Articles de revues : « Confidence vote »

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Sarmah, Deepangshu Dev. « Vote of Confidence ». Auto Tech Review 3, n^o 10 (octobre 2014) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1365/s40112-014-0744-1.

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Askham, Janet, et Alison Chisholm. « Vote of confidence ». Nursing Management 15, n^o 2 (mai 2008) : 14–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/nm2008.05.15.2.14.c8214.

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Bryant, Lisa A. « Seeing Is Believing : An Experiment on Absentee Ballots and Voter Confidence ». American Politics Research 48, n^o 6 (26 mai 2020) : 700–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x20922529.

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Since the 2000 election, researchers have taken an interest in the role of voter confidence and its importance as an assessment of public trust in electoral outcomes. Many factors may influence voter confidence including the way in which a voter casts their ballot. Previous research has found that absentee voters consistently report the lowest levels of confidence that their votes were counted correctly. This study uses an experiment to examine how voting method impacts voter confidence. Voters were randomly assigned to either an in-person or absentee voting condition. Participants assigned to the absentee condition expressed lower levels of confidence that their votes would be counted correctly than those assigned to the in-person voting condition. Voters who had to ask for assistance during the experiment also reported lower levels of confidence. This could have implications for voter confidence levels nationally as vote-by-mail continues to grow in popularity.

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Benaloh, Josh, Peter Y. A. Ryan, Steve Schneider et Vanessa Teague. « A Vote of Confidence ? » IEEE Security & ; Privacy 15, n^o 3 (2017) : 12–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/msp.2017.53.

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PATTERSON, COLIN, R. P. S. JEFFERIES, K. SATTLER, P. WHEATCROFT, JULIET GLUTTON-BROCK, C. J. HUMPHRIES, C. R. HILL et P. H. GREENWOOD. « Vote of no confidence ». Nature 347, n^o 6292 (octobre 1990) : 419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/347419a0.

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GRIFFIN, DES. « Vote of no confidence ». Nature 347, n^o 6292 (octobre 1990) : 419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/347419b0.

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PANT, DIVYA DARSHAN. « Vote of no confidence ». Nature 347, n^o 6292 (octobre 1990) : 419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/347419c0.

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McKenna, Phil. « Vote of no confidence ». New Scientist 198, n^o 2651 (avril 2008) : 30–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0262-4079(08)60914-8.

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Diermeier, Daniel, et Timothy J. Feddersen. « Cohesion in Legislatures and the Vote of Confidence Procedure ». American Political Science Review 92, n^o 3 (septembre 1998) : 611–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585484.

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We present a framework to analyze the effects of constitutional features on legislative voting with respect to cohesion and the distribution of payoffs. We then apply this framework to parliamentary democracies and show how a prominent feature of decision making in parliaments, the vote of confidence procedure, creates an incentive for ruling coalitions to vote together on policy issues that might otherwise split them. The key feature that creates cohesive voting is the fact that votes on bills are treated as votes on who controls floor access in future periods. As a consequence, legislative majorities capture more of the legislative rents from the minority in parliamentary democracies than in nonparliamentary settings.

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Canning, Simon. « Cuts spark no confidence vote ». Nursing Standard 8, n^o 43 (20 juillet 1994) : 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.8.43.9.s18.

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Warwick, S. J. « A vote for no confidence. » Journal of Medical Ethics 15, n^o 4 (1 décembre 1989) : 183–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jme.15.4.183.

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Golder, Sona N., et Jacquelyn A. Thomas. « Portfolio Allocation and the Vote of No Confidence ». British Journal of Political Science 44, n^o 1 (29 novembre 2012) : 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123412000580.

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There is a contradiction between theory and empirics with respect to portfolio allocation in parliamentary democracies. While the canonical model of legislative bargaining predicts the existence of a ‘formateur bonus’, empirical studies show that portfolios are allocated in a manner that favours smaller parties. This article argues that the difference between the empirical pattern and the theoretical predictions can be explained by the vote of no confidence, which provides an incentive for large formateur parties to overcompensate smaller coalition partners in exchange for their sustained support over time. This argument is tested by exploiting variations in the presence of no confidence votes across national and regional levels in France. As predicted, we find that larger formateur parties receive a greater share of portfolios if the vote of no confidence is absent than if it is present.

