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1
Meyer Resende, Madalena. « A Holy Alliance between the Catholic Church and Constitution-Makers ? The Diffusion of the Clause of Cooperation in Third Wave Democracies ». Politics and Religion 11, no 1 (8 mai 2017) : 55–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048317000311.
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AbstractWhat explains the adoption of the regime of cooperation between church and the state in the democratic constitutions of Spain and Poland, while Portugal maintained a regime of strict separation in the United States and French tradition? The explanation could be that a consensual constitution-making process resulted in a constitutional formula accommodating religion and guaranteeing religious freedoms. Alternatively, the constitutional regime of cooperation could result from the diffusion of international norms to national constitutions, in this case, the cosmopolitan law of the church. The article process-traces the constitution drafting processes and finds that the emergence of a constitutional consensus among secularist and constitutional drafters in Spain and Poland was based on the Vatican Council II doctrine and facilitated by the intervention of the Catholic hierarchies. In Portugal, the violent context of the revolution excluded the church, and the constitutional regime of strict separation between church and state was adopted.
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V. Markhgeym, Marina, Goar G. Zagaynova, Alla N. Gutorova, Aleksej N. Nifanov et Evgeniy E. Tonkov. « CONSTITUTIONAL EXPERIMENT : REGULATORY APPROACHES IN FRANCE AND SPAIN ». Humanities & ; Social Sciences Reviews 7, no 5 (1 novembre 2019) : 917–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.75118.
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Purpose: The article is devoted to the study of the constitutional experiment features in France and Spain. The author analyzes the regulations, including the constitutions and laws of both France and Spain. It also provides the analysis of constitutional regulation methods in these countries.
Methodology: The methodological basis of the study was the set of scientific knowledge leading methods. The methods of analysis and synthesis are widely used among general scientific ones, formal legal and comparative legal methods are among private scientific ones.
Result: The analysis of approaches to the formalization of the constitutional-legal experiment on the example of two European countries - France and Spain - showed the difference in corresponding models and levels. France developed the system of the state constitutional legal experiment regulation at the level of the Constitution and other legal acts (organic law, regulations, etc.), taking into account the corrective law-enforcement practice of constitutional control body - the Constitutional Council. The implementation of constitutional legal experiments in France was associated with the decentralization of power, the activities of public scientific and cultural institutions, criminal justice, social policy, etc.
Applications: This research can be used for universities, teachers, and students.
Novelty/Originality: In this research, the model of Constitutional Experiment: Regulatory Approaches in France and Spain is presented in a comprehensive and complete manner.
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Frowein, JA. « Constitutional law and international law at the turn of the century ». Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 1, no 1 (10 juillet 2017) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/1998/v1i1a2898.
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Constitutional law and international law operate in simultaneous conjunction and reciprocal tension. Both fields seem to have overcome the great challenges of destruction and neglect in the course of the 20th century. Both after World War I and World War II the world experienced new waves of constitution making. In both cases the current German constitutions (the Weimar Constitution of 1919 and the Grundgesetz of 1949) were influential. Characteristic of constitution-making in this century, is the final victory of liberal constitutions based on the rule of law, the Rechtsstaat, fundamental rights, meaningful control of public powers and the establishment of constitutional courts. Following the destruction of World War II, the notion of the Sozialstaat emerged strongly in Germany. In contrast to the Constitution of the United States of America, the principle of the responsibility of the state for social justice has emerged in almost all new constitutions, including Russia, Poland, South Africa, Spain, Italy and Portugal. Where courts are given the mandate to interpret bills of rights, fundamental rights have been developed into foundation stones of the legal system. The presence in a Bill of Rights of restrictive clauses, is important for its analysis. Generally restrictive clauses in new constitutions try to limit the possibilities of restriction. The importance of constitutional rules establishing and legitimizing the political organs, must not be overlooked. Of particular importance is the degree of control over the head of state, a positive attitude among political actors towards the constitution and the protection of the interests of minorities in a democratic system. In the field of Public International Law much of Kant's ideal of an international confederation of peace has been realized. Since 1990 the United Nation's Security Council has shown the potential of becoming a directorate for the community ofnations. International law has also been instrumental in the worldwide recognition of human rights. Especially in Europe, Convention Law has had a strong impact. Furthermore, global and regional systems of regulation have tended to alter the legal attitude towards state sovereignty. It may be that the South African constitutional approach in terms of which international law is subject to constitutional and other national law, is not in line with international tendencies.
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MARTÍNEZ CUEVAS, MARÍA DOLORES. « THE DEFENCE OF THE DEMOCRATIC CONSTITUTION IN EXTRAORDINARY CIRCUMSTANCES : THE LAW OF EXCEPTION IN COMPARATIVE LAW AND IN SPANISH CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY ». Spanish Journal of Legislative Studies, no 3 (1 décembre 2019) : 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21134/sjls.vi3.1394.
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Abstract: In this paper we examine the appropriateness and significance of the law of exception in the Spanish constitutional order. For this, we have examined the models of Comparative Law that Spain has followed to restore its disturbed constitutional order. Basically, historically, concern arose at the time of North American and French Revolutions of how to incorporate into the Constitution the institutions related to their protection. British singularity was also manifested in the way of understanding and including specific protection for the defence of the Constitution and the law of exception, with institutions such as martial law or habeas corpus. The suspension of habeas corpus as an extraordinary instrument of protection of the state organization was considered in the American Constitution of 1787, and is thought of as a precedent of Article 55.1 of the current Spanish Constitution of 1978. During the period between 1812 and 1869, the law of exception contemplated in Spanish Historical Constitutions covers only the suspension of guarantees. The republican Constitution of 1931 conserved the outline of the Constitution of 1869, with certain relevant alterations. The most significant normative instruments of this legislation were the Law of Defence of the Republic and the Law of Public Order of 1933. After the publication of this last Law, it became the extraordinary norm that has most deeply and habitually been put into practice, since Spain has experienced practically a permanent situation of "constitutional abnormality". This highlights the fact that a Law of Public Order for the defence of the constitutional regime established by the Second Republic could be transferred in many of its precepts, with very similar contents to the Francoist Law of Public Order that was able to remain in force until much later, being finally repealed by the Organic Law of LO 1/1992, of Protection of Citizen Safety.
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Lopez Guerra, Luis. « Luis Lopez Guerra Former judge, Tribunal Constitutional (Constitutional Court) Spain ». International Journal of Constitutional Law 3, no 4 (1 octobre 2005) : 567–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/moi038.
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Ruiz Vieytez, Eduardo J. « Asymmetry and (Dis)accommodation of Minority Nations in a Complex Constitutional Framework : Catalonia, the Basque Country and other Autonomous Regions within the Spanish Kingdom ». European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 16, no 1 (1 avril 2019) : 123–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_01601006.
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The Spanish 1978 Constitution establishes a complex state. In constitutional terms, it is not defined as a federal state, but rather as a unitary state with significant scope for political decentralization. This complex constitutional arrangement is in response to both internal and cultural features, and to a search for greater administrative efficiency. The pluri-national character of the state is the subject of fierce debate in Spain, while the way in which certain minority nations (Catalonia and the Basque Country) are accommodated is a permanent source of friction. This paper seeks to provide an overview of this complex political/constitutional situation by analysing the historical, political and legal developments that have occurred during the last 40 years, with a focus on the last developments of the Catalan crisis. Although Spain is markedly asymmetric in political and identity terms, this asymmetry is not adequately reflected in Constitutional Law. In addition, the ongoing tension between unionism and separatism in some regions poses significant challenges to the Spanish constitutional system as a whole, in particular, through the pro-independence process in the autonomous region of Catalonia.
