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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Conditionality (International relations) – European Union countries »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Conditionality (International relations) – European Union countries"

Cierco, Teresa Maria. « (RETRACTED ARTICLE) Human Rights promotion in Serbia : a difficult task for the European Union ». Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 54, n^o 1 (2011) : 142–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-73292011000100009.

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This article explores the role of the European Union in the human rights protection, implementation and promotion in Serbia. It is clear that the EU demands on democratisation in the region of Western Balkans are crucial to achieve the respect for human rights. The human rights standards as part of the conditionality criteria of the EU is a clear message towards the countries aspiring membership. However, Serbia progress in the field has been difficult due to several internal constraints. This paper aims to uncover the democratisation process of Serbia on its path towards the EU, and its progress (or not) regarding human rights protection and implementation.

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Hogic, Nedim. « The European Union’s Economic Conditionality and Europeanization of the Western Balkans ». Southeastern Europe 46, n^o 2 (31 octobre 2022) : 121–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-46020001.

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Abstract This article evaluates the role that the economic conditionality of the European Union (EU) toward the six Western Balkan countries may play in the transformation of these countries as a part of their EU accession process. The article is a case study of a temporary policy shift that occurred in 2014 in relation to conditions that Bosnia and Herzegovina must fulfill to qualify for opening negotiations on EU membership. It also aims to address what this shift has achieved for the Europeanization of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its progress towards EU accession. The shift, implemented via an economic plan called the Reform Agenda, was an attempt at Europeanization of the country’s economic policies that temporarily put aside the constitutional reform demands that had previously dominated the Europeanization discourse. After the first five years of the Reform Agenda, moderate gains primarily in the domain of economic development and fiscal stability were made; however, political fragmentation and nationalistic and secessionist ideas have prevented the reforms from making a stronger impact. Additionally, the lack of a defined desired outcome in terms of measurable economic reforms and the inadequate planning by the EU were not conducive to a more transformative impact.

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Zmiyenko, Oleksandra. « The EU : Power(less) in Statelessness ? The Case of the Baltic States ». Journal of Social Policy Studies 16, n^o 4 (24 décembre 2018) : 677–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/727-0634-2018-16-4-677-690.

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Oleksandra Zmiyenko – MA Law, European Interdisciplinary Studies – College of Europe; Academic Assistant at the College of Europe, EU International Relations Department, Bruges, Belgium. Email: Oleksandra.zmiyenko@coleurope.eu Despite still being an emergent research area, statelessness has come to attract growing attention both from academics and among policy-makers. So far, this legal vacuum, that represents a violation of the right to nationality, and has consistently been perceived through the prism of other human rights-related issues. To avoid oversight, statelessness needs to be perceived as a distinct phenomenon and to be addressed as such on the policy-making agenda. The European Union has two overt examples of statelessness among its Member States: Latvia and Estonia. In these post-Soviet countries, statelessness emerged in conjunction with debates over state continuity and state succession. The main question to be asked is to what extent does the EU have leverage when it comes to addressing the problem of statelessness? In its Member States, where questions of citizenship fall under the national competences, the EU influence in this regard seems limited, which is even more apparent outside of the EU. However, for the countries with 'European aspirations', there are different ways to have an impact: either before or after accession. Given its terminological ambiguities and that possible solutions to statelessness may be offered from a diverse range of academic fields, the research methodology of this study is interdisciplinary: from legal to historical analysis. While conditionality imposed on the aspiring members has a clear outcome in terms of legislation changes, once these states have acceded, the EU tends to have less influence. Conditionality might serve as a possibility to address statelessness among the countries with 'European aspirations', while increased pressure to fulfil international obligations may be crucial in dealing with Member States.

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Keil, Soeren. « Europeanization, State-building and democratization in the Western Balkans ». Nationalities Papers 41, n^o 3 (mai 2013) : 343–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.768977.

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The Western Balkans have seen rapid changes since the end of the violent conflicts in the 1990s. The European Union (EU) has been one of the main drivers for change, focusing on the political, economic and social transformation of the region to prepare the countries for membership in the Union. This introduction to the special issue will clarify the key terms and their interaction in the Western Balkans. EU enlargement has never before been this complex and inter-connected with processes of state-building and democratization. The focus on conditionality as the main tool of the EU in the region has had positive and negative effects. It can be argued that the EU is actively involved in state-building processes and therefore the termEU Member State Buildingwill be used to explain the engagement of the Union with the countries in the region. This paper will discuss the concept of EU Member State Building, its potential and its pitfalls. It will be demonstrated that the stabilization of the region is unlikely to take place without an active role for the EU; however, the current approach has reached its limits and it is time to think about alternative options to integrate the Western Balkans into European structures.

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Obradović, Nikolina. « Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Family Policy Challenges in Meeting the European Union’s Standards and Recommendations ». Revija za socijalnu politiku 27, n^o 3 (16 décembre 2021) : 347–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3935/rsp.v28i3.1814.

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Family policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s entities (Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic Srpska) is incoherent, with its different elements being scattered across different ministries and levels of government. The system is found to be inapt to respond to the needs of families, thus enhancing gender inequalities in the labour market and within families. As a country aspiring to join the European Union, Bosnia and Herzegovina, together with other countries of the Western Balkans region, participates in regular policy dialogue with the European Union institutions. The latest European Commission assessment of the country’s Economic Reform Programme identifies low employment of women as one of the key challenges and implicitly calls for the country to develop an employment-oriented family policy. By analysing the system of family policy and its recent policy developments, the article assesses the country’s capacity to respond to the recommendation and create conditions for greater participation of women in the labour market. The question is whether the European Union’s conditionality and recommendations have the potential to transform the current family policy arrangements in the entities. Key words: work-family policy, female employment, gender inequalities, maternity leave, parental leave, early childhood education and care services, Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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Bilgin, Recep, Seydali Ekici et Fatih Sezgin. « The effect of international relations on democratization of Turkey between 2002-2010 during justice and development party rule ». Revista Amazonia Investiga 11, n^o 57 (8 novembre 2022) : 205–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.34069/ai/2022.57.09.22.