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Ueda, Eduardo Takeo, Marcelo Moro Da Silva, Anderson Aparecido Alves Da Silva, Norisvaldo Ferraz Junior, Fabio Dacêncio Pereira, Alessandro Santiago Dos Santos, Adilson Eduardo Guelfi et Sergio Takeo Kofuji. « A Proposed Blockchain-Based Voting System with User Authentication through Biometrics ». Journal of Information Security and Cryptography (Enigma) 8, n^o 1 (7 septembre 2021) : 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.17648/jisc.v8i1.78.

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Transparency and security in an electoral process are fundamental to the legitimacy of the results and the confidence of voters. Thus, it is necessary to assess opportunities to improve traditional voting systems. Among the main problems is the lack of transparency, due to the impossibility of a voter checking their vote and the lack of access to the source from which the results are obtained. Another problem is mobility, due to the impossibility of performing remote voting, as traditional voting systems continue to require the physical presence of the voter in an electoral zone. Thus, the objective of this work is to propose a voting system that is functional, transparent, safe, and accessible to everyone. Voters can vote through a mobile application with biometric authentication using fingerprint and password access. In our proposal, votes are registered in an Ethereum Blockchain through a Smart Contract, allowing the voter to check their vote. The results are expected to collaborate with the evolution of studies necessary to improve traditional voting systems, especially in fundamental aspects such as security, transparency, and mobility.

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Marris, Emma. « No confidence vote for agency head ». Nature 448, n^o 7157 (août 2007) : 979. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/448979a.

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O'Dowd, Adrian. « Patients give NHS vote of confidence ». BMJ 334, n^o 7602 (17 mai 2007) : 1027.9–1027. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.39217.434838.4e.

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Huber, John D. « The Vote of Confidence in Parliamentary Democracies ». American Political Science Review 90, n^o 2 (juin 1996) : 269–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082884.

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I present a formal model of the confidence vote procedure, an institutional arrangement that permits a prime minister to attach the fate of a particular policy to a vote on government survival. The analysis indicates that confidence vote procedures make it possible for prime ministers to exercise significant control over the nature of policy outcomes, even when these procedures are not actually invoked. Neither cabinet ministers, through their authority over specific portfolios, nor members of parliament, through the use of no-confidence motions, can counteract the prime minister's policy control on the floor of parliament. The analysis also illuminates the circumstances under which prime ministers should invoke confidence vote procedures, focusing attention on the position-taking incentives of the parties that support the government, rather than on the level of policy conflict between the government and parliament.

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Lin, Jih-wen. « How are the powers of the president decided ? Vote trading in the making of Taiwan’s semi-presidential constitution ». International Political Science Review 38, n^o 5 (8 juin 2016) : 659–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512116631340.

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To establish an unambiguous source of accountability, a semi-presidential constitution can either allow the president to dominate government formation and dissolve the parliament without a prior vote of no confidence being passed or it can reverse the arrangement of these powers. Accordingly, Taiwan is an unusual case of semi-presidentialism because the president can unilaterally appoint the premier but cannot actively dissolve the parliament, so the electorate is seldom called upon to evaluate the responsibility of the constitutional agents in a snap election. Vote-trading theory offers a reasonable explanation for this puzzling situation by showing how seemingly unconnected issues can be voted on as a package. In Taiwan, the choice of presidential powers was complicated by the sovereignty issue, leading the reformers of the constitution to deny the legislature the power to confirm the president’s appointment of the premier in exchange for downsizing the Taiwan Provincial Government. This is exactly what vote-trading theory foresees: votes on different issues may be traded if no “pivot” finds the status quo to be his/her favorite option. By demonstrating how the linking of unconnected issues can obstruct institutional design, vote-trading theory expands our understanding of constitutional choice.

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Areal, Francisco J. « The Role of Personality Traits, Cooperative Behaviour and Trust in Governments on the Brexit Referendum Outcome ». Social Sciences 10, n^o 8 (17 août 2021) : 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10080309.