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Garoupa, Nuno, Marian Gili et Fernando Gómez Pomar. « Mixed Judicial Selection and Constitutional Review : Evidence from Spain ». European Constitutional Law Review 17, no 2 (juin 2021) : 287–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019621000110.
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Spanish Constitutional Court – Judicial behaviour – Mixed judicial selection – Empirical testing – Decisions of the Spanish Constitutional Court, 1980-2018 – Judicial background – Government – Senate – Congress – Spanish Judicial Council – Invalidation of statutes –Dissent opinions – Shaping politicisation.
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Prakke, Lucas. « On the rise and Decline of the Monarchical Principle : Constitutional Vicissitudes in Spain and Germany ». European Constitutional Law Review 6, no 2 (juin 2010) : 268–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019610200068.
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Nation-state formation – Holy Roman Empire – Dissolution and realignment – Spain, fragmented – Reconquista – Charles V – Wars of succession – Centralisation under house of Bourbon – Napoleon – Spanish war of independence – History of the Cortes – Constitution of Cádiz – Weakness of Spanish Constitutionalism – German Confederation – Monarchical principle in Vienna Final Act – Old and new ideas of sovereignty – Metternich and fear of revolution – March revolution – Bismarckian empire as constitutional monarchy – Degeneration of the Reich – Exit the Kings – Enter Juan Carlos
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Bichkov, Іgor. « The Kelsen model of constitutional jurisdiction as the theoretical basis of the European system of constitutional justice ». Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no 1 (15 avril 2020) : 131–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.1.2020.25.
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The article is devoted to the study of the content of the model of constitutional jurisdiction proposed by H. Kelsen, which at one time actually became the theoretical basis of the modern European system of constitutional justice. It is stated that the model formulated by a well-known Austrian law theorist not only envisaged instrumental-institutional proposals for the creation of a new public authority, but also embodied the definite concept of common sense of law defined by Kelsen, which was based on the ideas of a hierarchical legal system acts of the Constitution as the law of the highest legal force. It is substantiated that the model proposed by H. Kelsen substantially outstripped the existing legal reality and was used almost in its purest form by most European countries, and in particular was directly reflected in the domestic model of constitutional jurisdiction.
It is noted that, according to Kelsen's concept in a number of papers, in particular in the Judicial Review of Legislation: A Comparative Study of the Austrian and American Constitutions, the constitutionality of legislation can be ensured in two separate ways, both of which were enshrined in the Austrian Constitution of 1920: the responsibility of the body that issued the unconstitutional norm and the non-application of the unconstitutional norm. Non-application of a constitutional rule could be achieved by giving law enforcement authorities the power to review the constitutionality of a rule they must apply in a particular case and refuse to apply it in that particular case, if there is reason to consider such a rule unconstitutional. A similar mechanism has actually been introduced in the United States. The fact that a law enforcement authority recognizes a general rule as unconstitutional and does not apply it in a particular case meant that that authority was empowered to revoke the general rule for a particular case, and only for a specific case, since the general rule as such (normative act) remains applicable and may be applied in other specific cases. The disadvantage of this fuse is that different law enforcement agencies may have differing views on the constitutionality of a law, whereby one authority can apply it as it considers constitutional, while another authority will refuse to apply it because it will see signs of unconstitutionality. The lack of unanimity in deciding whether a law is constitutional, that is, whether a constitution is violated, carries great danger for the authority of the constitution.
In most European countries, it is stated that H. Kelsen's concept was used almost in its purest form, with one exception: the powers to directly protect constitutional rights and freedoms were given to a separate judicial authority. The extension of the appropriate model of judicial constitutional control and the formation of constitutional courts fell in the second half of the twentieth century, when the need to prevent the return of Nazism caused a qualitatively new level of attention to the phenomenon of constitutional justice. The formation of new post-war constitutional-democratic regimes in Germany, Italy, Austria, and later in Spain and Greece, provided for the creation of a mechanism by conferring on the constitutional courts powers to protect constitutional rights and freedoms from usurpation of public power.
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Evgeny Yu., Komlev. « CONSTITUTIONAL LAW REGULATION OF LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT IN SPAIN ». State Power and Local Self-government, no 5 (mai 2018) : 59–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/1813-1247-2018-5-59-63.
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Nicolás, Pilar. « Spanish Regulation of Biobanks ». Journal of Law, Medicine & ; Ethics 43, no 4 (2015) : 801–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jlme.12321.
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Spain occupies an area of 504.645 km, and it has a population of 46.5 million people, out of which 4,538,503 are immigrants. Life expectancy is 82.5 years (85.5 for females and 79.5 for males). Its economy grew 1.4 % in 1014. Its current Constitution was enacted in 1978. It has been part of the European Union since 1986.Spain is a social and democratic state subject to the rule of law. Liberty, justice, equality, and political pluralism are the highest values of the legal order of the rule of law. Spain is a constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary government. The legislative power rests upon two chambers: the Congress and Senate. The government exercises the executive powers and the regulatory powers. There have been six presidents since 1978 from all parties, socialist, centrist, and conservative. The judicial power rests upon the courts and tribunals established by law.
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Sanz Gómez, Rafael. « Progresividad fiscal (España) = Tax progressivity (Spain) ». EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, no 18 (1 avril 2020) : 311. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2020.5279.
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Resumen: El artículo 31.1 de la Constitución española recoge el principio de progresividad como característica del sistema tributario. Este trabajo estudia el contenido del principio y su interacción con otros principios constitucionales, así como la limitada función de control desarrollada por la jurisprudencia constitucional. Analiza también la evolución histórica de la aplicación del principio, mostrando las conexiones entre la normativa española y el contexto europeo/occidental. Finaliza planteando posibles vías de evolución futura del sistema para un fortalecimiento del principio de progresividad. Palabras clave: Progresividad, redistribución, igualdad, sistema tributario, IRPF, reforma tributaria. Abstract:The Article 31.1 of the Spanish Constitution includes the principle of progressivity as a characteristic of the tax system. This paper studies the content of the principle and its relation to other constitutional principles, as well as the limited control function developed by the case-law of the Constitutional Court. It also analyses the historical evolution of the application of this principle, evidencing the links between Spanish legislation and the European/Western context. Finally, it proposes potential future evolution trends towards a strengthening of the principle of progressivity. Keywords: Progressivity, redistribution, equity, tax system, personal income tax, tax reform.
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Jiménez, Luis Arroyo. « Mutual Recognition in the Spanish Multi-level Administrative State ». Review of European Administrative Law 13, no 3 (15 octobre 2020) : 159–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.7590/187479820x16007576818889.
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Mutual recognition is a shorthand for the obligation of authorities of jurisdiction A to give effect to legal rules or acts passed by authorities of jurisdiction B. Thus, mutual recognition gives rise to cross-border effects of general or individual decisions. Such an obligation can arise from an agreement reached by those jurisdictions, or from a higher law that imposes it upon them. In this paper, I explore the role of mutual recognition between Spanish autonomous regions. The case of Spain is interesting from a comparative standpoint because regions enjoy important competences in the field of market regulation, the implementation of which can create risks in terms of market integration. These risks have traditionally been managed with the principles of cooperation and market unity. In 2013, the Spanish Parliament decided to go beyond that and passed a law establishing a region of origin rule. This was subsequently declared unconstitutional by the Constitutional Court, by virtue of the principle of regional autonomy under Article 2 of the Spanish Constitution. The story of Spain shows the scope, limits and constitutional problems of mutual recognition in a multilevel administrative State.
