italy on the national level, in local administration the legitimacy of political opposition remained an issue of dispute, as illustrated in this analysis of the political language in Bologna's local council. Local perceptions of national events, like the government's reaction to Garibaldi's unsuccessful Mentana-campaign, assumed major symbolic meaning in local politics and challenged traditional understandings of municipal administration by introducing the concept of political opposition. In Bologna, after Rome the second city of the former Papal State, the Moderates were able to grow into a position of political hegemony after the Unification of Italy and remained the predominant political force also after Italy's “parliamentary revolution” of 1876 and the electoral reforms of the 1880s. As a consequence of its limited influence on the local administration, Bologna's Left defined its ideological profile earlier and more clearly than the Left in other parts of Italy and integrated issues of national importance into local political discourse. Analysing the relationship between central administration and periphery, the article reveals the development of political language and the changing meanings of political representation between Unification and World War One and explains on this basis the escalation of social and political conflict in Finesecolo Italy.
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Bar Cendón, Antonio. « La reforma constitucional y la gobernanza económica de la Unión Europea ». Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no 30 (1 juin 2012) : 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.30.2012.7002.
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Este artículo analiza las medidas de reforma adoptadas en el marco de la UE y de sus Estados miembros a efectos de introducir y consolidar en sus respectivos ordenamientos jurídicos el principio básico de estabilidad financiera o presupuestaria, conocido comúnmente como la "regla de oro "; es decir, la exigencia de que toda la administración pública, en sus diferentes niveles de gobierno, mantenga de manera permanente una situación presupuestaria de equilibrio o de superávit. Así, primer lugar, se analizan los precedentes en el Derecho constitucional comparado de esta exigencia constitucional y luego las reformas de los textos constitucionales realizadas en Alemania, España e Italia, pero también la frustrada reforma constitucional iniciada en Francia. y, en segundo lugar, se analizan las reformas en la gobernanza económica de la UE, realizadas tanto a través de documentos político-estratégicos, que establecen el marco general y los principios básicos de actuación, como a través de textos jurídicos que los desarrollan y aplican en la práctica. Así, el artículo analiza en detalle documentos político-estratégicos como el Pacto de Estabilidad y Crecimiento, Europa 2020, el Semestre Europeo, el Pacto por el Euro Plus; y las previsiones jurídicas del Art. 126 del TFUE y el procedimiento aplicable en caso de déficit excesivo; la reforma del Art. 136 del TFUE y el Mecanismo Europeo de Estabilidad; el paquete de seis medidas jurídicas conocido como "The Six Pack"; y la propuesta de nuevas medidas jurídicas de refuerzo en este terreno conocido como "The Two Pack". El artículo, finalmente, analiza también el Tratado de Estabilidad, Coordinación y Gobernanza en la Unión Económica y Monetaria, concluido al margen del ordenamiento jurídico de la UE, y las más recientes propuestas del Consejo Europeo de 28-29 de junio de 2012, sobre un nuevo "Pacto por el Crecimiento y el Empleo" y el informe del Presidente del Consejo Europeo titulado "Hacia una auténtica Unión Económica y Monetaria".This article analyzes the reforms adopted by the EU and its Member States addressed at introducing and consolidating in their respective legal systems the basic principle of financial or budgetary balance, commonly known as the "golden rule "; that is to say, the requirement by which the whole of the public administration, at its different levels of government, must keep on a regular basis a situation of balanced budget or with surplus. In this line, this article analyzes firstly the precedents of this legal requirement in comparative constitutional law and then the amendments made by Germany, Spain and Italy on their constitutional texts, but also the frustrated constitutional reform initiated in France. And secondly, this article analyzes the reforms made in the economic governance of the EU by means of both politicalstrategic documents - which establish the general framework and the basic governing principles - and legal provisions which develop and implement them. In this respect, this article analyzes political-strategic documents such as the Stability and Growth Pact, Europe 2020, the Euro Plus Pact; and the legal provisions of Art. 126 of the TFEU and the excessive deficit procedure; the amendment of Art. 136 of the TFEU and the European Stability Mechanism; the set of six legal instruments commonly known as "The Six Pack ": and the new reinforcing set of two legal instruments - still under discussion - commonly known as "The Two Pack ". Finally, this article analyzes also the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance in the Economic and Monetary Un ion, agreed outside the framework of the EU legal system, and the recent proposals adopted by European Council of June 28- 29, 2012, concerning a new "Compact for Growth and Jobs" and the President of the European Council report "Towards a Genuine Economic and Monetary Union ",
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Gianfreda, Anna. « Religious Offences in Italy : Recent Laws Concerning Blasphemy and Sport ». Ecclesiastical Law Journal 13, no 2 (26 avril 2011) : 182–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x11000056.