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We analyse the role of personality traits along with individuals’ cooperative behaviour, level of trust in the UK government and the European Council (EC, the body that defines the European Union’s overall political direction and priorities) and socio-demographics on UK citizens’ voting choices on the 2016 Brexit referendum. We use data from a survey conducted in April 2019 on 530 UK citizens who voted in the 2016 Brexit referendum. We use a Probit model to investigate what role voters’ personality traits, their trust in government institutions, their level of cooperative behaviour and socio-demographics played in the way they voted. We find voters’ choice was associated voters’ personality traits. In particular, voters associated with being extraverted, acting with self-confidence and outspokenness (i.e., agency), and voters’ closeness to experience, to forming part of a diverse community and the exchange of ideas and experiences were found to be associated with voting for Brexit in the 2016 referendum. We found that voters’ willingness to cooperate with others was associated with being less likely to vote for Brexit. In addition, voters who trusted the UK government were more likely to vote for Brexit, whereas voters trusting the EC were more likely to vote for the UK to stay in the EU. We also found that voters with relatively high level of education were less likely to vote for Brexit and voters not seeking jobs were more likely to vote for Brexit than students, unemployed and retired. We conclude that incorporating personality profiles of voters, their pro-social behaviour as well as their views on trust in politicians/government institutions, along with socio-demographic variables, into individuals’ vote choice analysis can account for voter heterogeneity and provide a more complete picture of an individual’s vote choice decisions, helping to gain a better understanding of individual vote choices (e.g., better predictions of future individual vote intentions).

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Barr, JO. « Vote of confidence for breast care nurses ». Nursing Standard 9, n^o 44 (26 juillet 1995) : 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.9.44.16.s35.

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Pennisi, E. « U.S. BUDGET : Smithsonian Science : Vote of Confidence ». Science 298, n^o 5596 (8 novembre 2002) : 1157a—1157. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.298.5596.1157a.

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Pascari, V., L. G. Gagarina et V. V. Sliusar. « Methods and Software Complex Development for Remote Electronic Voting Based on Ethereum Blockchain Platform ». Proceedings of Universities. Electronics 26, n^o 6 (décembre 2021) : 565–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.24151/1561-5405-2021-26-6-565-579.

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The most promising way to increase voters’ confidence in the remote electronic voting (REV) procedure is a voting method based on Ethereum blockchain platform. However, the existing solutions using this method faced a range of problems: ensuring the secrecy of the vote and openness of the procedure for society, pressure on the voter and a guarantee of the reliability of the whole system. In this work, a method for constructing a REV is proposed that solves these problems. It is similar in structure to the traditional voting method, using the same principle and processes. The Ethereum blockchain based REV process is described in detail. It was shown that received votes are securely stored in the Ethereum blockchain network, and the correctness of the vote addressing to the selected candidate can always be checked in real time. The description of smart contract algorithm that implements the transfer of vote from voter to candidate using transactions and determines the winner who received the highest number of votes was provided. It was demonstrated that keccak256 hashing algorithm and secp256k1 elliptic curve signatures ensure transactions’ maximum protection, reliability, and non-rollability. The developed REV technique based on Ethereum blockchain platform increases the efficiency of data security and confidentiality, transparency and anonymity of the voting procedure, and solves the problem of coercion. The results of the work have been implemented programmatically and can be used not only in the electoral system, but also wherever there is need of remote voting.

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Beaudoin, Gérald-A. « Quelques propositions ». La réforme de la Chambre des communes 26, n^o 1 (12 avril 2005) : 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/042653ar.

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The rules of procedure in the House, the powers of the Speaker, the vote of non-confidence, the proportionnai representation vote as well as the future of parliamentary government, are some of the questions the author deals with when expounding upon the reform of the House of Commons. More powers should be given to the Speaker, and there should be a system where sessions and votes are held on a more regular basis, even if the principle of responsible government is maintained. The proportionnai representation vote is not for the immediate future and the author wonders whether a presidential system as in France would be appropriate for Canada.

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Butler, Declan. « Scientists win vote of confidence from French public ». Nature 408, n^o 6813 (décembre 2000) : 628. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/35047240.

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Devan, Natasha. « Nurses vote no confidence in non-health injectors ». Journal of Aesthetic Nursing 6, n^o 1 (2 février 2017) : 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/joan.2017.6.1.5.

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Coombes, R. « RCN general secretary may face "no confidence" vote ». BMJ 324, n^o 7352 (22 juin 2002) : 1477c—1477. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.324.7352.1477/c.

