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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Conflict management – Bosnia and Hercegovina »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Conflict management – Bosnia and Hercegovina"

Maley, William. « The United Nations and Ethnic Conflict Management : Lessons from the Disintegration of Yugoslavia ». Nationalities Papers 25, n^o 3 (septembre 1997) : 559–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408524.

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On 14 December 1995, an agreement as the Elysée Treaty (earlier initialled in Dayton after weeks of difficult negotiation) was signed in Paris by the Heads of State of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Croatia, and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. One of the witnesses at the ceremony was the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Dr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, and, in a real sense, it marked the nadir of his term of office. In June 1992, amidst the euphoria of U.S. President George Bush's articulation of hopes for a new world order, Boutros-Ghali had presented a report to U.N. members entitled An Agenda for Peace which painted an ambitious picture of the opportunities for constructive involvement of the U.N. in conflict resolution. Yet ironically, this was almost the moment at which the intensification of intergroup conflict precipitated Bosnia-Hercegovina's slide into social and political disarray. The ultimate humiliation for the U.N. came in July 1995 when the massacre of Bosnian Muslims by Bosnian Serb forces in the U.N.-declared “safe area” of Srebrenica triggered the chain of events which saw responsibility for Bosnia-Hercegovina decisively removed from the U.N.'s grasp, and assumed by the United States and its NATO allies. The U.N. may recover from the shame of its Balkan entanglement, but the scars are likely to prove permanent.

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Dijkstra, Gerrit. « Bosnia and Hercegovina After the Crisis ». Journal of Contingencies and Crisis Management 7, n^o 4 (décembre 1999) : 215–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5973.00115.

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Shahzadi, Gulnaz, et Rehana Saeed Hashmi. « THE WAR IN BOSNIA-HERCEGOVINA (1992-1995) AND ITS CAUSES ». Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, n^o 03 (30 septembre 2022) : 456–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i03.735.

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The brutal conflicts in Bosnia-Hercegovina were the reminder of chaos and upheaval which dominated post Cold War World. The fall of Soviet Union and resulting shifts in international security did not created the ‘New World Order’ that was envisaged by many, rather it was a rampant security disorder that stayed for long. At the core of this has been massive increase in communal, religious and ethnic violence. Governments and people released from former Soviet rule swept by new democratic wave began to take up slogans of nationalism. In some instance, this was peaceful arising such as split of Czechoslovakia. In other cases like Yugoslavia, Georgia and Azerbaijan nationalist sentiment exploded violently. Europe and its surroundings had not seen bloodshed of this scale since World War II. The break up of huge empires invariably resulted in periods of general political instability and intense nationalism. In remote troubled areas like Angola and Somalia where nationalism had lesser role, experts predicted outbreak of conflict. As the cold War was over these regions lost immediate strategic importance, as a result inter ethnic conflicts emerged in tribal regions. These conflicts were protracted and international community remained reluctant to intervene. An example of such conflict is Bosnia, where wide array of local and international factors resulted in conflicts. This article attempts to thoroughly examine the factors responsible for the conflict. Moreover, it also sheds light on the role played by international actors that either amplified or resolved the conflict. For this purpose, the study adopted a qualitative approach (i.e. using the existing body of literature-books, newspapers, and journal articles to draw conclusion). Keywords: Bosnia-Hercegovina, conflict, war, religion, political, ethnicities

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Platzer, Michael, et Brad Popovic. « Dusan Cotic : Friend, mentor, scholar, and the man of action ». Temida 15, n^o 2 (2012) : 45–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem1202045p.

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This paper describes the contribution of professor Dusan Cotic to the reconciliation process in Bosnia and Hercegovina. He participated in the project which intended to re-establish inter-ethnic dialogue and to harmonize laws and regulations in this country. The results were quite impressive for those turbulent post-conflict times. Among other things a new manual for correctional officers and law reform proposals were made, seminars were organized and also for the first time since the beginning of the hostilities judges from both entities were brought together.

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Chapman, John. « Destruction of a common heritage : the archaeology of war in Croatia, Bosnia and Hercegovina ». Antiquity 68, n^o 258 (mars 1994) : 120–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00046251.

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The civil war in the former Yugoslavia, the largest conflict in Europe for half a century, is more than incidentally about objects from the past and proofs of past possession. Here is a report on some of the specifics and some of the generalities.

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Tučić, Boris. « Bosnia and Herzegovina as a factor of the western Balkan security subcomplex ». Zurnal za bezbjednost i kriminalistiku 3, n^o 2 (2021) : 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zurbezkrim2101045t.