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Religious offences in Italy, as in many European countries, have a long and complex history that is intertwined with the events in the history of the relationship between church and state and the institutional and constitutional framework of a nation.This article is divided into three parts. The first part aims to offer some historical remarks concerning the rules on the contempt of religion and blasphemy in Italian criminal law from the end of the 19th century to the present day. The second part focuses on changes to the law on vilification introduced in 2006 and the third part deals with the recent developments in blasphemy law in the context of sport.The article shows that, on the one hand, reforms of the offences grouped under vilification of religion are anachronistic and do not stand up against the religious freedom of individuals, yet on the other, despite the traditional rules for the protection of religion being considered obsolete, they are applied in new areas of law, for example sport, and are used to curb bad manners and bad behaviour. The relationship between the new functions of these criminal rules and the traditional ones, however, remains uncertain and fluctuating, and reveals a moralistic approach to religious offences.
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Farinelli, Arianna, et Emanuele Massetti. « Eppur non si muove?Prospects for constitutional reforms in Italy after the 2009 European and 2010 regional elections ». Journal of Modern Italian Studies 16, no 5 (décembre 2011) : 685–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2011.622474.
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Chiaramonte, Alessandro. « An italic obsession : electoral reforms ». Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES 83, no 1 (28 juillet 2020) : 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9528.
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The history of Italy is plenty of reforms of the electoral system. Many are those implemented since the country’s unification: from the majority system to the limited vote, from proportional representation to the majority premium in the liberal era; and, again, in the Republican era, the return to proportional representation and then the use of mixed systems, combining PR with plurality or majority premium. And many other are the reforms which, discussed and sometimes even approved, as in the case of the italicum, have remained dead letter or never saw the light. What explains this Italic obsession with the electoral systems? Why have their reforms been on the parties’ and governments’ political agenda for so long? The goal of this article is to answer these questions. In the end, electoral reforms have played as instruments of coordination and adaptation in the political strategies pursued by the parties in specific time periods and also as substitute instruments of institutional engineering in the absence of broader agreements on major constitutional reforms.
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Bergman, Matthew E., et Gianluca Passarelli. « Protest against the politicians : Vote switching in the Italian 2016-2020 constitutional referenda ». Quaderni dell Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 84, no 2 (13 septembre 2021) : 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-10720.
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Referenda provide the opportunity for voters to express political economic protest and provide additional ways to support parties they vote for in elections. Alternatively, referenda also provide voters a chance to express their policy references in a way that does not affect which party will lead the government. The rejection of the 2016 Italian Constitutional referendum by 60% of voters and the approval the 2020 Italian Constitutional Referendum by 70% of voters could be a result of changing political economic conditions, influences related to partisanship and party leadership, or a change in approval of the reforms contained within the referendum. The article examines these possibilities in turn and then in a multivariate analysis. First, the overall change in economic discontent, satisfaction with the governing coalition and leaders, and belief in the content of the reforms between 2016 and 2020 will be examined. We also examine the how voters of each of the parties in the 2018 general election shifted on these variables. Then individual level analysis of consistent voters and switchers will assess the relative strength of partisanship, economic, political, and referendum-specific factors in convincing voters to switch their vote. We find that referendum-specific factors had the strongest predictive power followed by those related to government approval. Voters approved of the contents that would reduce the number of politicians in Italy and used the referendum to express support or displeasure with the incumbent’s policy programme. Our results contribute to the studies on second-order elections where voters are allowed for greater expressive preferences.
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Boggero, Giovanni. « The Establishment of Metropolitan Cities in Italy : An Advance or a Setback for Italian Regionalism ? » Perspectives on Federalism 8, no 3 (1 décembre 2016) : E—1—E—22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pof-2016-0014.
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Abstract This paper aims to provide a brief assessment of the legal framework of the newly established metropolitan cities in the Italian domestic legal order. After an historical overview of previous attempts to set up metropolitan cities in Italy (1), it summarizes the main statutory provisions of the Delrio Law (No. 56/2014) through which metropolitan cities finally came into operation (2) and it provides an analysis of its implementation, thereby attempting to make clear whether increased institutional pluralism and differentiation in the local government system will strengthen or weaken Italian regionalism (3). The conclusion will argue that, while the enactment of local government reforms combined with the entering into force of a significant constitutional amendment will increasingly diminish the role of the Regions, metropolitan cities, due to their ambivalent nature, still lack any propulsive thrust and face the risk of being marginalized until a consistent legal framework for their proper funding is laid down (4).