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Democratization takes place under different conditions in every country. The social structure and that of state play important roles, and there are many other internal and external factors for this process. Turkey also went through different phases for democratization processes. This is a qualitative study and formed by reviewing related literature and evaluating. It focuses on external factors between 2002 and 2010 because there was a struggle and long-lasting conflicts between secular elites and conservative democrats during this time. With the help and encouragement of European Union (EU), Justice and Development Party governments were able to eliminate the status quo inherited from 1980 military coup. Although democratization of Turkey proceeded with the effect of many different factors, the effect of international relations in this era was priceless for the governments of that time. Especially Turkey’s candidate process to membership of EU enforced conditionality by these countries. Even more the ruling party consented to democratize. Under the control of them, Turkey made a relatively smooth transition to more democratic state.

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Kalashnikov, Nikolai. « CUBA - THE EU : CONTROVERSIAL PARTNERSHIP ». Urgent Problems of Europe, n^o 3 (2022) : 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.03.09.

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The article studies the features of the establishment relations between Cuba and EU in the post-soviet period. Their development for more than 30 years has been uneven and conditionally divided into three stages. In the case of mutual economic interest of the parties, these stages are determined by the presence of a political factor. The European Union's efforts to achieve Havana's respect for its ideas about democracy and human rights have been met with constant resistance from Cuban authorities, who interpret such attempts as interference in internal affairs. The aggravation of political contradictions periodically led to a freezing of trade and economic ties. This situation reached critical scales after the adoption of the «Common Position» on Cuba by the European Union in 1996. At the same time, the peculiarity of the decisions taken by Brussels for political reasons was their non-proliferation to the bilateral relations of European countries with Cuba. It is necessary to take into consideration the changes of the international situation around Cuba. In particular, B. Obama's Cuban policy had an indirect influence on Europe's cancellation of the «Common Position», which opened up business opportunities for U.S. companies on the island and threatened the economic interests of the European Union here. This prompted Brussels to sign a cooperation agreement between Cuba and the EU in 2016, also as a result of political and economic changes on the island. However, the remaining contradictions are an obstacle to the establishment of a full partnership between Brussels and Havana.

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Máčaj, Adam. « Impact of European Union Tariff Preferences on International Human Rights Treaties ». Slovak Yearbook of European Union Law 2 (31 décembre 2022) : 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.54869/syeul.2022.2.329.

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Tariff preferences of the EU seek to, inter alia, incentivize third countries through more beneficial scheme of preferences to act in accordance with international human rights standards and other values prioritized by the EU. The aim of this contribution is to assess whether this motivation has real impact on third countries as regards their approach to core international human rights treaties and provide answer to the question whether improved tariff preferences influenced conduct of those countries, as regards accession to the said treaties and expansion of their territorial applicability. Through this assessment, the research seeks to analyse impact the positive conditionality had on acceptance and ratification of human rights treaties by countries that have not showed previous inclination to ratifications without the prospect of obtaining tariff preferences by the EU. The central method is to consider the international human rights treaty ratification years of all states benefitting from the EU regime of tariff preferences. By comparing the time of ratifying the required human rights treaties, and the year in which the respective states became beneficiaries of tariff preferences, the study confirms that, safe for several specific cases, the states receiving tariff preferences had little to no new obligations in terms of ratifying human rights conventions they were previously not bound by.

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Padgett, Stephen. « Multilateral institutions, accession conditionality and rule transfer in the European Union : the Energy Community in South East Europe ». Journal of Public Policy 32, n^o 3 (5 novembre 2012) : 261–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x12000086.

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AbstractConditionality is widely used by international organisations to induce “client states” to engage in structural reform. In the European Union (EU) it plays an important role in ensuring that accession countries adopt EU rules as a condition of membership. Reliance on external incentives, however, limits the effectiveness of bilateral accession conditionality, especially for pre-accession countries with uncertain membership prospects. This article argues that multilateral institutions can boost the rule transfer effects of bilateral accession conditionality by reinforcing its incentive structure. The contention is tested by empirical research into the Energy Community in South East Europe. The research uses cross-national and cross-sectoral comparison to evaluate the rule transfer effects of Community institutions relative to accession conditionality and the terms of energy interdependence. It finds that whilst accession status is the main predictor of alignment with the energy acquis, there is evidence that multilateral institutions of the Energy Community exert a significant reinforcement effect.

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Bojinović Fenko, Ana, et Ana Urlić. « Political Criteria vs. Political Conditionality : Comparative analysis of Slovenian and Croatian European Union accession processes ». Croatian International Relations Review 21, n^o 72 (1 février 2015) : 107–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0004.