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Relying on the basic theoretical assumptions of the Copenhagen School, especially the sectoral understanding of security and Regional Security Complex Theory, the paper analyzes the security situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), its implications for the wider Western Balkan security environment, including the situation in BiH realized in the context of differentiating the Western Balkan security subcomplex in relation to the wider European security identity which has an impact on the region. The aim of this paper is to point out the key factors that determine the security situation in BiH and its surrounding region, including the specificities of the security context in BiH, which is reflected in the essential inseparability of its political and societal dimension, because the issue of collective identity in BiH, which is exclusively grounded on the ethno-political premises manifested through its Dayton constitutional structure and the consociative character of its political system. Therefore, the paper concludes, among other things, that the causes of the unfavorable security situation in BiH and its negative implications for the region must primarily be sought in the permanent conflict between the three ethno-political identities and the dysfunctionality of political mechanisms for conflict resolutions, including inadequate policies which have been applied to Dayton BiH by key representatives of the European security identity, such as the European Union and NATO, almost since its establishment.

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Jajčević, Jasmin. « Informbiro crisis and Bosnia and Herzegovina (1948-1956) in historical sources and historiography ». Historijski pogledi 4, n^o 6 (15 novembre 2021) : 93–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.93.

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In terms of historiography, the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina after the Second World War has been dealt with by many historians and scholars, dealing with and researching topics related to the economy, culture, the issue of religious communities, political circumstances, etc. What is lacking in historiographical research in the period after the Second World War is certainly the question of education (educational opportunities), as well as the question of the repercussions and consequences of the Informbiro crisis in the period from 1948 to 1956 for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The period from 1948 to 1956 is one of the most dramatic and fateful phases in the recent history of the South Slavic countries, ie Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is a period of very contradictory and turbulent social processes, which have led to complex changes in all areas of socio-economic and political reality, both domestically (in Yugoslavia and Bosnia and Herzegovina) and internationally. Stalin's attempt to subjugate the Yugoslav party leadership to Soviet domination will lead to an open split between Tito and Stalin (Yugoslavia and the USSR), which will have major consequences for the development of the Yugoslav political system, will lead to universal persecution of all those who voted for politics. Informbiroa in Yugoslavia. The conflict will have a particular impact on the political, economic and social situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The aim of this paper is to point out the historical sources that are in the archives of Bosnia and Herzegovina, archives in Belgrade (Archives of Yugoslavia) and Zagreb on the basis of which the necessary data can be drawn to understand this issue, as well as to point to historiography (books, collections of papers and journals) that dealt with the issue of the Informbiro crisis in the period from 1948 to 1956 and its reflection on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is due to the fact that very few scientists and historians have dealt with this issue, as well as that there is very little historical literature for this period, especially for the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It should be noted that we have a historian who has dealt with this issue at the micro level, and as a result a book was published in 2005 entitled „Informbiro and Northeast Bosnia: Echoes and Consequences of the KPJ-Informbiro Conflict (1948-1953)", where the general public with this event, which has a great impact on the political and socio-economic situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. From the appearance of this book until today, there have been attempts to shed light on this issue through several scientific conferences and round tables, and the result has been published collections of papers, as well as articles published in some journals, both in Bosnia and Herzegovina and wider.

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Klempic-Bogadi, Sanja, Margareta Gregurovic et Sonja Podgorelec. « Migration from Bosnia and Herzegovina to Croatia : Migration patterns of immigrants in Zagreb ». Stanovnistvo 56, n^o 2 (2018) : 39–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv1802039k.