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Mangione, Gabriella. « Some Brief Remarks on the Controversial Relationship Between the Judiciary and Politics in Italy ». Comparative Law Review 27 (22 décembre 2021) : 79–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/clr.2021.003.
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The relationship between the judiciary and the political sphere and the dilemma over whether the judiciary has been a victim of politics, or whether politics has been a victim of the judiciary, have been hot topics for some time in Italy. Since a major scandal engulfed the High Council of the Judiciary, the courts have become the principal focus of the reform efforts of the Draghi Government, which took office in February 2021. The contribution briefly illustrates the figure of the Judicial Power within the Division of Powers and the evolution of the judge’s role within this system. Following a brief premise on the evolution of the role of judges during the last two centuries, the principle of the independence of the judiciary in the Italian Constitution will be outlined before final comments on the controversial relationship between the judiciary and politics.
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Ferraro, Vincenzo, et Gian Franco Cartei. « Rapports : Italy : Reform of the Fifth Title of the Italian Constitution : A First Step Towards a Federal System ? » European Public Law 8, Issue 4 (1 décembre 2002) : 445–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/5104712.
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Romboli, Roberto. « La influencia de la CEDH y la jurisprudencia del TEDH en el ordenamiento constitucional italiano ». Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no 42 (30 janvier 2019) : 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.42.2018.23638.
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El ensayo examina la influencia del CEDH y de la jurisprudencia del TEDH en el ordenamiento constitucional italiano, señalando la considerable importancia que tuvo, en ese ámbito, la ubicación de la Convención en el sistema de fuentes y la atribución a la misma del nivel de ley ordinaria. En particular, se evidencia cómo en Italia la influencia del Convenio ha comenzado a partir de las denominadas «sentencias gemelas» de 2007 de la Corte Constitucional, pues la interpretación del Constitucional permitió que se utilizara el CEDH como parámetro en los procesos de control de constitucionalidad de las leyes. Eso dio lugar a un contacto más estrecho con el TEDH y, por tanto, también a posibles casos de conflicto, que se analizan detalladamente. Se presta especial atención a la eficacia de la interpretación del CEDH por el TEDH y al tema de la eficacia de las sentencias que condenan a los Estados, indicando dos tipos de obstáculos: los de carácter procesal, es decir, el valor de la cosa juzgada y los de carácter normativo, a saber, la presencia de una ley nacional. En este segundo caso, se subraya como la solución es diferente dependiendo de si se consideran los efectos de las sentencias del TEDH respecto de la parte que resultó victoriosa en el proceso ante el TEDH o de otros sujetos que están en la misma condición sustancial, pero que no estaban presentes en el proceso que terminó con la condena. El escrito finaliza con unas breves observaciones sobre algunos acontecimientos recientes o futuros, como la entrada en vigor del Protocolo XVI del CEDH, la adhesión de la Unión Europea al CEDH y una eventual reforma del modelo de justicia constitucional italiano.The essay focuses on the level of influence that the ECHR and the European Court's case law exercise on the Italian constitutional system, revealing how important it has been to collocate the Convention in the sources of law's system and to recognize that it has the same level of ordinary statutes. It is particularly underlined how, in Italy, the ECHR influence started wit the “twins judgments” of the Constitutional Court in 2007, which helped the use of the ECHR as a parameter , of the constitutional legitimacy of statutes. This created a much closer contact with the European Court and, consequently, many possible occasions for conflicts, which are widely analyzed. Particular attention is dedicated to the importance of the European Court's interpretation of the ECHR and to the effectiveness of the condemnations of the States by the European Court, highlighting two obstacles: the ones depending on procedure law, with special reference to the value of judgments, and the ones depending on substantial law, with special reference to the existence of a national statute. In this second case, the solution is different depending if we consider the situation of a subject that is part of the trial or the one of a subject that hasn't been apart of it. The essay concludes with some short considerations about some future or present events, such as the entry into force of Protocol number 16 of the ECHR and a possible reform of the Italian constitutional justice system.
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Dallara, Cristina. « Powerful resistance against a long-running personal crusade : the impact of Silvio Berlusconi on the Italian judicial system ». Modern Italy 20, no 1 (février 2015) : 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2014.986444.