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Abstract This study analyses the differences in content and procedure in the application of political criteria and political conditionality in the EU accession processes of Slovenia and Croatia. The article ascertains that with regard to substance, the Commission and EU member states did apply political criteria more extensively and meticulously to Croatia in comparison to Slovenia, but mainly due to the difference in the states’ initial assessment of preparedness for EU membership and the application of the principle of own merits. Empirical results, however, show that the differences in political conditionality did not only stem from Croatia’s post-conflict conditions, but also from the EU’s experience of the 2004 and 2007 enlargements and the concern about the EU’s absorption capacity. As for the accession process procedure, the latter has increasingly empowered the Commission rather than EU member states, which bears relevance for future (Western Balkans) enlargements

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Thèses sur le sujet "Conditionality (International relations) – European Union countries"

ELBASANI, Arolda. « The impact of EU conditionality upon democratisation : comparing electoral competition and civil service reforms in post-communist Albania ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10435.

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Defence date: 30 November 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Philippe Schmitter (EUI); Prof. Làszlò Bruszt (EUI); Dr. Antoaneta Dimitrova (Leiden University); Prof. Shinasi Rama (New York University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This dissertation explores how and to what extent EU conditionality can foster democratisation in a highly problematic case such as post-communist Albania. In order to examining the phenomena of democratisation in operational detail, the thesis delves into the sub-systemic level of democratisation focusing on two partial regimes - electoral regime and civil service system. The analysis follows on the rational choice premise that the domestic actors’ strategies of compliance depend on the structure of external incentives i.e. rewards and threats, that appeal to their interest. Our account on the impact of EU conditionality upon democratisation assumes that the likelihood of compliance depends on 1) the size of the rewards attached to conditionality; 2) the size of adoption costs; 3) the clarity of prescriptions and 4) credibility of reinforcement. The first part consists of developing a conceptual framework for assessing and explaining the impact of EU enlargement conditionality over democratisation processes. The second part explores the case of Albanian democratisation and the specific challenge it poses to the working of EU conditionality. The third part analyses the association between EU conditionality and reform seeking to identify whether the fortification of the EU conditionality coincides with a pattern-breaking change in each of the partial regimes of our choice. The thesis concludes that the EU was more successful to foster reforms in the area of electoral competition than public administration and civil service system. The EU seemed to push forward reforms by articulating clear prescriptions regarding the electoral competition; and advancing contractual relations with the country in function of electoral performance.

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Juma, Nyabinda Richard. « An Inquiry into the Compatibility of the Demo-Conditionality with State Sovereignty in International law : With Special Focus on The European Union and the African, the Caribbean and the Pacific Countries Relations ». Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-136109.

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This study examines the issue of compatibility of demo-conditionality with state sovereignty in international law. From a practical perspective, it examines the state of the science with respect to the enforcement of demo-conditionality, in the context of the unique relationship between the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. The practicality of any argument declaring certain norms to be compatible with state sovereignty rests on an assumption that it is possible to distinguish which norms are compatible from those which are not. The validity of such an assumption depends on whether a universal workable test with which to draw this distinction, and its accompanying requirements, has been or can be developed. Therefore, the starting point of this study is to investigate whether such a universal test exists, and if so, what its requirements are. The author reaches a legally appropriate conclusion as to which norms are compatible with the principle of state sovereignty and which not in the international legal system. Thereafter, an investigation is undertaken with regard to the legal premises invoked to justify the compatibility of the demo-conditionality with state sovereignty. To this end, two levels of analysis (also referred to here as two paths) are followed. The first level of investigation concerns the proposition for demo-conditionality’s being premised upon adherence to new treaty obligations governing the parties’ observance of democratic norms. In this context, the examination focuses on Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 as the relevant provision. Other single-issue human rights instruments are also examined to establish whether they compliment Article 25. The second level of investigation explores the possibility for demo-conditionality's compatibility being premised upon obligations of State parties, which arise from the various development co-operation instruments adopted over the years. Here, emphasis is placed upon the question of whether or not these instruments advocate the inclusion of demo-conditionality in development co-operation between donors and recipients of aid. This study ultimately reaches a legally appropriate conclusion, at both levels of analysis, concerning demo-conditionality's compatibility with the principle of state sovereignty. At this juncture, a recommendation is made as to which of the two paths is the legally safer one for the pursuit of the demo-conditionality in development co-operation. On the question of what constitutes a more successful international approach to the establishment of democratic governments in the South, this study has undertaken a comparative analysis, making suggestions with respect to two models: the "Enforcement Model", based upon coercive enforcement measures, and the "Managerial Model", based upon an approach of co-operative dialogue. Finally, the study examines the state of the science with respect to enforcement of demo-conditionality, with a focus on the special relationships between the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. This is designed to provide a degree of insight into the practical aspects associated with the enforcement of demo-conditionality.

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Dusepulchre, Gaëlle. « Politique européenne de coopération au développement et relations extérieures : des droits de l'homme à la bonne gouvernance, impact de l'interdépendance du droit et du politique sur le choix des instruments de régulation ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210587.