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The 2011 population census recorded 4,290,612 residents of Croatia among which 584,947 or 13.7% were born abroad. Even though the most of them were born in Bosnia and Herzegovina (70% or 409,357) no research was conducted about this significant group of immigrants. This paper analyses the migration flows between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia during the last 60 years, especially focusing on demographic data available from diverse secondary sources and data on migration history and transnational activities obtained through empirical study ?The Effects of Immigration from Bosnia and Herzegovina on the Sociodemographic Development of Croatian Urban Areas?. The survey was conducted in 2014 in Sesvete, district of City of Zagreb on a judgemental/purposive sample of 301 adult Croatian residents born in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Historical events (especially war) and economic developments had the influence on the number of immigrants as well as their motivation and decision to move from Bosnia and Hercegovina to Croatia. The data obtained through secondary sources and the results of conducted survey confirmed the shift in dominant migration patterns during three periods. First period, after the WWII until beginning of 1990s, indicated mostly labour migration where the migrations from Bosnia and Herzegovina to Croatia were mostly driven by economic underdevelopment of the country of origin and directed towards Croatian commercial and industrial centres. In the first half of 1990s the change of socio-political system (breakup of the former federal state) and the war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina induced significant forced migrations directed towards Croatia. After the end of the war and due to the consequences of armed conflict effecting the contemporary socioeconomic and political development of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a part of its citizens who were temporary settled in Croatia (as labour migrants or refugees) or elsewhere abroad, decided not to move back to Bosnia and Herzegovina but permanently stay in or move to Croatia. This was followed by the new period of migration driven (again) mostly by economic reasons complemented by general social situation and advanced unfavourable demographic processes in Bosnia and Hercegovina. These conditions stimulated the citizens of Bosnia and Hercegovina to migrate more frequently to other, economically more developed countries (Germany, Austria) effecting significantly the number of immigrants from Bosnia and Herzegovina in Croatia. The respondents included in empirical research are mostly Croats by ethnic affiliation (93.4%) and 99% of them have Croatian citizenship. In the highest proportion they migrated to Croatia during the 1990s. The results showed statistically significant correlation between the area of Bosnia and Herzegovina from where they moved to Croatia and the period of migration (the most numerous migrations were recorded from the area of the contemporary Republika Srpska). Three most frequent reasons of migration were war destruction (41.5%), economic reasons (33.2%) and family reasons (13%). Almost two thirds of respondents (63.1%) had no prior migration experience and more than 90% plan to stay permanently in Croatia. The study also confirmed significant social and transnational activities of immigrants. However, these respondents cannot be considered as the ?typical migrants? since they largely share language, culture and tradition of receiving society which presents a favourable environment for their legal/political, socioeconomic and sociocultural integration.

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Jones, Alex. « Migration, ethnicity and conflict : Oxfam's experience of working with Roma communities in Tuzla, Bosnia-Hercegovina ». Gender & ; Development 6, n^o 1 (mars 1998) : 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/741922631.

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Thumann, Michael. « Between Ambition and Paralysis—Germany's Policy toward Yugoslavia 1991–1993 ». Nationalities Papers 25, n^o 3 (septembre 1997) : 575–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408525.

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The decay of Yugoslavia since 1990 has put an end to the experiment of a state of Southern Slavs. At the same time it has destroyed the myth of a peaceful and strong Western Europe. The continent that had displayed an impressive performance of cooperation and skillful diplomatic maneuvering during the last years of the Cold War proved to be incapable of coping with the problems in its southeastern backyard. In the beginning of the conflict, the European Community assumed responsibility for negotiating cease-fires and a peace settlement for the embattled Yugoslav states. But all efforts were fruitless. In 1995, it was primarily the interference of the United States that brought about the peace treaty of Dayton for Bosnia-Hercegovina.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Conflict management – Bosnia and Hercegovina"

Zahar, Marie-Joëlle. « Fanatics, mercenaries, brigands ... and politicians : militia decision-making and civil conflict resolution ». Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36742.

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When do militias---whose power, riches, and legitimacy depend on the continuation of civil wars---accept negotiated settlements? An unexplored and crucial dimension of militia decision-making is the process of militia institutionalization. Militias create institutions to improve their odds of winning the war and project legitimacy internally as well as externally.
Militia institutions affect the strategic choice of decision-makers. They create financial and organizational interests that modify the preferences of the militia leadership. The modified preferences increase the win-set of militia leaders at the negotiating table. Militia institutions also change the decision-making context. Institutions unleash three dynamics that decrease a militia's ability to withstand fluctuations in the military balance of forces. Institutions can lead to factionalism, increased visibility (and hence vulnerability to attack), and strains in relations with patrons.
Using the logic of two-level games, I argue that leaders evaluate peace settlements with an eye on two boards. Externally, they evaluate their position vis-a-vis other protagonists in the conflict. Internally, leaders are concerned with their positions in power. Institutionalization results in a tension between "raison de la revolution" (ideological motivations) and "raison d'institution" (institutional preservation). Embattled leaders who increasingly find it difficult to withstand changes in the balance of forces find that their institutional interests are better preserved by peace. They agree to compromise on their ideological preferences thus opening a window of opportunity for the attainment of sustainable peace settlements.
Employing the comparative case-study method, the dissertation examines the attitudes of the Lebanese Forces and the Bosnian Serbs respectively toward conflict-resolution schemes that sought to bring the Lebanese and Bosnian civil wars to an end.
By focusing on leaders' incentives to settle, the research allows us to predict a priori which settlements are more sustainable. Theoretically, it refines the concept of "ripeness" for negotiations by specifying both its intra-communal and its extra-communal dimensions. In terms of practical policy implications, the research argues that militias are prime candidates for the role of spoilers. Thus, it is important not only to understand their incentives to settle but also to craft peace agreements that give even such radical factions a vested interest in peace.