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Garrido-Muñoz, Asier. « Prime Minister v. Parliament of Catalonia ». American Journal of International Law 112, no 1 (janvier 2018) : 80–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2018.18.
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Few in Spain would have imagined two years ago that so much attention would be paid to questions such as the allocation of powers to hold referenda or the constitutional tools to enforce compliance with the 1978 Constitution (Constitution). But since the celebration of a “referendum” on October 1, 2017, and the subsequent declaration of independence and immediate suspension thereof by the president of Catalonia, numerous international voices have taken a stance on Catalonia's right to unilateral secession.
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Schutte, Camilo B. « Spain Tribunal Constitucional on the European Constitution. Declaration of 13 December 2004 ». European Constitutional Law Review 1, no 2 (19 mai 2005) : 281–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605002816.
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When thinking about the integration of the European sovereign states in the European Union, one does not need to be a euro-sceptic to perceive a big fish devouring little fish. Of course, the individuality of the different countries is assured in the European Union. Article I-5(1) of the European Constitution establishes that the Union shall respect their national identities inherent in their fundamental structures, political and constitutional, and their essential state functions, including ensuring the territorial integrity of the State, maintaining law and order and safeguarding national security. Europe is to be ‘United in diversity’. Yet, however considerate the Union may be of the various European countries, unity can exist only by the grace of all member states' loyally fulfilling their European obligations.
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Morey, Jaime Suau. « La Constitucionalidad de los Tratados Internacionales ». REVISTA INTERNACIONAL CONSINTER DE DIREITO 14, no 14 (30 juin 2022) : 471–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.19135/revista.consinter.00014.22.
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When faced with the signing of International Treaties or Conventions, most of the compared legal systems have armonically set forth preventive control models for International Treaties. In Spain (under Article 95.2 of the Spanish Constitution) the Government and one or the other of both Chambers may request the Constitutional Court to make a DECLARATION relating to the existence or inexistence of contradiction between the Treaty and the Constitution. This DECLARATION a) is made following a procedure regulated by the Constitutional Court Organic Law, articles 78 and following and b) said DECLARATION in some cases can act as an advancement for a reform of the Constitution and in other cases to avoid the signing of the Treaty. Apart from this preliminary control we study the possible existence of a later control which will be exercised through unconstitutional procedures and therefore the scope of res judicata should be investigated.
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Marks, Amber. « DEFINING ‘PERSONAL CONSUMPTION’ IN DRUG LEGISLATION AND SPANISH CANNABIS CLUBS ». International and Comparative Law Quarterly 68, no 1 (janvier 2019) : 193–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589318000404.
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AbstractThis article provides an analysis of the normative framework for Spanish cannabis clubs by contextualizing it within the growing body of comparative constitutional law that recognizes legal obstructions to personal drug consumption as intrusions of the right to privacy. Article 3(2) of the United Nations Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances, 1988 relieves State parties from the Article's obligation to criminalize drug possession and cultivation for ‘personal consumption’ when doing so would conflict with their constitution or basic concepts of their legal system. Spain relied on Article 3(2) in its decision not to criminalize conduct involving personal consumption. The Spanish judiciary has had to consider the legal implications of collective consumption and cultivation in the form of cannabis clubs. In addition to operating in a grey area of domestic law, Spain's cannabis clubs straddle the blurred boundary in international and European legal instruments between ‘personal consumption’ and ‘drug trafficking’. This article explores the theoretical and doctrinal implications of both Spanish law on cannabis clubs and comparative human rights law on drug use to outline the potential contours of a constitutionally protected zone of privacy pertaining to cannabis use in a social context.
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Gárdos-Orosz, Fruzsina. « Preliminary Reference and the Hungarian Constitutional Court : A Context of Non-Reference ». German Law Journal 16, no 6 (décembre 2015) : 1569–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200021271.
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Jiri Zemanek, Professor at Charles University, Prague, asks what conclusions may be drawn from the current state of acceptance of the European Union (EU) law doctrine by the constitutional courts of the new Member States for their performance in the agenda of preliminary rulings. What can they learn from the experience of the old Member States? Should they follow the practice of the AustrianVerfassungsgerichtshof(Constitutional Court), which referred its first question in 1999, four years after its accession, and later repeated it several times? Or should they follow the most active Belgian Cour Constitutionnelle? Should Hungary follow the practice of the Italian Constitutional Court, Lithuania, France, Spain, or Germany? Having reviewed the case law of the Hungarian Constitutional Court and the scholarly analysis in search of the “missing links,” this study wishes to contribute to the diverse range of ideas concerning European “rule of law” integration and constitutional court contributions to it.
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Helmich, Maurits. « Spain, Catalonia, and the Supposed Authority of the Judiciary ». Jus Cogens 2, no 3 (9 septembre 2020) : 259–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s42439-020-00026-x.
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Abstract Normative literature on the Catalan crisis is largely occupied with the conflict’s central legalistic problem: can political units like Catalonia be allowed to split off from Spain unilaterally? This article reframes the issue and asks why secessionist Catalans should ever abide by Spanish legal constraints, given that Spanish law is precisely the institution they are politically trying to get rid of. It focuses on the anti-secessionist role played by the Spanish Constitutional Court between 2010 and 2017 and studies three arguments why Catalans supposedly have to accept the Court’s authority. The article contends that two arguments—the “mutual benefit argument” and the “law and democracy” argument—will not be independently persuasive to Catalan secessionists. Instead, the Constitutional Court’s authority must ultimately be grounded in a different type of argument: the “law and order argument.” Secessionist Catalans’ supposed duty to obey the orders of the Constitutional Court is ultimately not rooted in a positive service provided by the Court, but in the disruptive effects of disobeying. That exposes an explanatory defect in Joseph Raz’s influential theory of authority, which seeks to ground authority exercises in a concept in prior reason or their capacity to make our life better. That conceptualization misses the key decisionistic element to political authority: its capacity to constitute our reasons, that is, to define the terms that give meaning to our evaluations.
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JHR. « An Introduction to the Series ». European Constitutional Law Review 7, no 2 (juin 2011) : 267–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019611200063.
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Seven of the member states of the European Union are monarchies. They are, in alphabetical order, Belgium, Denmark, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom. It is to these European monarchies that the European Constitutional Law Review dedicates a series of articles. Its aim is to find answers to questions regarding their current organization and legitimation, the (remaining) monarchical competences or powers and the republican ‘opposition’. The overriding aim is to see what the Union means for them and how monarchies can survive constitutionally in the European Union (if at all).
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Chikhladze, Levan T., et Evgeniy Y. Komlev. « LOCAL GOVERNMENT IN SPAIN : STATUS AND FEATURES OF LEGAL REGULATION ». RUDN Journal of Law 23, no 3 (15 décembre 2019) : 333–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2337-2019-23-3-333-350.