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L'étude a porté sur deux outils élaborés par l’Union européenne à l'appui de ses politiques d'allocation d'aide extérieure au bénéfice principalement d'Etats en développement et participant à sa stratégie de promotion du respect de droits de l’homme dans les Etats tiers. Il s'agit du mécanisme de conditionnalité démocratique d’une part, et de la doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance d’autre part. L'une des principales critiques que la doctrine adresse à l’Union au sujet de sa politique de conditionalité est son incapacité à répondre à l’une des attentes fondamentales qui la sous-tend, à savoir :la naissance d’une politique d’aide extérieure détachée des considérations géopolitiques et visant à protéger et promouvoir efficacement les droits de l’homme. Dans la mesure où la doctrine en attribue en général la responsabilité à l’absence de clarté et de prévisibilité du mécanisme de la conditionnalité démocratique, cette critique eut dû conduire à l’élaboration d’un régime davantage juridicisé. Or, l'émergence de la doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance révèle que l’Union n’a pas opté pour une telle solution. C’est alors que, divisant mon étude en deux parties, la première affectée à l’étude du mécanisme conditionnel et la seconde affectée à l’étude de la doctrine de gouvernance, je me suis interrogée sur les raisons pour lesquelles l’Union avait pu choisir de recourir d’abord à un appel au droit, et ensuite à une repolitisation partielle de son mécanisme. Prenant appui sur une étude des documents officiels des institutions européennes, de la pratique de l'Union et des théories des relations internationales, l'étude tend à révéler les atouts et les limites théoriques de chacune de ces stratégies déstinées à suciter des réformes particulières dans les Etats partenaires de l’Union.Il apparaîtra que l’appel au droit opéré dans le cadre du mécanisme de conditionnalité répondait à des besoins et à une logique spécifiques lors de son institution, mais que la forme juridicisée du mécanisme conditionnel tel qu’institué se heurtait à diverses limites. La doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance, dans le même temps qu’elle acte ces limites et tend à les dépasser, amène à de nouveaux questionnements.

The study related to both EU tools, affecting its external aid policies and contributing to its human rights strategy :conditionality and governance. One of the main critic that the doctrine addresses to EU conditionality, is its incapacity to lead to an external aid free of geopolitical considerations and acting to protect and promote effectively the human rights. The doctrine explains this weakness by pointing out the mechanism of conditionality’s lack of clearness and previsibility. Despite this critic is pleading for a more legalized mechanism, the governance strategy reveals that the Union did not choose such a solution.Then, dividing the study into two parts, the first assigned to conditional mechanism and the second assigned to governance, I’m asking the reason why a less legalized mecanism succeeded to conditionality. Based on cooperation agreements, strategic orientations, EU practice and the international relations theories, the study tends to reveal the assets and limits of the two strategies. It appears that the legalization process of conditionality can be explained by specific needs but it encountered various limits. At the same times, while strategy based on Governance adresses some of them, this new tool reveals new questions.

Doctorat en droit
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Etienne, Anne. « Towards European Integration : Do the European Union and Its Members Abide by the Same Principles ? » Thesis, University of North Texas, 2004. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4617/.

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In the last few decades the European Union (EU) and its members have emphasized the importance of human rights and the need to improve human rights conditions in Third World countries. In this research project, I attempted to find out whether the European Union and its members practice what they preach by giving precedence to countries that respect human rights through their Official Development Assistance (ODA) program. Furthermore, I tried to analyze whether European integration occurs at the foreign policy level through aid allocation. Based on the literatures on political conditionality and on the relationship between human rights and foreign aid allocation, I expected that all EU members promote principles of good governance by rewarding countries that protect the human rights of their citizens. I conducted a cross-sectional time-series selection model over all recipients of ODA for each of the twelve members for which I have data, the European Commission, and the aggregate EU disbursements from 1979 to 1998.

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Begg, Jeanine. « Conceptualising the nature of relations between the European Union and Japan : using the frameworks of identity and rational choice analytic narratives as a means to interpret this dynamic relationship, 1990-2005 : a thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in European Studies in the University of Canterbury / ». Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1957.

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This thesis explores the bilateral relationship between the European Union (EU) and Japan as interregional partners and as united global actors. The principal aim is to navigate the nature of relations between these two diverse entities asserting that ideology, culture and identity formation contribute significantly to the joint policies undertaken by these two groups. The theoretical assumptions of this thesis are discussed in parallel to observable phenomena relative to the nature of relations between the EU and Japan, 1990-2005. This research analyses EU and Japan interactions from the Joint Declaration 1991 and including the Action Plan 2001 and aims to use the theoretical concepts of Identity. The frameworks of the Four Point Plan and the Analytic Narrative are appropriate to gain insight to the nature of these relations. Both the Four Point Plan and the Analytic Narrative are broad in scope but defined in nature, thus they are most suitable for the purpose of this analysis. This multidisciplinary approach enables the deconstruction of the influence held by 'identity' in domestic and international policy, outlining that policy influences such as preference and 'stories'! affect the relationship between the EU and Japan. This modem research angle serves to emphasise the uniqueness of the EU and Japan as international actors. The United States and rise of China act as intervening variables, and their secondary role highlights the changing global environment over this period.

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Deleau, Delphine. « The European court of justice 'open skies' judgments of 5 November 2002 : a Euopean contribution to the multilateral framework for International Aviation relations ». Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=80914.

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The 'Open Skies' policy launched by the United States in 1992 gave birth to new bilateral agreements between them and most Member States of the European Union, as the latter were adopting a single aviation market. Nevertheless, the nationality clause the agreements included conflicted with the Community principle of freedom of establishment.
On November 5, 2002, the European Court of Justice therefore ruled there was indeed violation. However, the true question raised by the agreements focused less on such violation, which was anterior to those agreements, than on their fragmentation and the inequality they created in the Europe/United States aviation relations.
Indeed, the issue to be stressed in the judgments is linked to the building of the external competence of the Union with regards to aviation. While the Court refused to grant total competence to the Community, it made that of the Member States impracticable, leading to a global mandate for the Commission.
Although the orientations of the agreements to be concluded are foreseeable, the role the European Union will play in a potential multilateral negotiation remains to be defined.

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Zheng, Shan Shan. « European Union's humanitarian intervention : an English school perspective ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555554.