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Muir, Rachel. « Rethinking conflict resolution research in post-war Bosnia and Hercegovina : a genealogical and ontological exploration ». Thesis, University of Bradford, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/15000.

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This thesis explores how research is implicated in the constitution of post-war environments, and gives an account of being and becoming a researcher in post-war Bosnia. My main contention is that when peace and conflict researchers conduct research in post-war contexts, their presence, practices, and the consequential production of knowledge and representations, have political effects. I argue that the implications of this have not been fully explained, acknowledged, or problematised within Conflict Resolution, which tends to rely on research approaches and assumptions taken from ‘normal’ science. This thesis suggests how reflexivity and alternatives methodologies, including visual research might be used to represent the emotional, sensory, and often intangible elements of post-war realities. It enacts an engagement in the politics of research and uses reflexive writing and visual methods to draw attention to the importance of the relational aspects of research in postwar environments. Visual journeys are also used to argue that visual methods can provide a way of revisiting the epistemological and ontological assumptions about lived experiences and realities in post-war settings. The thesis is based upon one year of ethnographic fieldwork undertaken in Bosnia, and is also informed by eighteen months of volunteer work with a Bosnian Community Centre in Dewsbury, West Yorkshire.

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Babiaková, Zuzana. « The Role of OSCE in Post-Conflict Reconstruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192506.

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The thesis focuses on the post-conflict reconstruction of a small Balkan state, Bosnia and Herzegovina, with the emphasis on a wide-range mandate assigned by the Dayton Peace Accords to the regional security organization OSCE. The second part of the thesis takes a closer look at the main causes of the current political, economic and social crisis hindering the development of the country. Although Bosnia is a unitary country, it is strongly decentralized in most of its public life as well as political and social sectors, including the political parties, media or education system.

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Eralp, Ulas Doga. « The effectiveness of the EU as a peace actor in post-conflict Bosnia Herzegovina an evaluative study / ». Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/4577.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--George Mason University, 2009.
Vita: p. 340. Thesis director: Dennis J.D. Sandole. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Conflict Analysis and Resolution. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Oct. 12, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 327-339). Also issued in print.

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Bell, Pamela. « The nature and extent of war trauma and the psychological repercussions on female civilians : a contribution to a broader understanding of the effects of prolonged and repeated trauma, within the cultural and contextual restraints of a post-conflict society ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211351.

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Evans-Kent, Bronwyn. « Transformative peacebuilding in post-conflict reconstruction : the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina / ». St. Lucia, Qld, 2003. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe17381.pdf.

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Macoun, Pilská Alžběta. « Mezinárodní nevládní organizace v postkonfliktní rekonstrukci (případová studie Bosna a Hercegovina) ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193792.

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The master thesis deals with the role of NGOs in post-conflict reconstruction, the case study is applied to the post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. The post-conflict reconstruction goes on since the end of the civil war in 1995 there. The aim of this work is to evaluate the fulfillment of the four pillars of the post-conflict reconstruction in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The first chapter follows the theory of peacekeeping operations and theoretical classification of the post-conflict reconstruction. In the second chapter, there is an application of the Dayton Peace Agreement on the four pillars of the post-conflict reconstruction. The third chapter deals with activities of NGOs in Bosnia and Herzegovina and presents some major projects and the overall assessment of their impact. For the methodology was chosen qualitative and quantitative evaluation and analysis and synthesis of data.

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Lönnberg, Linnea. « At the Endpoint of Violence : A comparative study between the genocide in Bosnia Herzegovina and the conflict in Georgian Abkhazia ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-341433.

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In an attempt to bridge the gap between theories of violent escalation and those of genocide, this paper theorizes genocide to be a strategic choice by leaders in response to a situation which they perceive to lack alternatives. This situation is expected to evolve out of a violent escalation, more precisely civil war. The empirical test consists of a structured focused comparison of one positive and one negative case; namely the conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina and the conflict in Georgia over the region Abkhazia. The finding gives some evidence to the theory, however a more adequate theory needs to also involve a theorization of the ability to perpetrate genocide and not only of a lack of other alternatives. The study builds on previous research on the relationship between violent escalation and genocide, and findings are in line with existing research.