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Frederickson, Robert M. « RNAi Gets Vote of Confidence from Big Pharma ». Molecular Therapy 15, n^o 2 (février 2007) : 221–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/sj.mt.6300099.

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Singer, Emily. « No-confidence vote fails to shift Harvard president ». Nature 434, n^o 7032 (mars 2005) : 424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/434424b.

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Heard, Andrew. « Just What is a Vote of Confidence ? The Curious Case of May 10, 2005 ». Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, n^o 2 (juin 2007) : 395–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390707014x.

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Abstract.Despite the confidence convention's central part in Canadian parliamentary government, little attention has been paid to what exactly constitutes a vote of confidence. This uncertainty was highlighted in May 2005, when the opposition parties in the House of Commons passed a motion which they claimed was a confidence motion but the government did not. This paper examines the episode, and the motion at the heart of the controversy, to determine whether it should have been considered a confidence vote. Historical precedents from 1926 to 2005 provide the context for the analysis and conclusions about what signifies a test of confidence.Résumé.Malgré le rôle central de la convention de confiance dans le système parlementaire canadien, peu d'attention a été accordée à définir ce que constitue exactement un vote de confiance. Cette imprécision a été mise en évidence en mai 2005 lors du vote officiel sur une motion contre le gouvernement, lorsqu'il y a eu désaccord sur ce qui représentait une “ défaite ” du gouvernement dans la législature. Cet article examine les événements autour de cette motion, afin de déterminer si cette dernière a réellement constitué un vote de confiance. Quelques conclusions concernant ce que signifie un test de confiance sont tirées à partir d'une analyse des précédents historiques de 1926 à 2005.

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Gurdek, Magdalena. « Admissibility of adopting a resolution not to grant a vote of confidence to the commune head ». Gubernaculum et Administratio 1(25) (2022) : 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/gea.2022.01.03.

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By the Act of 11 January 2018 amending certain acts in order to increase the participation of citizens in the process of selecting, functioning and controlling certain public bodies, a new institution was introduced to local government in the form of a vote of confidence. It was she who became the subject of the analysis of this study. While the procedure of adopting a resolution on granting a vote of confidence does not arouse controversy, the question arises whether it is possible to pass a resolution with the opposite content in the same procedure, i.e. not to pass the vote? This is largely the result of the fact that the legislator, in the regulations concerning the vote of confidence, additionally provided for the construction of a legal fiction, modeled on the solutions that had been operating for years in the local government, regarding the discharge procedure, establishing the presumption that failure to adopt a resolution on granting a vote of confidence to the tantamount to adopting a resolution not to grant it. Adopting such a structure raises further doubts which the author submits to a thorough analysis and tries to answer the bothering questions.

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King, Bridgett A. « Waiting to vote : the effect of administrative irregularities at polling locations and voter confidence ». Policy Studies 41, n^o 2-3 (26 novembre 2019) : 230–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01442872.2019.1694652.

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Becher, Michael. « Dissolution power, confidence votes, and policymaking in parliamentary democracies ». Journal of Theoretical Politics 31, n^o 2 (1 mars 2019) : 183–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629819833182.

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There is striking variation across parliamentary democracies in the power of prime ministers to employ two prominent procedures to resolve legislative conflict: the vote of confidence and the dissolution of parliament. Whereas previous contributions in comparative politics have investigated each of these two fundamental institutions in isolation, I develop a simple unified model to unbundle how this richer variety of institutional configurations shapes political bargaining over policy. The analysis clarifies that the effects of the confidence vote and dissolution power interact. As a consequence, there can be a non-monotonic effect of increasing prime ministers’ formal power on their ability to shape the policy compromise. Counterintuitively, introducing dissolution power makes the prime minister worse off under some conditions. These results suggest new directions for empirical research on the consequences of parliamentary institutions for legislative politics and policy. They also lay analytical foundations for explaining institutional variation and reforms.

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Snow, Tamsin. « Congress gives overwhelming vote of no confidence in health secretary ». Nursing Standard 26, n^o 37 (16 mai 2012) : 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns2012.05.26.37.5.p8338.