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Ette, John Umo. « The Impact of Economic Integration within the European Union as a Factor in Conflict Transformation and Peace-Building ». PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1893.

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This study examines economic integration within the European Union (EU) as a factor in conflict transformation and peace-building. European responses to causes of frequent conflicts and wars after the end of WWII focused on the search for peace, economic cooperation and prosperity. This thesis will focus on three elements: economic interdependence, the expansion of the free market, and economic integration. In-depth examination of these factors reveals that economic interdependence or the exchange of goods and services across inter-state and international boundaries only, is not sufficient to bring peace among states. Economic inter-dependence may reduce the impact of war, but cannot maintain sustainable peace. Unfair competition fanned by economic nationalism was a strong obstacle to free trade in Europe in the early 19th century. In the 21st century, the expansion of free trade, with increased understanding has enhanced reduction in interstate conflicts. However, free trade, in and of itself does not constitute a strong factor for a sustainable peace. Free trade may encourage democracy, but the expansion of free trade coupled with interdependence, does not bring sustainable peace. The EU has successfully established sustainable peace through economic integration-the creation of the single market that established freedom of movement, people, goods, services; and a single currency that facilitates easy transactions. The single market also abolished tariffs and custom duties. By and large, economic integration within the EU has been successful in creating a sustainable peace because economic interdependence, and the expansion of the free market have been combined with political integration by building democratic institutions at the intergovernmental and transnational levels.

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Baranava, Tatiana. « EUROPEAN UNION - BELARUS : A FRIENDLIER, WARMER RELATIONSHIP ? THE CASE OF THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP ». Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23956.

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After 12 years of isolation, the relations between Brussels and Minsk have been thawing starting in the last year. One of the components of the policy of re-engagement is the new initiative adopted by the EU called Eastern Partnership (EaP). This thesis sought to answer following question: what were the main reasons for the change in the EU policy towards Belarus after 2008? In order to answer the research question I formulated two hypotheses. The first hypothesis argues that while the EU has acted according to the normative power expectations up until 2008, after that date a more pragmatic approach in the foreign policy has been at work. The second hypothesis explains this change by the increasing influence of Eastern European countries in realm of decision-making processes within the EU, which resulted in a reformed EU foreign policy towards Belarus.These hypotheses are tested in a qualitative case study of the launching of the Eastern Partnership initiative, seen as the most important instrument that defines the new policy of EU. I will focus on the process of decision–making in regards to the adoption of the new initiative towards the Eastern European countries, using the rational actor model and the theory of formal leadership. The results of the paper point out that the main reason for changing the EU foreign policy towards Belarus were connected to pragmatic interests in the economic and energy areas, which weakened the EU normative claims. However, EU values are still counted as political conditionality has recently re-entered the agenda. Thus, the current foreign policy is two-fold: based on rational model of acting and normative power. Moreover, the EaP is the result of the strengthened position of Eastern European countries in terms of the power hierarchy among EU members, with Poland, and the Baltic States playing an increasingly larger role.

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RAVALLI, Rebecca. « Externalities of production in GVCs : an EU consumer perspective ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/73849.

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Defence date: 21 December 2021
Examining Board: Professor Hans – W. Micklitz, European University Institute (Supervisor), Professor Martijn W. Hesselink, European University Institute, Professor Anna Beckers, Maastricht University, Professor Fernanda Nicola, Washington College of Law.
This doctoral dissertation examines the EU consumer perspective on externalities of production in global value chains (GVCs). Whether as part of the discourse on development or global economic governance, externalities of production are a long-standing issue that has been problematised not only by lawyers but also by economists, anthropologists, sociologists and social scientists at large. In the legal field, the analysis has struggled to contextualise consumer law and policy together with the peculiarities of GVCs as a distinct model of business organisation characterised by contractualisation of processes of production. The thesis argues that contractualisation of production establishes a relationship between consumers and processes of production, also in relation to externalities. Such a relation is not mirrored either by the voluntary self-regulation through which enterprises regulate externalities nor by EU consumer law. The present dissertation addresses this matter and argues that EU consumer law limits the involvement of consumers in the process of self-regulation that leading enterprises of GVCs undertake to prevent and/or remedy externalities of production and that results into a unilateral exercise of epistemic authority. The exercise of epistemic authority is favoured by a ‘communication paradigm’ framing EU consumer law, according to which consumer claims’ on sustainability and externalities of production depend on the content of the communication consumers receive prior or via the contract. This paradigm prevents consumers involvement, in all phases of the contractual relationship, in the definition of a legal episteme of sustainability in line with the core constitutional principles and values as enshrined in the EU Treaties and constitutional charters of member states. The final part of the thesis suggests that the limits deriving by the communication paradigm can be overcome by the CJEU that, by relying on the principle of effectiveness can integrate the communication paradigm with a consumer perspective on externalities of production in the post-contractual phase.

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Livres sur le sujet "Conditionality (International relations) – European Union countries"

The EU's approach to human rights conditionality in practice. New York : M. Nijhoff, 2003.

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Bartels, Lorand. Human rights conditionality in the EU's international agreements. New York : Oxford University Press, 2005.

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International relations and the European Union. 2^e éd. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2011.

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1948-, Hill Christopher, et Smith Michael 1947-, dir. International relations and the European Union. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2005.

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Smith, Karen Elizabeth. The use of political conditionality in the EU's relations with Third Countries : How effective ? Badia Fiesolana, Firenze : European University Institute, 1997.

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Martti, Koskenniemi, dir. International law aspects of the European Union. The Hague : Kluwer Law International, 1998.