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The article examines the local self-government legislation of Spain and legal positions of the Constitutional Court of Spain. The norms of the Constitution of Spain regulating the issues of the organization of local self-government are analyzed. The influence of various aspects on their content is studied. The authors also studied the problem of distribution of legal regulation of the local government powers between the state and the autonomous communities taking into consideration the features of the administrative-territorial structure of Spain. The study appears to be relevant due to the fact that the issues of legal regulation of local government in Spain within the Russian science of municipal law are practically not studied. The study of foreign experience in this field helps to expand the scope of scientific researches. Spanish experience in this area also seems relevant due to the relatively recent change in the political regime. The aim of the work is to identify the features of the legal regulation of local government in Spain. As a result of the study, it was established that in Spain the subsidiary procedure for the legal regulation of local self-government by the state and autonomous communities is applied. The content of the norms of the Spanish Constitution on local self-government is determined. The distinctive features of the Spanish legislation on local self-government are identified.
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Cañueto, Daniel Fernández. « Representative Government and Constitutional Reality : Spain between Literature and Political Thought ». Pólemos 12, no 1 (26 mars 2018) : 71–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pol-2018-0006.
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Abstract The article analyses how the features of modern political representation have developed in Spanish constitutional history from a multidisciplinary perspective (political philosophy, political science, constitutional law and literature). Between the eighteenth- to the twentieth-century, indeed, the Kingdom of Spain experienced transformations in the concepts of sovereignty, periodic suffrage, free public opinion, and the free and non-revocable mandate. The article also takes into account how the evolution of concepts at stake affected the evolution of the others.
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Fernández Sarasola, Ignacio. « Ramón de Salas y la nueva ciencia jurídica ». Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no 28 (1 juin 2011) : 633. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.28.2011.6976.
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Ramón de Salas was one of the fists theatricals of Constitutional Law in Spain. As professor at the University of Salamanca (1771-1795) he tried to modify the studies of Law, introducing the Enlightenment theories (Montesquieu, Filangieri, Beccaria, Heinnecio, Burlamaqui Wolf, Emer de Vattel, Puffendorf and Grocio). In fact, he translated some of the main European Enlightenment works by Genovesi, Montesquieu, Beccaria and Bentham. During the «Trienio Liberal», Salas wrote his most known work «Lecciones de Derecho Público Constitucional» (Lessons on Constitutional Public Law), which included not only a theoretical study, but also an analysis of the Spanish Constitution of 1812. His Lessons tried to introduce in Spain the political theories of Constant and Destutt de Tracy.Ramón de Salas fue uno de los primeros teóricos de Derecho Constitucional en España. Como profesor en la Universidad de Salamanca (1771-1795) intentó modificar los estudios de Derecho, introduciendo las teorías ilustradas (Montesquieu, Filangieri, Beccaria, Heinnecio, Burlamaqui, Wolf, Emer de Vattel, Puffendorf y Grocio).De hecho, llegó a traducir algunas de las principales obras de la Ilustración Europea elaboradas por Genovesi, Montesquieu, Beccaría y Bentham Durante el Trienio Liberal, Salas escribió su trabajo más conocido, «Lecciones de Derecho Público Constitucional», que incluían no sólo un estudio teórico, sino también un análisis de la Constitución de 1812. En esta obra, Salas intentó introducir en España las teorías políticas de Constant y Destutt de Tracy. Palabras clave: Ramón de Salas, pensamiento político, Derecho constitucional, Derecho Público
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Navarro-Michel, Monica. « Same-Sex Couples in Spain and Catalonia ». International Journal of Legal Information 42, no 1 (2014) : 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500028298.
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This paper aims to provide an overview of the legal regulation of same sex couples in Spain and Catalonia. It will present how regulations have evolved, from legal disregard of same sex couples to the admission of same sex marriages by the Spanish Law in 2005, upheld by the Spanish Constitutional Court. Reference will be made to Catalan law, as it provided the first comprehensive regulation on same-sex cohabitation. And finally, it will highlight some challenges still faced by same sex couples, as regards assisted reproduction.
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Rydberg, Åsa. « Constitutional and Institutional Developments ». Leiden Journal of International Law 13, no 2 (juin 2000) : 369–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500000273.
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Two additional agreements have been concluded on the enforcement of sentences of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). On 25 February 2000, an agreement was concluded between the Government of the French Republic and the United Nations on the enforcement of sentences of the ICTY. Thus, France thereby became the first permanent member of the Security Council to conclude such an agreement. A month later, on 28 March 2000, another agreement was concluded between the Kingdom of Spain and the United Nations. Both these agreements will enter into force upon notification to the United Nations by the respective states that the necessary national legal requirements have been met. Previously, agreements have been concluded with the following states: Italy, Finland, Norway, Sweden and Austria.
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Marsilla, Santiago Ibáñez. « Infringements and Penalties in Customs Matters in Spain ». Global Trade and Customs Journal 13, Issue 7/8 (1 juillet 2018) : 281–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2018033.
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The paper analyses the regime of administrative and criminal offences in customs law matters in the Spanish legal system. Introductory remarks on the constitutional framework on the punitive power of the State are followed by an overview of the general administrative infringements in tax matters that also apply to customs duties. Then the specific administrative and criminal offences in customs law are briefly examined. Finally there is a reference to the applicable criminal offence of fraud to the EU budget.
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Dankowski, Michał Zbigniew. « The Perspective of the Reform of the Constitution of Spain in View of the Institutional Status of Autonomous Communities ». Law and Administration in Post-Soviet Europe 6, no 1 (1 décembre 2019) : 4–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/lape-2019-0001.
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Abstract Spain according to the Constitution of 1978 is a unitary state, but its whole territory is divided into autonomous communities that have the widest rights from equivalent territorial units in other European countries. The Constitution restored the possibility of creating regional autonomies, which were abolished earlier during the Franco dictatorship. However, the basic law was adopted before the foundations of regional structures were fully developed, so norms concerning the issues of autonomy were dictated in a general way. Only later legal acts regulated the situation in detail, but often their content depended on the political situation and was not always homogeneous. The creators of the Constitution did not foresee the subsequent forming of autonomous communities in the entire state territory. For over four decades of validity of the Spanish constitution, differences in the way the individual autonomous communities were established and differences in the competences of different regions have emerged. Some autonomous governments have also begun to expand their rights at the expense of the central authorities. The above factors caused a lively discussion among lawyers and politicians over the necessity of constitutional reform in the scope of the territorial system of Spain.
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Urdánoz Ganuza, Jorge. « ¿Una antinomia constitucional ? El sufragio (des)igual en la Constitución de 1978 ». Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no 45 (3 avril 2020) : 353. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.45.2020.27135.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Se aborda la peculiar situación jurídico-política del sufragio igual en nuestro país. Las perspectivas que se utilizan son sobre todo las propias de tres disciplinas bien diferenciadas: la Filosofía Política, el Derecho Constitucional y la Ciencia Política. A ellas se une, además, el enfoque propio de una rama del conocimiento más joven y menos frecuentada, la Teoría de las Votaciones. Las conclusiones son considerablemente preocupantes: por un lado, empíricamente, España es uno de los países del mundo con una mayor desigualdad de voto; por otro, jurídicamente, la constitución de 1978 se encuentra presa de una antinomia que ha impedido que el derecho fundamental de los ciudadanos al voto igual pueda ser protegido constitucionalmente.The article examines the legal and political state of equal suffrage in Spain. The perspectives applied are fundamentally those of three well differentiated subject areas: Political Philosophy, Constitutional Law and Political Science. In addition, the text also grounds on a more younger field, the Voting Theory. The conclusions reached are highly worrying: not only that Spain is the country with one of the highest verifiable incidence of inequality in its voting system, but also that its Constitution of 1978 is host to a legal antinomy that has impeded adequate constitutional protection to guarantee the fundamental right of its citizens to an equal vote.