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A distinguishing feature of the Berlusconi era has undoubtedly been his personal conflict with the judiciary. Therefore, this article explores the impact of Berlusconi's 20 years in politics on the Italian judicial system. The main argument developed in this analysis is that, thanks to a strong institutional framework built with the 1948 constitution, the Italian judiciary continued to guarantee an effective mechanism of checks and balances. In spite of reiterated attempts by the centre–right majority to modify judicial procedures and organisation to advantage Berlusconi in solving his judicial troubles (ad personam laws), the judiciary was, in the long run, successful in restraining these actions. In fact, several of the ad personam laws were abrogated by rulings of the Constitutional Court, or made substantially ineffective in the implementation stage. Moreover, no substantial reforms of the judicial system have been accomplished, although they were frequently announced. Nevertheless, it may be argued that Berlusconi's anti-judicial rhetoric has had a significant impact on public attitudes towards the judiciary, and contributed to exacerbating the polarisation between two opposite views of the justice system in Italy. The persistent anti-judicial message affected public opinion and was deeply incorporated by centre–right voters, creating a real cleavage on the issue of justice. Moreover, this huge conflict on the justice issue increasingly distracted the attention of political actors from the real organisational problems of the system of justice.
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Clementi, Francesco. « El sistema electoral italiano y su reforma : el desafío de la consolidación ». Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no 45 (3 avril 2020) : 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.45.2020.27110.
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En los veintiséis años que caracterizan a las seis últimas legislaturas italianas (1994-2020) ha habido una intensa actividad político-institucional, acompañada de una fuerte modificación del sistema de los partidos políticos. En este contexto, el sistema electoral y sus continuas modificaciones con nuevas leyes electorales ha influido fuertemente en la forma de gobierno, marcando su dinámica, tanto directa como indirectamente. Sin embargo, el rápido cambio de los diferentes sistemas electorales en los últimos años no ha estado acompañado de reformas parejas en el texto constitucional, produciéndose una asimetría en el funcionamiento de los nuevos sistemas electorales que se iban adoptando gradualmente, que los hacía sustancialmente incompletos, incoherentes y, en definitiva, frágiles. Todo ello ha terminado degradando el sistema a ojos de la ciudadanía. Las presentes notas tienen por objeto poner de relieve las transformaciones que se han producido sobre el sistema electoral, tratando de subrayar las dificultades de su consolidación, en el marco de la llamada Segunda República (1994-2020) y de su nuevo sistema de partidos políticos.In the twenty-six years that characterize the last six Italian legislatures (1994-2020) Italy has seen, from the political-institutional point of view, an intense activity that was accompanied by a very similar vitality of the political party system. In this context, the electoral system and its continuous modifications with new electoral laws has strongly influenced the form of government, marking, by the decisive conditioning factor that represents the party system, its dynamics, both directly and indirectly. However, the rapid change of the different electoral systems in recent years has not been accompanied by an equal change in the constitutional text, so there has been an asymmetry in the functioning of the new electoral systems that were being adopted gradually, making them substantially incomplete, inconsistent and ultimately fragile. Faced with an immutability of the constitutional system, this continuous mutability in the electoral system has not only made the whole political-institutional system very weak, but also degraded it in its function in the eyes of the voters, as it seemed a clearly inefficient tool with respect to the needs of the constitutional system. Therefore, the present contribution aims to highlight the transformations that have taken place on the electoral system, trying to underline the difficulties of its consolidation, within the framework of the so-called Second Republic (1994-2020) and its new system of political parties.
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Toniatti, Roberto. « The Next Target : Amending the Amending Procedure ». europa ethnica 79, no 1-2 (2022) : 49–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/0014-2492-2022-12-49.
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The end of WW1 caused the origin of the “South Tyrolean question” represented by the status of the German speaking population since ever living in the territory that had been annexed to the Kingdom of Italy first and then to the Italian Republic. However, the Paris Peace Treaty included the Degasperi-Gruber Agreement that established an international obligation to safeguard the culture of the language minority and to grant them legislative and administrative autonomy. Initially the obligation was not implemented in conformity to the Agreement. A new round of negotiations eventually led to a new fundamental normative setting of the Provinces of Bolzano/South Tyrol and Trentino within a Region with a marginal role (1972). The method of negotiation has proved historically to carry on a positive outcome and in fact it has been introduced and applied also to the purpose of managing some vital contents of the relationship between the provincial and state authorities. The basic source of the autonomy must be approved by a constitutional act adopted by the national Parliament and no participatory role by the two Provinces is constitutionally safeguarded, although such participation has so far always been acknowledged by practice. But practice is an insufficient safeguard in the current political context that is not favorable to any of the Regions with a special autonomy. The paper suggests an amendment to the present rules concerning the amending procedure that should be the priority before facing the substantive reforms that are much needed for ensuring a good governance of the system.