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Ben, Tonra, et Christiansen Thomas, dir. Rethinking European Union foreign policy. Manchester : Manchester University Press, 2004.

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1961-, Mackenstein Hans, dir. The international relations of the European Union. Harlow, England : Pearson/Longman, 2005.

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1969-, Miles Lee, dir. The European Union and the Nordic countries. London : Routledge, 1996.

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Trading voices : The European Union in international commercial negotiation. Princeton, NJ : Princeton University Press, 2005.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Conditionality (International relations) – European Union countries"

Santos, Victor. « European Structural and Investment Funds 2021–2027 : Prediction Analysis Based on Machine Learning Models ». Dans Springer Proceedings in Political Science and International Relations, 167–75. Cham : Springer Nature Switzerland, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-18161-0_11.

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ABSTRACTThis research presents several machine learning algorithms and prediction models to anticipate the European Structural and Investment Funds (ESIF) application in different European Union (EU) countries. These analyses start with data training from 2014 to 2020 ESIF, to test and predict the application of the future ESI Funds for 2021–2027. We deliver an analysis focused on the priorities of each fund, highlighting the differences between the programs in different time periods. In the framework of the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), we will specifically address the assessment of the following themes: support innovation of small and medium-sized businesses, to greener, low-carbon, and resilient projects with enhanced mobility. In what concerns the European Social Fund (ESF), we will evaluate projects that promote and increase the EU’s employment, social, education, and skills policies, including structural reforms in these areas. Regarding the cohesion funds (CF), we will be targeting the improvements between the two ESIFs, looking at projects in the field of environment and trans-European networks in the area of transport infrastructure (TEN-T). In summary, we will be looking at the future of ESIF through the glasses of artificial intelligence.

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Henriques, Carla, et Clara Viseu. « Are ERDF Devoted to Boosting ICT in SMEs Inefficient ? Insights Through Different DEA Models ». Dans Springer Proceedings in Political Science and International Relations, 29–42. Cham : Springer Nature Switzerland, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-18161-0_2.

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AbstractWe evaluated the execution of operational programs (OPs) targeted at increasing the adoption of information and communication technologies (ICT) in small and midsize enterprises (SMEs). As a result, we employed two different data envelopment analysis (DEA) models to evaluate 51 OPs from 16 countries, contemplating data provided to the European Union (EU). All in all, we observed that almost 20% of the OPs (10) achieved efficient procedural outcomes, with the slack-based method (SBM) and with the weighted Russel Directional Distance model (WRDDM), respectively. Two of the OPs most frequently viewed as benchmarks were in Spain (the country that uses “vouchers” simplifying processes), remaining robustly efficient for data perturbations of 5% and 10%. The ‘number of operations supported’ is the metric that necessitates more consideration according to both models. Overall, these findings show the robustness of results with both methods, highlighting a higher discriminatory power of the second method, particularly for inefficient OPs. Finally, the unsuccessful findings attained might be linked to bureaucratic procedures and SMEs’ incapacity to deal with the complicated processes involved in obtaining and implementing European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) proposals. As a result, it is critical to provide the extra help that reduces managerial requirements while also meeting the demands of SMEs.

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Horspool, Margot, Matthew Humphreys et Michael Wells-Greco. « 17. EU relations with third states and international organisations ». Dans European Union Law, 621–38. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198870586.003.0017.

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This chapter considers the EU’s relationship with third countries and international organisations. It discusses the legal basis and competence for the EU’s external action and offers examples of how the EU exercises this competence. This is followed by an overview of the types of agreements the EU enters into with third countries with a discussion on the treaty arrangements with Switzerland, the EEA (Norway, Iceland and Liechtenstein) and the UK. It then considers the EU’s relationship with a selection of international organisations.

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Juncos, Ana E., et Nieves Pérez-Solórzano Borragán. « 16. Enlargement ». Dans European Union Politics. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198708933.003.0016.

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This chapter examines the implications of enlargement for the shape and definition of Europe in general and for the institutional set-up and the major policies of the European Union in particular. It first provides a historical background on EU enlargement before discussing the enlargement process itself, with a focus on the use of conditionality and the role of the main actors involved. It then considers the contributions of neo-functionalism, liberal intergovernmentalism, and social constructivism to explaining the EU's geographical expansion. It also evaluates the success and prospect of future enlargement in the context of wider EU developments, especially the effect of the financial crisis in the euro area, ‘enlargement fatigue’, the domestic context in the candidate countries, and evolving relations with Russia.

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Keukeleire, Stephan, et Tom De Bruyn. « 18. The European Union, the BRICS, and Other Emerging Powers ». Dans International Relations and the European Union. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737322.003.0018.

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This chapter examines how the European Union is challenged by the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) and other emerging powers, along with its implications for the world order. It first provides an overview of the nature of the BRICS phenomenon before discussing the EU's contractual and political relations, as well as ‘strategic partnership’, with the BRICS countries and other emerging powers. It then considers the EU–BRICS relationship on the basis of three key perspectives: the EU as a subsystem of international relations, the EU as a power in international relations, and the EU as part of the wider processes of international relations. In particular, it explores the EU's capacity to generate external collective action towards the BRICS countries and other emerging powers. It also analyses EU–BRICS relations within the context of shifts in multilateralism and in the global governance architecture.

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Smith, Michael E. « 8. Implementation ». Dans International Relations and the European Union. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737322.003.0008.