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Nathan, David G. « Educational-Debt Relief for Clinical Investigators — A Vote of Confidence ». New England Journal of Medicine 346, n^o 5 (31 janvier 2002) : 372–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1056/nejm200201313460516.

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Wadman, Meredith. « HIV vaccine : sell-out or vote of confidence by Genentech ? » Nature 379, n^o 6568 (février 1996) : 757. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/379757b0.

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Snow, Tamsin. « Congress gives overwhelming vote of no confidence in health secretary ». Nursing Standard 26, n^o 37 (16 mai 2012) : 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.26.37.5.s2.

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Huebner, Christine. « How Young People in Scotland Experience the Right to Vote at 16 : Evidence on ‘Votes-at-16’ in Scotland from Qualitative Work with Young People ». Parliamentary Affairs 74, n^o 3 (1 juillet 2021) : 563–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsab017.

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Abstract Within the UK, Scotland offers a unique case study of ‘Votes-at-16’ in practice. Research provided evidence on the immediate effects of voting age reform on young people’s engagement with politics, but little is known about how young people experienced being allowed to vote from the age of 16 years. This article analyses qualitative evidence about young people’s experiences with the right to vote at 16 since the voting age reform in Scotland. Drawing on data from interviews with young people, we find that ‘Votes-at-16’ brought about a mix of experiences. In combination with the experience of the 2014 Scottish independence referendum it marked a uniquely mobilising life event that boosted confidence in youth voice and led to a perceived increase in political efficacy. It also raised frustrations with young people, however, about their lack of voting rights in other elections and about a perceived gap between expectations and reality regarding the role of schools. By examining young people’s experiences with ‘Votes-at-16’ in Scotland, this article contributes to debates about the implications of voting age reform in the Scotland and beyond.

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Kleebauer, Alistair. « Nursing’s first revalidators give the process an early vote of confidence ». Nursing Standard 30, n^o 38 (18 mai 2016) : 12–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.30.38.12.s14.

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Romsey, Robert Crouch. « Foreign appointment is a vote of no confidence in UK nurses ». Nursing Standard 15, n^o 21 (7 février 2001) : 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.15.21.30.s53.

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Korelitz, Burton I. « Steroids for Crohn's Disease—An Appreciation and a Vote of Confidence ». Inflammatory Bowel Diseases 8, n^o 3 (mai 2002) : 219–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00054725-200205000-00010.

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Hawkes, N. « BMA meeting : BMA passes vote of no confidence in health secretary ». BMJ 346, jun25 1 (25 juin 2013) : f4106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.f4106.

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Sonnenreich, Peter. « American Consumers Give Mail Service Pharmacy a Strong Vote of Confidence ». Journal of Managed Pharmaceutical Care 1, n^o 2 (1 mars 2001) : 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j234v01n02_03.

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Matarazzo, James M. « Guest editorial : The M.L.S. Hiring Requirement : a tremendous vote of confidence ». Journal of Academic Librarianship 27, n^o 4 (juillet 2001) : 253–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0099-1333(01)00227-0.

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Jeffcoate, William. « Rejection of new consultant contract is a vote of no confidence ». Lancet 360, n^o 9344 (novembre 2002) : 1440. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(02)11491-7.

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Lupon-Rosés, J., E. Domingo et J. Angel. « Superflow 5F catheters in ischemic heart disease : A vote of confidence ». Catheterization and Cardiovascular Diagnosis 14, n^o 4 (1988) : 290–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ccd.1810140416.

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Rodoreda, Geoff. « A vote of confidence in the future of Australian literary studies ». Antipodes 35, n^o 1-2 (2021) : 293–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apo.2021.0002.

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Menger, Andrew, et Robert M. Stein. « Choosing the Less Convenient Way to Vote : An Anomaly in Vote by Mail Elections ». Political Research Quarterly 73, n^o 1 (6 décembre 2019) : 196–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912919890009.

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Nearly two-thirds of persons who receive an unsolicited ballot in the mail before Election Day choose to return their ballot in person, rather than through the less costly and more convenient U.S. Postal Service. Why? How and when voters choose to return their mail ballot is consequential to the administration of elections and the confidence voters have in the outcome of elections. We offer and test four explanations for how vote by mail voters choose to return their ballot, including the social rewards of voting, the costs of voting, trust in U.S. Postal Service and a preference to cast a ballot after campaigning ends. We find supporting evidence for each explanation conditioned by prior history of voting.