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Lindvall, Daniel. « The limits of the European vision in Bosnia and Herzegovina an analysis of the police reform negotiations / ». Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-31392.

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Finnen, Alexander John. « The international community's management of 'post-conflict' with particular reference to Bosnia and Herzegovina ». Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2011. https://radar.brookes.ac.uk/radar/items/3eda2f51-b83a-f3e0-e43f-517733542856/1/.

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The purpose of the thesis is to examine the International Community’s (IC) responses to post-conflict at the turn of the twenty-first century and in a period of transition. The thesis will establish whether there are any standard models for the IC’s engagement in post-conflict and if so whether these models are gradually ‘evolutionary’ or subject to radical change. The thesis will situate the IC’s response within the existing academic models and will encompass a review of these models so as to establish whether recent post-conflict interventions can be adequately defined by them. The thesis will also define a typology of post-conflict so as to establish whether the existing definitions are ‘fit for purpose’. The thesis will make use of a substantial body of empirical evidence which was gathered by the author during a period of fourteen years spent in the Western Balkans. It will in consequence address the issue of ‘observation’ in the research design and conclusion. The thesis will use this corpus of evidence gathered to illuminate the points raised during the thesis and to establish whether the changes in the typology of the IC’s response to post-conflict in the Western Balkans were specific to those particular missions or whether they represented a longer-term change in approach by the IC. As part of this changing approach to post-conflict, the thesis will also examine the role of the European Union (EU) and question the role which the EU, only one amongst many regional and sub-regional organisations, has ascribed to itself in the IC’s management of post-conflict.

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Livres sur le sujet "Conflict management – Bosnia and Hercegovina"

Charles, Pentland, dir. Bridges to peace : Ten years of conflict management in Bosnia. Kingston, Ontario : Queen's University, 2003.

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Allison, Frendak-Blume, dir. Reconstruction and peace building in the Balkans : The Brčko experience. Lanham, MD : Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2011.

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Maya, Shatzmiller, dir. Islam and Bosnia : Conflict resolution and foreign policy in multi-ethnic states. Montréal : McGill-Queen's University Press, 2002.

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Making the transition : International intervention, state-building and criminal justice reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Cambridge [England] : Intersentia, 2011.

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Politics of identity in post-conflict states : The Bosnian and Irish experience. New York, NY : Routledge, 2016.

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Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service, dir. Bosnia-Hercegovina : Background to the conflict. [Washington, D.C.] : Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1993.

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Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service, dir. Bosnia-Hercegovina : Background to the conflict. [Washington, D.C.] : Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1992.

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Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service, dir. Bosnia-Hercegovina : Background to the conflict. [Washington, D.C.] : Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1992.

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The Bosnian conflict. Farmington Hills, MI : Greenhaven Press/Gale, Cengage Learning, 2012.

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M, Weller, et Wolff Stefan 1969-, dir. International state-building after violent conflict : Bosnia ten years after Dayton. London : Routledge, 2008.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Conflict management – Bosnia and Hercegovina"

Popovic, Sanya. « Debating Operation Quagmire Storm : U.S. Crisis Management in Bosnia ». Dans The South Slav Conflict, 287–304. New York : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003249917-15.

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Walsh, Dawn. « Bosnia and Herzegovina : Ethnic Entities in a Multi-ethnic State ? Instability and Disputed Interpretations of the State ». Dans Territorial Self-Government as a Conflict Management Tool, 69–101. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77234-9_3.

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Hoare, Marko Attila. « Conclusion : the Partisan-Chetnik Conflict in Retrospect ». Dans Genocide and Resistance in Hitler’s Bosnia. British Academy, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263808.003.0008.

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The war of 1992–1995, which pitted supporters of a unified and multinational Bosnia-Hercegovina against supporters of a Great Serbia, was in a sense a rematch of the Partisan–Chetnik war of a half-century before. Its outcome was equally paradoxical: the establishment of a Bosnian state formally independent but in fact under foreign rule; formally unified but in fact partitioned three ways; formally at peace but in fact locked in a permanent conflict, a conflict that is at once a cold war and a civil war. The very ambiguousness of this outcome is, perhaps, the best testimony to the enduring nature of the Partisan–Chetnik divide in Bosnia-Hercegovina.