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This chapter examines the policy instruments used by the European Union to translate its common interests into collective action in the international arena. It first considers the problem of implementation in EU foreign policy before discussing the EU's own resources in external relations/third countries as well as the role of member states' resources in EU's external relations. It then explores the instruments of EU foreign policy, which can be grouped into diplomatic, economic, and military/civilian capabilities. It also analyses the credibility and capability gaps in the EU's policy implementation, noting that there exists a key divide between the ‘low politics’ of economic affairs and the ‘high politics’ of security/defence affairs. The chapter suggests that the EU's unique capacity for policy implementation in the area of international relations can be very erratic.

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Young, John W., et John Kent. « 20. Europe and the Former Soviet Union ». Dans International Relations Since 1945, 475–502. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198807612.003.0020.

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This chapter examines important developments in Europe and the former Soviet Union. The collapse of communism paved the way for the greatest changes in Europe since 1919, with the political disintegration of three Eurasian countries: the then USSR, with localized outbreaks of violence; Yugoslavia, with several years of bloody civil war; and Czechoslovakia, where the Czechs and Slovaks peacefully agreed to go their own way as of January 1993, in the so-called ‘velvet divorce’. Communism’s demise also brought reunification to a divided nation: Germany. The chapter first considers the German reunification, before discussing the break-up of the USSR and the Wars of Succession, Yugoslavia’s break-up and the Bosnian War, NATO and European security, and the emergence of the European Union, which replaced the European Community.

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Young, John W., et John Kent. « 20. Europe and the Former Soviet Union ». Dans International Relations Since 1945. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199693061.003.0026.

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This chapter examines important developments in Europe and the former Soviet Union. The collapse of communism paved the way for the greatest changes in Europe since 1919, with the political disintegration of three Eurasian countries: the then USSR with localized outbreaks of violence; Yugoslavia with several years of bloody civil war; and Czechoslovakia where the Czechs and Slovaks peacefully agreed to go their own way as of January 1993, in the so-called ‘velvet divorce’. Communism’s demise also brought reunification to a divided nation: Germany. The chapter first considers the German reunification before discussing the break-up of the USSR and the Wars of Succession, Yugoslavia’s break-up and the Bosnian War, NATO and European security, and the emergence of the European Union that replaced the European Community.

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Piskorska, Beata. « The European Union and the countries of Eastern Partnership – the type of cooperation and neighbours’ perception ». Dans Perceptions of the European Union’s Identity in International Relations, 89–115. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351005623-5.

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Ehin, Piret. « 9. Estonia : Excelling at Self-Exertion ». Dans The Member States of the European Union. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199544837.003.0009.

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This chapter examines Estonia’s relations with the European Union. Estonia showed dedication in pursuing integration with the EU as it sought to strengthen statehood in a complex international environment. In the course of its post-communist transition, Estonia’s homegrown reforms gradually gave way to policy change and institution building driven by EU accession conditionality. The small nation’s track record as an EU member state points to continued compliance with EU law and pre-accession demands. However, legal alignment has not always been accompanied by behavioural and attitudinal change. The chapter first provides an overview of Estonia’s integration with the EU before discussing the pattern of its relations with the EU before and after accession. It then assesses the impact of EU membership on Estonia’s public opinion, political parties, political institutions, governance, and public policy.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Conditionality (International relations) – European Union countries"

Başeğmez, Nergiz, et Kerem Toker. « A Crossroad For Turkey : European Union Or Eurasian Economic Union ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01668.

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With a long and complicated history with Turkey's EU relations began in 1963 with Ankara Agreement. Turkey has been engaged the full membership since 2005 but nevertheless it could not have achieved results during the negotiations. Behind the slow pace of Turkey's membership, many political and cultural barriers can be shown. The events showed that reveals Turkey cannot be an EU member as soon as possible. This case may cause the Turkey have different pursuits in the political world arena. Turkey moved away from the EU, it can be motivated to participate in different political and economic union at the same time. Because, the world is constantly changing in terms of economic and political conditions and Turkey is hard to question the position in these new conditions. Founded in 2015 Eurasian Union has similar cultural and historical heritage alongside the geographical closely EAEU with Turkey. This common history may create opportunities for both sides. In this study, economic, social and political relations between Turkey and the EAEU countries are briefly discussed. Datas about this issue were gathered by Eurostat, europa.eu, wto.org and eurasiancommission.org etc. official data sources. The findings were compared with similar indicators between Turkey and the EU. So the EAEU is evaluated likely to be an alternative political and economic union to Turkey. Such a vision changes in Turkey will revise its economic and political stability of the region. This paper may contribute to further studies by providing a solid base.

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Tufaner, Mustafa Batuhan, Hasan Boztoprak et İlyas Sözen. « An Alternative to The European Customs Union for Turkey in The Framework of Economic Integration Theory : Eurasian Customs Union ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c09.01957.

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The liberalization policies begun after 1980 and globalization process bring with new economic associations and trade blocs among countries. The European Customs Union which established to improve economic relations and to make the political integration possible after World War II, reached large trade capacity today. On the other hand, the Post-Soviet countries that followed similar way like European ones established Eurasian Customs Union under the leadership of Kazakhstan, Belarus and Russia. The advantage of European Customs Union for Turkey which became a member of it in 1995 is still discussed. From this viewpoint the study aims to answer a question that Eurasian Customs Union can be an alternative to European Customs Union for Turkey in point of trade capacity. The aim of the study is to discuss the possibility of the Eurasian Customs Union and to compare it with the European Customs Union in which Turkey is involved. In this context, at first, the conceptual framework about the subject will be discussed and European Customs Union and Turkey relations will be examined. After, the current situation of the Eurasian region will be analyzed and the possibility of the Eurasian Customs Union will be discussed. And, which customs union will be more advantageous in terms of Turkey will be examined by VAR analysis.