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Brunclik, Milos. « Problem of early elections and dissolution power in the Czech Republic ». Communist and Post-Communist Studies 46, n^o 2 (9 avril 2013) : 217–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2013.03.003.

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Theory of parliamentary regimes presumes that parliament can express vote of no confidence in government. On the other hand executive power (government or head of state) is endowed with right to dissolve the parliament. However, these “doomsday devices” are not in balance in many parliamentary regimes, including the Czech Republic. On the basis of a comparative analysis of dissolution provisions in the constitutions of European states the article argues that the government in the Czech Republic should be given the right to dissolve the lower chamber at least in case that the latter expresses vote of no confidence in the former.

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Williams, Laron K. « Unsuccessful Success ? Failed No-Confidence Motions, Competence Signals, and Electoral Support ». Comparative Political Studies 44, n^o 11 (17 mai 2011) : 1474–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414011407470.

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If no-confidence motions are primarily motivated by bringing down governments, why do only approximately 5% of no-confidence motions in advanced parliamentary democracies from 1960 result in the termination of government? In this project the author addresses this puzzle by developing a formal model of the electoral benefits of no-confidence motions and tests these hypotheses with the use of an original data set. No-confidence motions represent highly visible opportunities for opposition parties to highlight their strength or ability compared to the government in the hopes of improving their vote shares. The author finds support for the signal-based theory on a sample of 20 advanced parliamentary democracies from 1960 to 2008. Although no-confidence motions result in decreases for the government parties, the opposition parties that propose the motion experience boosts in vote share. This relationship is even stronger when the proposing party is an alternative governing possibility—illustrated by the conditioning impacts of the number of parliamentary parties and the opposition party’s ideological extremism. This provides an explanation as to why opposition parties would continue to challenge the government even though the motions are likely to fail.

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Kuc, Roman. « Brain-inspired sensorimotor echolocation system for confident landmark recognition ». Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 152, n^o 3 (septembre 2022) : 1272–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/10.0013833.

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A landmark is a familiar target in terms of the echoes that it can produce and is important for echolocation-based navigation by bats, robots, and blind humans. A brain-inspired system (BIS) achieves confident recognition, defined as classification to an arbitrarily small error probability (PE), by employing a voting process with an echo sequence. The BIS contains sensory neurons implemented with binary single-layer perceptrons trained to classify echo spectrograms with PE and generate excitatory and inhibitory votes in face neurons until a landmark-specific face neuron achieves recognition by reaching a confidence vote level (CVL). A discrete random step process models the vote count to show the recognition probability can achieve any desired accuracy by decreasing PE or increasing CVL. A hierarchical approach first classifies surface reflector and volume scatterer target categories and then uses that result to classify two subcategories that form four landmarks. The BIS models blind human echolocation to recognize four human-made and foliage landmarks by acquiring suitably sized and dense audible echo sequences. The sensorimotor BIS employs landmark-specific CVL values and a 2.7° view increment to acquire echo sequences that achieve zero-error recognition of each landmark independent of the initial view.

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Barreto, Matt A., Stephen A. Nuño et Gabriel R. Sanchez. « The Disproportionate Impact of Voter-ID Requirements on the Electorate—New Evidence from Indiana ». PS : Political Science & ; Politics 42, n^o 01 (janvier 2009) : 111–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090283.

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On January 8, 2008, the United States Supreme Court heard arguments inCrawford v. Marion County Election Board, a case related to the discriminatory effects of voter-identification laws in the state of Indiana. Indiana has one of the most stringent voting requirements in the nation, as voters are required to present an up-to-date photo identification issued by the federal or state government in order to cast a ballot. Plaintiffs argued that the Indiana requirements prevent significant and unequal obstacles to the right to vote. The state argued that Indiana had the right to enforce strict requirements to prevent fraud and uphold confidence in the electoral process. Similar laws have also been proposed in many other states, typically related to charges of vote fraud, and often times tied into the divisive debate regarding undocumented immigrants or African American felons. Therefore the recent decision of the Court has tremendous implications to the future of photo-identification laws across the United States.

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