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Hoare, Marko Attila. « Introduction : Understanding the Partisan-Chetnik Conflict ». Dans Genocide and Resistance in Hitler’s Bosnia. British Academy, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263808.003.0001.

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This introductory chapter sets out the purpose of the book, which is to present a history of the birth and rise of the Partisans in Bosnia-Hercegovina, as a Communist-led movement of resistance to the German and Italian occupiers and their domestic collaborators; of the emergence of a Chetnik movement as a conservative, Serb-nationalist rival to the Partisans; and of the conflict between the two. It analyses the impact that the conflict with the Chetniks had on Partisan policy and organization, and the evolution of the Partisan movement under the influence of this conflict. Finally, it examines the sequence of events that enabled the Partisans to emerge effectively as the victors in the contest with the Chetniks in Bosnia-Hercegovina by the autumn of 1943, and the reasons for the Partisan success. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.

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« Debating Operation Quagmire Storm : U.S. Crisis Management in Bosnia ». Dans The South Slav Conflict, 297–314. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315050195-20.

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Hoare, Marko Attila. « The ‘Left Errors’ and the Partisan Crisis, c. February–June 1942 ». Dans Genocide and Resistance in Hitler’s Bosnia. British Academy, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263808.003.0005.

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The policy pursued by the KPJ and Partisan leadership in the period of the Foca Republic marked a step away from a Serb-oriented resistance strategy, towards one that was genuinely multinational. Nevertheless, the shift in strategy could not, in the short term, defuse the crisis that was enveloping the Partisan movement as a result of the conflict with the Chetniks. The character of the Partisan base — overwhelmingly Serb and peasant and prone to xenophobia towards non-Serbs and non-peasants — made it a fertile ground for the spread of Chetnik propaganda emphasizing the allegedly alien and ‘anti-Serb’ character of the Communists. Chetnik agitation and propaganda consequently undermined the Partisan movement from within. Meanwhile, the Communists responded to the crisis with various, contradictory measures that accelerated the Partisan decline. These ranged from continuing efforts at accommodating the chauvinistic sentiments of the Partisan rank-and-file; to ill-judged actions against individual Partisans guilty of pro-Chetnik agitation, which often served to inflame the feelings of other Partisans against the Communists; to left-extremist excesses and the mass killing of so-called ‘fifth columnists’ and ‘kulaks’, as well as of ordinary civilians of all nationalities; possibly even to collaboration with the NDH's armed forces against the Chetniks. The combination of Chetnik agitation and propaganda, Communist confusion and errors, and Axis and Ustasha military assaults, resulted in the virtual collapse of the Partisan movement in eastern Bosnia-Hercegovina.

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« Implementing Peace Accords ». Dans Untapped Power, sous la direction de Carla Koppell, 290–314. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197611609.003.0011.

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Peace accords are designed to halt violence and steer countries toward stability, yet civil war often recurs. While the quality of negotiations and of peace accords are crucial, management of the transition to peace helps determine whether peace endures. Signing a peace deal does not end conflict in the minds of the people, nor does it ensure that underlying problems driving conflict have been addressed. Furthermore, while inclusion during peace negotiations is important, scholars show that inclusion during implementation is key but often neglected, leading processes to fail. This chapter defines peace accord implementation and discusses why inclusivity matters. It reviews the research and then presents important challenges faced during implementation. Using examples and case studies, it presents strategies and tools for effective peace accord implementation, drawing on the authors’ work around the world supporting transitions, especially in Nepal and Tajikistan, as well as in Afghanistan, Bosnia, Kosovo, Libya, Myanmar, and Yemen.

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« The governance of sport in deeply divided societies : actors and institutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cyprus and Northern Ireland ». Dans Sport and diplomacy, sous la direction de Laurence Cooley, 13–33. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526131058.003.0002.

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This chapter seeks to address the question of how is sport governed in societies that are deeply divided along ethnic, religious or other lines? The chapter focuses on three case studies: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cyprus and Northern Ireland. It argues that in each of these cases, the institutions that have been employed in order to manage relations between groups in the governance of sport are more integrative than those that have been employed at the broader political level, where accommodation or outright division are the norm. The chapter explores the nature of these institutions and examines the role of a range of actors involved in their establishment. In particular, the chapter highlights the rhetorical impact that claims about the unifying experience of sport have on relevant actors' perceptions of how it should be governed, but also questions whether the integrative approach taken in the three case studies is part of a deliberate conflict management strategy or whether it is instead simply a product of the more technocratic concerns of international and regional governing bodies.

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