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Gao, Yu, Yuchen Liu et Wenhui Yu. « National Interest or Climate Change Issues : A Discussion with References to the International Relation Theories and European Union Countries ». Dans 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.180.

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Shalygina, Natalya, Natalya Zaitseva, Maksim Selyukov et Ol’ga Znajdenova. « Development of Trade and Economic Relations of Russia with the Countries of the European Union : Problems and Prospects ». Dans 8th International Conference on Contemporary Problems in the Development of Economic, Financial and Credit Systems (DEFCS 2020). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.201215.030.

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Koç, Neslihan. « Analyzing the Foreing Trade Relations of Turkey and Macedonia within the Framework of Free Trade Agreement ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00965.

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Turkey, because of its responsibilities derived from Custom Union with European Union, makes limited Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) with those states which have already signed such agreements with EU. As yet Turkey has signed FTAs with 19 countries including Macedonia. It's expected from FTA's that raise awareness of partner countries about each other’s economic and commercial potentials. In this study a general overview will be made to emphasize the relationship between FTAs which Turkey has signed with other countries and increase in Turkey’s trade volume in the same period. Subsequently, with regarding the FTA and commercial relations with Macedonia, an assessment will be made by using the lists of countries imports and exports, based on Republic of Turkey Ministry of Economy statistics for the period of 2001-2012.

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Ganiev, Junus, et Damira Baigonushova. « Prospects for Exchange Rate Cooperation in the Eurasian Economic Union ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02266.

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Foreign exchange risk is one of the main factors affecting foreign trade and foreign investment activities. The exchange rate instability in the Eurasian Economic Union members and in Turkey, which is one of the Union’s major economic partners, constitutes one of the major economic problems. This situation inevitably affects the foreign economic relations of the countries. Therefore, the leaders of most countries such Turkey and Russia are encouraging to use national currencies in economic relations to reduce the dependence on the dollar, to provide stability in the foreign exchange market and to reduce the risk of exchange rate. One of the basic conditions for the success of these initiatives is the stability of exchange rates between national currencies. This study examines the fluctuations of exchange rates among national currencies of EAEU members and Turkey. The ERM implementation of the European Union and its applicability will be discussed as a solution.

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Tunçsiper, Bedriye, et Ömer Faruk Biçen. « The Effects of European Debt Crisis on Turkey’s Exports ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00827.

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The crisis that arose in Greece at the last quarter of 2009 affected the countries that have heavily government debt like Spain, Portugal, Italy and Ireland as soon as 2008 Global Financial Crisis originating from USA Mortgage Markets affect European Union (EU) countries under heavily debt burden. The effects of that crisis in the short run are demand shrinking and decrease in export. Turkey, which has important economic relations with EU countries in the last fifty years, is the primary country that can be negatively affected from demand shrinking in Europe. Turkey that indirectly experience 2008 global financial crisis because of the decrease in export volume in Europe also seem fatefully affected in this crisis. This article aims to determine the effects of the crisis to Turkey’s export ampirically in the EU countries that have the lion’s share in the Turkey’s export markets. As well, it is trying to explain whether this crisis affects over-all Europe or not.

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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. « EU Enlargement to the Balkans : Membership Perspective to the Balkan Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01163.

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After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into the EU on January 1st, 2007, the number of the EU member countries reached up to 27, and finally extending to 28 with the membership of Croatia to the EU on July 1st, 2013. Removing the Western Balkan States, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the scope of external relations, the EU included these countries in the enlargement process in 2005.The European Commission has determined 2014 enlargement policy priorities as dealing with the fundamentals on preferential basis. In this context, the developments in the Balkans will be closely monitored within the scope of a new approach giving priority to the superiority of law. The enlargement process of the EU towards the Balkans and whether or not the Western Balkan States will join the Union will be analyzed.

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Halabaku, Agon. « European Union as a factor for the democratization of Western Balkan Countries and the EU's impact on promoting democracy and normalizing relations between Serbia and Kosovo ». Dans University for Business and Technology International Conference. Pristina, Kosovo : University for Business and Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.33107/ubt-ic.2018.290.

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Akbulut, Gizem. « The Role of Extensive and Intensive Margins in Export Growth of Turkey to Central and Eastern European Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01643.

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In the recent years, Central and Eastern Europe Countries-10 (CEEC-10) countries are implementing policies for developing in international trade relations and these countries are relatively small and open economies. On the other hand, they increase both provide a dynamic increase in exports and export market share, to facilitate the European Union (EU) and their activities to integrate into world trade. The purpose of this study, with CEEC-10 of Turkey’s sectoral export growth rates decomposes into extensive and intensive margins. Also intensive margin decomposes into price and quantity components. By building on the methodology pioneered by Feenstra (1994) and Hummels and Klenow (2005) and then “the decomposition of export growth rates” method developed by Bingzhan (2011). Intensive margin is the growth in products that were exported in both periods. Extensive margin is the growth in product variety or new trade partners. In the empirical part of the study were used the BACI international trade database from CEPII. The database provides the export values and quantities for Turkey to CEEC-10 at the Harmonized System’s (HS96) six-digit level over period 2006 to 2013. Foreign trade activities of countries is an important channel both to gain of international qualification and to the realization of economic growths and/ or in terms of sustainability of the current growth rates. According to results of a study, with CEEC-10 Turkey’s export is mainly explained generally by the quantity growth rather than price growth. In other words, export growth carries with the low added value product.

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