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Dankowski, Michał Zbigniew. « INFLUENCE OF THE GLOBAL FINANCIAL CRISIS ON THE SEPARATIST ASPIRATIONS OF CATALONIA FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF SPANISH INTERNAL LAW ». Polish Review of International and European Law 7, no 1 (20 août 2019) : 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/priel.2018.7.1.03.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Catalan Crisis of 2017-2018 has shown significant misunderstandings in the internal legal system of Spain. Many issues of the legal system were differently understood by the central government and by the autonomous authorities in Barcelona. It concerned such as important issues like the institution of referendum, which was interpreted differently by politicians from Madrid and the Constitutional Court and otherwise by those from Barcelona. The genesis of the constitutional crisis itself is rooted in the global economic crisis that began in the second half of the last decade, as it was then that the Catalan nationalist movement radicalized.
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Остапович, Игорь, et Igor Ostapovich. « JUDICIAL AUTHORITIES OF CONSTITUTIONAL CONTROL AS “NEGATIVE LEGISLATOR” IN MODERN PRACTICE IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES ». Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 1, no 4 (29 octobre 2015) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/14265.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the modern context judicial authorities actively participate in the creation of legal norms acting as a negative legislator (repealing operation of an unconstitutional bill or abrogating a by-law). The article consistently reveals peculiarities of carrying out by judicial authorities of constitutional control over the “negative legislator’s” functions in the frame of Anglo-Saxon, American and European model. This activity is directly linked both with the right to interpret the provisions of the state’s Constitutional law, and the right to make decisions on compliance of legal norms with that law. Difference is possible in relation to the volume of interpretation, consequences of decision-making as part of the subsequent constitutional control, and also different roles of judicial bodies. The article analyzes in detail constitutional and legal sources of such countries as Great Britain, the USA, Germany, Austria, Italy, Spain, Japan, Israel and Switzerland. The article also investigates various points of view of Russian and foreign scientists on this topic. Investigation of peculiarities in the process of building-up and development of the constitutional justice institute in Islamic states is of particular interest. It is noted in the study that it is not only Kelsen model (constitutional courts) that act as a “negative legislator”, but also other traditional models of bodies of constitutional control. The “negative legislator’s” functions performed by a body of constitutional control are inherent to any well-known model of its implementation, they have common features and at the same time certain particularities, conditioned by the structure of a national legal framework.
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SÁENZ ROYO, EVA, et YOLANDA GAMARRA CHOPO. « The application of the Simulated Society method in Social Sciences : a commitment to its coordinated implementation from related legal disciplines ». Revista Jurídica de Investigación e Innovación Educativa (REJIE Nueva Época), no 6 (1 juillet 2012) : 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.24310/rejie.2012.v0i6.7781.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The adjustment of Spain to the European Higher Education Area has involved important changes in the educational paper of the professors, in the methodology and educational aims and in the systems of evaluation. This project answers to these needs of adjustment and explains how a new educational methodology (Sim Soc) has been applied to the Double Degree of Law and Administration and Management (DADE) of the University of Saragossa, of a way coordinated between both Law subjects -Constitutional law and Public International law-, with the collaboration of Economic subjects -Applied Economy and Sociology-.
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Contreras Casado, Manuel, Eloy García López, Eloy, Juan Carlos Gavara de Cara, Alberto López Basaguren et Antonio López Pina. « Sobre la reforma de la Constitución ». Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no 29 (1 janvier 2012) : 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.29.2012.7042.
Texte intégralRésumé :
En esta encuesta un grupo de Catedráticos de Derecho Constitucional responden a un conjunto de preguntassobre la reforma constitucional: sobre las normas que rigen la reforma de la Constitución Española de 1978, sobre la prácticade dichas normas, sobre las materias constitucionales que sería necesario reformar, y, en particular, sobre la reforma introducidaen el art. 135 CE en 2011, tanto respecto al procedimiento seguido para la misma, como a su contenido. In this Academic Survey a group of Constitutional Law Professors answer some questions about constitutionalreform, and particularly about the regulation of Constitutional Reform in Spain, the practice of this constitutionalreform, the constitutional matters that should be amended or modified, and, of course, about the last constitutional reform ofart. 135 CE (the content of the reform and also the special reform procedure).
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Teoría y Realidad Constitucional. « Encuesta sobre la cuestión catalana ». Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no 37 (1 janvier 2016) : 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.37.2016.17016.
Texte intégralRésumé :
En esta encuesta un grupo de Catedráticos de Derecho Constitucional contestan un conjuntode preguntas sobre la situación jurídico-política en Cataluña y los desafíos constitucionales que plantea,especialmente en lo relativo a la posición de Cataluña en el Estado autonómico español, el movimiento independentista,el derecho a decidir, el Estatuto de Autonomía de Cataluña y la posibilidad de una reformaconstitucional.In this academic survey a group of Constitutional Law Professors answer some questionsabout the political and legal situation on Catalonia and the constitutional challengues that must be faced;specifically about the legal position of Catalonia in Spain, the movement for Independence of Catalonia, theright to decide, the «Estatuto de Autonomía» of Catalonia and the posibility of a constitutional reform.
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Arino, Omar Bouazza. « Sustainable Tourism and Taxes : An Insight into the Balearic Eco-Tax Law ». European Energy and Environmental Law Review 11, Issue 6 (1 juin 2002) : 169–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/5092593.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Summary: Using taxation, it being considered an efficient instrument to protect the environment, the Parliament of the Spanish Balearic Islands has tried to adopt measures to repair environmental damage directly caused by mass tourism. The aim of this article is to present both the aims of the Balearic eco-tax and the recent Constitutional Court Order of 15 January 2002. This Order authorised the collection of the tax while the Court is deciding its constitutionality in the light of an appeal by the Central Government of Spain. As it stands, the Constitutional Court Order seems to be a fundamental criticism of the unsustainable position of the legal representative of the State, who appeared to be arguing to avoid the enforcement of the eco-tax Law and to continue the exploitation of the fragile Balearic natural resources, without regard to future generations.
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UTRILLA FERNÁNDEZ-BERMEJO, Dolores. « Soft Law Governance in Times of Coronavirus in Spain ». European Journal of Risk Regulation 12, no 1 (9 février 2021) : 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/err.2020.117.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Early in the COVID-19 pandemic, between March and July 2020, Spanish national and regional authorities made extensive use of soft law mechanisms to fight the spread of the virus and to tackle the consequences of the crisis. Soft law was used either as an instrument in and of itself, or as a justification for hard law instruments, with more than 200 non-binding measures being enacted by the state and by the Autonomous Communities. Spanish courts also used soft law as a tool to interpret existing hard law instruments, Such uses give rise to concerns about the transparency of administrative action and the principle of legal certainty. Moreover, the widespread use of soft law to justify the adoption of binding measures restricting fundamental rights might have consequences for democratic accountability and judicial control of executive action. This article indicates the need to reconsider the current system of constitutional and legal constraints attached to this form of regulation, by introducing some binding procedural rules relating to its adoption and its publication, and by clarifying its legal effects and the mechanism through which it can be enforced by courts.
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Soria Jiménez, Alberto. « THE EVOLUTION IN SPANISH LAW OF STATE IMMUNITY LEADING TO THE ACCEPTANCE OF THE RESTRICTIVE THEORY ». Spanish Yearbook of International Law Online 2, no 1 (1992) : 45–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221161292x00031.