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IGNATOVA, Milena. « CRIMINAL LAW POLICY OF THE EU COUNTRIES IN THE FIELD OF COMBATING ENVIRONMENTAL CRIMES ». Sociopolitical sciences 10, no 6 (28 décembre 2020) : 42–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2020-10-6-42-48.
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The purpose of this article is to identify the main trends of development of criminal legal policy of EU countries in the field of combating crimes against the environment in the context of growing global environmental crisis and the development of consumer society the example of France, Germany, Spain and Italy, the features of statutory regulation of the characteristics of environmental crimes and prescribe the penalties in the legislation of the countries under consideration. The relevance of the problem under study is due to a significant degree of public danger of environmental crimes, their high latency, and therefore the fight against encroachments on the environment is recognized as one of the priority areas of the criminal policy of the EU countries. Criminal legislation plays a crucial role in the system of legal norms for countering environmental crimes. Conclusions. Despite the legal integration of EU countries in the field of environmental protection and the adoption of the Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council of 19.11.2008, which imposes obligations on member States to introduce certain elements of criminal acts into national legislation, the constitutional and criminal law norms of individual States do not differ in a uniform approach to environmental protection. However, the legislative regulations of the European Parliament have influenced the reform of criminal legislation in a number of countries in the direction of increasing responsibility for environmental crimes and introducing special chapters in the criminal codes that combine criminal acts that infringe on natural objects. The importance of the natural environment, flora and fauna as independent objects of criminal law protection is underestimated, so the severity of criminal repression depends on such a sign as causing harm to human health and life by environmental offenses.
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King, R. L. « Regional Government : The Italian Experience ». Environment and Planning C : Government and Policy 5, no 3 (septembre 1987) : 327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c050327.
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This paper is a review of Italy's stuttering progress towards regional autonomy. At the unification of Italy in 1860, a centralised administrative structure was adopted, as prescribed by the Piedmontese Constitution of 1848. Centralisation of political power reached its apogee during the Fascist period. Regionalist sentiment resurfaced strongly after the last war and gained formal expression in the 1948 Republican Constitution, which provided for the creation of five ‘special’ and fourteen (later fifteen) ‘ordinary’ regions. The special regions—regions of special linguistic or political sensitivity (Valle d'Aosta, Trentino-Alto Adige, Friuli-Venezia Giulia, Sicily and Sardinia)—were established between 1948 and 1963, but delays orchestrated by the Christian Democrat-dominated central government, reluctant to relinquish its power, postponed the establishment of the ordinary regions until the 1970s, when pressure from the Socialist Party prevailed. The legislative powers of the regions are of three forms: Exclusive (available only to the special regions), complementary, and integrative, the order representing progressively diminishing elements of decisionmaking autonomy. Several regions in central Italy have elected Communist regional governments. However, hopes that the regional governments would be instrumental in ending corrupt and inept government and eradicating regional disequilibria, have mostly been misplaced, although some progress has been made, especially in the northern regions, in the fields of administrative reform, social service organisation, and regional economic planning. The principal reason for lack of progress is the continuing central government control over regional government funds. In many regions considerable amounts of unspent funds have accumulated owing to a combination of political stalemate at the regional level and central government veto. Special attention is given in this paper to the relationship between regional autonomy and (1) local government, and (2) regional planning. To conclude, the present state of play represents an uneasy compromise between the two contradictory historical forces of centralism and regionalism, present since unification. Although there has been a significant departure from the rigid centralisation of the past, the retention of most of the important powers by the central government frustrates the ambitions of the regions to really organise their own affairs.
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Rhodes, P. J. « Constitutional Reform ». Classical Review 55, no 2 (octobre 2005) : 593–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni324.
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Macduff, Anne. « Constitutional Reform ». Alternative Law Journal 37, no 3 (septembre 2012) : 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x1203700301.
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Rydon, Joan. « Australian constitutional reform ». Round Table 77, no 308 (octobre 1988) : 351–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358538808453891.
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Wood, Asmi. « Constitutional Reform 2013 ». Alternative Law Journal 37, no 3 (septembre 2012) : 156–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x1203700303.
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CABRERA, CARLOS ALARCÓN. « Constitutive Constitutional Reform ». Ratio Juris 9, no 1 (mars 1996) : 85–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9337.1996.tb00228.x.
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Naylor, Robert W. « Constitutional Reform, Yes ; Constitutional Convention, No ». California Journal of Politics and Policy 2, no 2 (3 février 2010) : 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.5070/p2c59k.
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