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SUMMARY Judgment 107/1992 of the Spanish Constitutional Court has not only cleared up any possible doubts about the alleged unconstitutionality of State immunities and it has discarded any possible contradictions that these immunities might have with art. 24.1 of the Spanish Constitution.. Judgment 107/1992 has also directly linked the right to due process of law with the correct jurisdictional application of the international rules to which art. 21.2 of the LOPJ remits. The Constitutional Court feels that extending immunity from enforcement to foreign State property beyond the provisions of Public International Law violates the right to due process because it limits the right to enforcement of judgments without any legal support. On the other hand, the Constitutional Court points out that when the rules of Public International Law impose absolute immunity from enforcement, the aforementioned right is not violated. That in these cases, this right might be guaranteed by diplomatic protection or, as a last resort, by an assumption by the forum State of its duty to satisfy judicially mandated obligations when the absence of enforcement of these might imply undue sacrifice for an individual contrary to the principle of equality before public burdens. Therefore it seems wise for the Spanish State to establish some procedure which would prevent the recognition of immunity would also be highly recommendable for Spain to enact a statute containing a list of exceptions to State immunity as soon as possible. It is the executive branch, therefore, that should resolve this situation by proposing a bill on this issue and perhaps, as a complementary measure, by ratifying the European Convention on State Immunity.
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Klishas, Andrey A. « SEPARATISM IS OUTSIDE THE LAW ». RUDN Journal of Law 23, no 1 (15 décembre 2019) : 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2337-2019-23-1-9-26.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The widespread and increasing activity of certain territorial entities in a number of jurisdictions in recent decades, aimed at establishing their absolute independence from the states to which they belong, and the establishment of their own statehood, poses a threat to the stability of the fundamental constitutional principles of the territorial integrity of the state and state sovereignty. The consequences of the territories actions to secede from the state, bypassing constitutional mechanisms and reasonable political dialogue to find consensus and ensure an equally acceptable solution for each of the parties, are the aggravation of social contradictions, the increase in the level of social tension, the violation of human rights and freedoms. Recent events related to the initiative of Catalonia to secede from Spain, particularly clearly demonstrate the possible result of a non-legal way to resolve the contradictions about the status of a territory within the state. The theoretical basis of this study is represented by the researches of European scientists on the realization of the people's right to self-determination. The empirical basis of the research is the opinions of the European Commission for democracy through law (Venice Commission), the decisions of state and supranational bodies. The methodological basis of the study is the formal-logical method, the method of system analysis, structural and functional method. The article presents the author's legal assessment of modern separate activity in the world (on the example of the process of Catalonia's secession from Spain). The study concludes that the people's right to self-determination should be interpreted only within the provisions of national constitutional acts and international legal instruments that do not provide (with rare exceptions) the admissibility of secede from the state territory in cases, where the population of the territory has the legal and actual ability to administrate within such territory. Broad interpretations of the people’s right to self-determination content, allowing the possibility of establishment by the people of the territory their own state, which not caused by the liberation of the population from colonial regime, or gross violations of the rights of such populations, is conflicting to fundamental principles of international law - the principle of territorial integrity and inviolability of state borders. The people’s right to self-determination, which had emerged as a legal means of combating colonialism, could not be used to destroy already established state borders or to undermine state sovereignty. The secession of a territory from the state is permissible only in exceptional cases and only to prevent a gross violation of human rights and freedoms.
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González Hernández, Esther. « El artículo 155 CE y la LO 15/2015, de 17 de octubre de reforma de la LOTC : ¿ineludible reciprocidad o círculo perverso ? » Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no 37 (1 janvier 2016) : 529. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.37.2016.17015.
Texte intégralRésumé :
El presente artículo analiza la última reforma de la Ley Orgánica del Tribunal Constitucional por LO 15/2015, de 17 de octubre, que, fundamentalmente trata de garantizar una mayor eficacia en la ejecutoriedad de las sentencias del Tribunal Constitucional español. En concreto, se analiza y desarrolla con detalle el apartado 5 del nuevo artículo 92 LOTC, en aquella parte que conecta con el control estatal extraordinario sobre las Comunidades Autónomas del artículo 155 CE. Un precepto que, curiosamente es uno de los menos analizados doctrinalmente de la Constitución española de 1978, que, sin embargo, es mencionado constantemente en cada «episodio» independentista que ha tenido lugar a lo largo de los treinta y siete años de vigencia de nuestra Carta Magna: el Plan Ibarretxe de 2004 y la «hoja de ruta soberanista» catalana iniciada en 2012 y que se extiende hasta nuestros días.This paper examine the Law 15/2015, October 17th, that reforms the one that regulates the Spanish Constitutional Court, and tries to ensure the efficiency in the enforceability of the Spanish Constitutional Court decisions. The paper deeply analyze paragraph 5 of article 92 of the Law that regulates the Constitutional Court, focusing on the aspects in which, under article 155 of the Spanish Constitution, a State control over the Autonomous Communities can be developed. This paper covers a gap: the doctrine has not sufficiently studied article 155 of the Spanish Constitution although it is the one most mentioned in any independence attempt that has hit Spain over 37 years: from the «Ibarretxe Plan» (2004) to the Catalonian independence roadmap (2012) and so far.
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Gómez Montoro, Ángel José. « El Estatuto Constitucional del no nacido : evolución y situación actual en España // The constitutional status of the unborn : evolution and current situation in Spain ». Revista de Derecho Político 1, no 102 (31 juillet 2018) : 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.102.2018.22388.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Resumen:El presente trabajo es un análisis de cómo ha evolucionado la protección del no nacido en España desde la aprobación de la Constitución de 1978. Se centra, en particular en el estudio de la legislación y de la jurisprudencia constitucional sobre dos temas especialmente relevantes y controvertidos: la regulación del aborto, de un lado, y de la fecundación in vitro y uso de embriones, sus tejidos y órganos, de otro. Tanto el legislador como la doctrina del Tribunal Constitucional se han inclinado por una protección gradualista de la vida humana en formación que deja abiertos muchos interrogantes desde la perspectiva del derecho a la vida (art. 15 CE) y la dignidad humana (art. 10.1 CE)Summary:1. The Introduction Of Abortion In Spain And The STC 53/1985: a) From Criminalization To Decriminalization In Certain Circumstances; b) STC 53/1985: i) Right To Life And Prenatal Life; ii) The Life Of The Unborn As A Constitutional Interest; iii) The Constitutionality Of The Indication System; iv) The Conditions For The Constitutionality Of Decriminalization; c) The New Regulation. 2. From The «Indication System» To The «System Of Deadlines»: Organic Law 2/2010 Of 3 March On Sexual And Reproductive Health And Voluntary Termination Of Pregnancy: a) The Evolution Of Abortion In Spain Under The 1985 Act;b) The Arguments For The Reform And The Context Of The New Regulation;c) The New Regulation. 3. An Open Debate: a) The Conditions For The Constitutionality Of Decriminalization; b) The Failed Reform Of The Act. 4. The Weak Protection Of The Embryo In The Legislation On In Vitro Fertilization And The Use Of Embryonic Organs And Tissues, And The SSTC 212/1996 And 116/1999: a) Act 35/1988 On Assisted Reproduction Techniques, And Act 42/1988 On Donation And Use Of Human Embryos And Fetuses And Their Cells, Tissues And Organs; b) Negation Of The Right To Life Of The Embryo And Consequences For Its Consideration As A Constitutionally Protected Legal Interest: i) The Embryo Does Not Hold The Right To Life; ii) Two New Categories:Pre-Embryos And Non-Viable Embryos And Their Legal Relevance; iii) Surplus Embryos; iv) The Absence Of Any Criminal Protection; v) A Weak Concept Of Dignity. 5. Legislative Evolution; 6. A Model For The Gradual (Dis)Protection Of Unborn Human Life.Abstract:This paper analyzes the evolution of the protection of the unborn human life in Spain since the enactment of the 1978 Constitution. It focuses, in particular, on the study of the laws and the constitutional jurisprudence on two relevant matters: the regulation of abortion; and the in vitro fertilization, the use of embryos their tissues and organs. The legislator and the decisions of the Constitutional Court have opted for gradualist protection of the embryo that leaves many questions open from the perspective of the right to life (Article 15 SC) and human dignity (Article 10.1 SC).
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Vatsov, Mihail. « European Integration Through Preliminary Rulings ? The Case of the Bulgarian Constitutional Court ». German Law Journal 16, no 6 (décembre 2015) : 1591–622. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200021283.
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The preliminary reference procedure under Article 267 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) is instrumental for the so-called “judicial dialogue” within the European Union (EU). The goals of the preliminary reference procedure are to ensure the uniform interpretation and application of EU law and to contribute to the harmonious development of the law throughout the EU. It was through the preliminary reference procedure to the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) that the principles of direct effect and supremacy were developed. It took many years before the first request by a Constitutional Court was sent to the CJEU. So far, the Constitutional Courts of Belgium, Austria, Lithuania, Italy, Spain, France, Germany, and most recently Slovenia, have sent requests for preliminary rulings to the CJEU. By far the most active of these in sending requests has been the Belgian Court. The Portuguese Constitutional Court has indicated that it can request preliminary rulings from the CJEU but is yet to do so. In the other Member States (MS) with Constitutional Courts, references have not been sent yet, although worthy occasions in terms of EU-law-related cases have occurred, as also observed in various contributions in this special issue. These MSs include Bulgaria.
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Aguilar, Angel Baena. « Eco-Taxes in Spain ». European Energy and Environmental Law Review 9, Issue 4 (1 avril 2000) : 114–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/268316.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Constitutional restraints on the introduction of eco-taxes in Spain; the lack of political will at central level; powers of the autonomous regions and limitations. A review of ecological measures both within and outside the income tax regime — entering environmental liabilities in the balance sheet, deductions for mining enterprises, tax concessions for environmental investments, carbon taxes on motor fuels, Galician measures on sulphur and NOX emissions, excise tax on electricity, the taxation of other energy products, the taxation of vehicles, agricultural taxes, the taxation of solid waste, the taxation of water, and the taxation of specific assets.
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Carballo, Carlos Ortega, et Luis Arroyo Jiménez. « Towards the Modernization of the Appeal for Constitutional Protection of Fundamental Rights in Spain ». European Public Law 20, Issue 1 (1 mars 2014) : 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2014004.
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Carbonell, Josep-Maria. « The Two Main Challenges to Catalan Identity ». American Behavioral Scientist 63, no 7 (16 mars 2018) : 789–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218763479.
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Since the Franco regime came to an end in 1978, the main political and social forces in Catalonia have pursued a model of intercultural relations that aims to protect Catalan cultural identity and at the same time to incorporate the various different waves of migrants who came to Catalonia from other regions of Spain during the course of the 20th century and who now represent close to 40% of the population. Moreover, during the negotiations for the new Spanish constitution in 1978, these political forces in Catalonia accepted a new political relationship with Spain with the constitution of the Catalan autonomous region. During the course of the past 15 years, two major factors have become increasingly apparent. First, there has been a further wave of migration from other countries and continents, in particular from Muslim countries (13.6% in 2016 compared with 2.9% in 2000). Second, the place of Catalonia within Spain has been called into question for a number of different political, economic, social, and cultural reasons. In 2017, a considerable number of Catalans, close to 50%, mobilized to demand the independence of their country and attempted to proclaim and constitute the “Republic of Catalonia,” thus breaking the constitutional law in force throughout Spain. This breach of the law brought about a response from the Spanish security forces and justice system, which resulted in the suspension of the Catalan autonomous government and the calling of elections. The object of this study is to analyze the impact of the recent migrations and the current political situation on the model of intercultural relations that has governed Catalan cultural identity in recent times. The principal objectives of the model have been to ensure the civil unity of Catalonia, to safeguard Catalan language and culture, and to promote respect for cultures of citizens from other regions of Spain, all within a context of mutual dialogue and exchange. The thesis of this article is that this model, which pursues integration and unity, is in danger of breaking down as a result of the new phenomena.
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Rubert, María Belén Cardona. « Workers' Privacy and the Power of Employer Control in Spain ». International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 16, Issue 4 (1 décembre 2000) : 349–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/321106.
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This paper examines the connection between the privacy of workers and the power of employer control with reference to the Spanish legal system. The general aim of Constitutional principles and Statute of Worker's Right is to defend workers' privacy from intrusive or disproportional attacks on their private domain. In this perspective Spanish legislation delimits employer authority by subjecting it to two limits which cannot be avoided. The first is that employer control is restricted to ascertaining that workers fulfil their contractual obligations and duties; however this control is conditioned by the contract cannot go beyond the bounds which are directly related to the contract. The second limit is the dignity of the worker, as stated in Article 10.1 of the Spanish Constitution, and his/her right to privacy (Articles 18 of the Constitution and 4.2 of the Statute of Workers' Rights). The Spanish legal system prevents any type of control of the employee's private life which is not connected to technical or organizational aspects of work, and any type of supervision which encroaches on the freedom of the person, at the very core of the right to privacy.
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Reid, Colin T., et Gerardo Ruiz-Rico Ruiz. « Scotland and Spain : The Division of Environmental Competences ». International and Comparative Law Quarterly 52, no 1 (janvier 2003) : 209–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/52.1.209.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Two conflicting forces beset any attempts to fit responsibility for environmental matters into modern constitutional structures. On the one hand the political desire for less centralised government calls for devolution of power to regional or local authorities, so that responsibilities are divided and distributed between different levels of government. On the other, the fact that no aspect of the environment can be treated as if it were a separate compartment suggests that responsibilities should be integrated in one place, an approach supported by the increasing awareness that there is a need for environmental considerations to influence all areas of policy if the goal of sustainable development is to be achieved. Fitting responses to the conditions1 of a particular locality is an important element in successful environmental policy, but so is ensuring that a coherent and holistic approach is taken, unhindered by institutional divisions.2 The purpose of this paper is to examine how two structures of devolved administration, for the Autonomous Communities in Spain and for Scotland, meet the challenge of reconciling these opposite forces, and how the constitutional structures influence the way in which potential problems are resolved.
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Ribes, Aurora. « Expatriate Taxation in Spain : Some Reflections for Debate ». Intertax 43, Issue 6/7 (1 juin 2015) : 460–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/taxi2015043.
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The aim of this article is to discuss the Spanish tax regime for expatriates, currently envisaged in Article 93 of the Individuals' Income Tax Act. The purpose of this favourable system was to strengthen Spain's international competitiveness by attracting recipients of high income and foreign investment. However, the option to be taxed as a non-resident (exclusively on the Spanish sourced income and at 24%) for the five subsequent years, provided certain conditions are met, gives rise to some controversial questions both in the light of the constitutional principles and in the international field. The article provides insight into the expatriate tax treatment of other European Union (EU) Member States, by examining the different approaches to the same topic. This comparative experience is taken into account for our criticism and proposals for an alternative design of a new Spanish expatriate taxation system.
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Alemán Bracho, Carmen, et José María Alonso Seco. « Las prestaciones de atención a la dependencia y su consideración como derechos sociales // Dependency benefits and its consideration as Social Rights. » Revista de Derecho Político 1, no 100 (20 décembre 2017) : 987. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.100.2017.20724.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Resumen:El estudio se refiere a las prestaciones de atención a la dependencia establecidas en España por la Ley 39/2006, de 14 de diciembre, de Promoción de la Autonomía Personal y Atención a las personas en situación de dependencia y por las nuevas Leyes autonómicas de servicios sociales. Después de describir brevemente dichas prestaciones, se analiza el carácter de derechos sociales que pueden tener en la Constitución, en la jurisprudencia del Tribunal Constitucional y en la legislación estatal y autonómica.Summary:1. Introduction. 2. Dependency benefits. 2.1 Conceptual approach. 2.2 Consideration as «social assistance» benefits. 3. Dependency benefits as social rights. 3.1 Constitution and jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court. 3.2 State and autonomous legislation. 4. Conclusion. 5. Bibliographical references.Abstract:The study addresses the dependency benefits established in Spain by the Law 39/2006, of 14 December, on the Promotion of Personal Autonomy and Care for people in a situation of dependence and by other recent regional social services laws. Initially, we analyze how these benefits are incorporated into the Spanish legal system as a result of international external influences. Furthermore, we evaluate the nature of social rights in the Constitution, in the Constitutional Court jurisprudence, and in the state and regional legislation.
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Cram, Ian. « Constitutional responses to extremist political associations – ETA, Batasuna and democratic norms ». Legal Studies 28, no 1 (mars 2008) : 68–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-121x.2007.00066.x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Systems of representative democracy require that the electorate be given at regular intervals the opportunity to replace the party in government with a rival political association. In this context, the right of individuals to freedom of association permits the formation of competitor parties and prevents forms of state intervention that might otherwise privilege existing office holders and their political programmes. It follows then that restrictions on the right to political association are deserving of particularly close scrutiny. At the same time, liberal democratic constitutions usually insist that participants in electoral process manifest a level of commitment to core liberal democratic norms (such as the rule of law, toleration, the equal worth of each individual and the peaceful resolution of grievances). In the case of intolerant, extremist parties that would reject some/most of these norms, the state may invoke a range of defensive measures up to and including proscription in order to safeguard democracy. This paper takes as its focus the constitutional issues raised by the banning in Spain of Batasuna – the political wing of ETA. A legal challenge to the ban is currently before the European Court of Human Rights. Making reference to work of John Rawls, this paper considers whether the ban on Batasuna is justifiable in terms of liberal political theory, before analysing the extent to which proscription conforms to international human rights law and European Court of Human Rights jurisprudence.
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FOSSAS ESPALADER, ENRIC. « COSA INTERPRETADA EN DERECHOS FUNDAMENTALES : JURISPRUDENCIA DEL TEDH Y JURISPRUDENCIA CONSTITUCIONAL ». RVAP 82, no 82 (1 décembre 2008) : 165–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.47623/ivap-rvap.82.2008.2.06.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Esta contribución examina cómo la jurisprudencia constitucional en España ha interpretado el efecto de «cosa interpretada» que produciría la jurisprudencia del TEDH, el cual se traduce en la vinculación jurídica de las autoridades nacionales de los Estados parte del CEDH a la interpretación que del mismo realiza el TEDH. Dicho principio está implícito en el Convenio europeo, habría sido reconocido de alguna forma por el mismo Tribunal de Estrasburgo, y se asumiría constitucionalmente mediante la cláusula interpretativa contenida en el art. 10.2 CE. Del estudio de diversos pronunciamientos del TC se concluye que éste ha asumido el efecto de «cosa interpretada», y ha admitido su vinculación a la jurisprudencia del TEDH
para establecer el contenido constitucionalmente declarado de los derechos y libertades de la CE que coinciden con los del CEDH. El Tribunal ha precisado que dicha vinculación se refiere a la concreción del contenido de los derechos del CEDH que el TC ha de reconocer como contenido esencial o contenido mínimo de los derechos fundamentales de la CE. Ekarpen honetan aztertzen da nola interpretatu duen Espainiako konstituzio-jurisprudentziak GEEAren jurisprudentziak sortuko lukeen «gauza interpretatu»aren efektua, zeinaren ondorioz, GEEAk egiten duen interpretazioa juridikoki loteslea baita Giza Eskubideak eta Oinarrizko Askatasunak Babesteko Europako Hitzarmenaren barruko estatuetako agintaritza nazionalentzat. Printzipio hori inplizitu dago europar Hitzarmenean, Estrasburgoko Auzitegiak berak ere onartuko zukeen nolabait, eta Konstituzioak bere egingo zukeen EK 10.2 artikuluan jasotako interpretazio-klausularen bitartez. Konstituzio Auzitegiaren hainbat erabaki aztertuta, ondorioztatzen da auzitegi horrek bere egin duela «gauza interpretatu»aren efektua eta onartu egin duela GEEAren jurisprudentzia loteslea dela beretzat, GEEHkoekin bat datozen EKko eskubide eta askatasunen eduki konstituzionalki onartua ezartzeko orduan. Auzitegiak zehaztu duenez, izaera lotesle hori GEEHko eskubideen edukiaren zehaztapenari dagokio, hain zuzen ere, Konstituzio Auzitegiak Konstituzioko oinarrizko eskubideen funtsezko edo gutxieneko edukitzat onartu behar duen edukiaren zehaztapenari. This contribution analyses how the Constitutional case law in Spain has interpreted the «res iudicata» effect generated by the European Court of Human Rights jurisprudence, which means that national authorities from signatory parties to the European Convention of Human Rights abide by ECHR case law. That principle, which is implied in the European Convention, had been acknowledged somehow by the same Court of Strasbourg and it would
have been constitutionally accepted by means of the interpretative clause of art. 10.2 of the Spanish Constitution. A study of several rulings delivered by the Constitutional Court concluded that this later accepted the «res iudicata» effect and that it admitted to be bound by the ECHR case law in order to set the content of rights and freedoms from the Constitution, which match up with those from the Convention. The Constitutional Court has determined that
it is bound as far as what is referred to the fixing of the content of conventional rights that the Constitutional Court has to recognize as essential content or minimum content of fundamental rights.
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Gulati, Mitu, Ugo Panizza, W. Mark C. Weidemaier et Gracie Willingham. « When Governments Promise to Prioritize Public Debt : Do Markets Care ? » Journal of Financial Regulation 6, no 1 (20 mars 2020) : 41–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jfr/fjaa001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract During the European sovereign debt crisis of 2011–13, some nations faced with rising borrowing costs adopted commitments to treat bondholders as priority claimants. That is, if there were a shortage of funds, bondholders would be paid first. In this article, we analyse the prevalence and variety of these types of commitments and ask whether they impact borrowing costs. We examine a reform that was widely touted at the height of the Euro sovereign debt crisis in 2011, in which Spain enshrined in its constitution a strong commitment to give absolute priority to public debt claimants. We find no evidence that this reform had any impact on Spanish sovereign bond yields. By contrast, our examination of the US Commonwealth of Puerto Rico suggests that constitutional priority promises can have an impact, at least where the borrower government is subject to supervening law and legal institutions.