Livres sur le sujet « Complex rank »

The legal categories under the Roman law of persons tell us relatively little about social status. The impact of social status on law is best understood through an examination of elite views of rank and social status. Rank and social status were closely connected as these elite markers of social esteem were requirements for admission to elite ranks. Social status bore a complex relationship to legal status: possession of the legal statuses of citizenship and free birth was a prerequisite for certain ranks, which conferred social status. Legal rules helped guide the behaviour of the social elite. Social status, rather than legal status, conferred advantages in the law, both in the structure of the legal system and through the monopoly of members of the social elite over the application of the law. These advantages could be mitigated by recourse to the patronage or petitioning of an official or the emperor.

This chapter assembles a few standard definitions, fixes some notation, and reviews a few of the results about buildings and Moufang polygons. It also summarizes the basic facts about Coxeter groups and buildings, including the fundamental properties of roots, residues, apartments, and projection maps. The chapter defines a Moufang building as spherical, thick, irreducible and of rank at least 2, and a Bruhat-Tits building as a thick irreducible affine building whose building at infinity is Moufang. Furthermore, it presents a fundamental result of Tits: that an irreducible thick spherical building of rank at least 3 satisfies the Moufang condition as do all the irreducible residues of rank at least 2 of such a building. Finally, it considers a simplicial complex, the dimension of which is its cardinality minus one.

This chapter discusses mixed Hodge structures (MHS). It first defines the abstract category of Hodge structures and introduces spectral sequences. The decomposition on the cohomology of Kähler manifolds is used to prove the degeneration at rank 1 of the spectral sequence defined by the filtration F on the de Rham complex in the projective nonsingular case. The chapter then introduces an abstract definition of MHS as an object of interest in linear algebra. It then attempts to develop algebraic homology techniques on filtered complexes up to filtered quasi-isomorphisms of complexes. Finally, this chapter provides the construction of the MHS on any algebraic variety.

Headache syndromes rank among the most common presenting symptoms in general practice and neurology, affecting up to 15% of the adult population. The Oxford Textbook of Headache Syndromes provides clinicians with a definitive resource for diagnosing and managing patients with primary and secondary forms of headaches, either as isolated complaints or as part of a more complex syndrome. Split into seven key sections, with 59 chapters, this comprehensive work discusses the scientific basis and practical management of headache syndromes in a logical format. Each chapter is written by international experts in neurology who share their research and extensive experience by providing a wealth of practical advice for use in clinical situations. In addition, all content is up to date and chapters incorporate discussions on the International Classification of Headache Disorders, third edition, when relevant.

Physical activity (PA) is a complex human behaviour that comprises several dimensions, including intensity, frequency, duration, type/mode, and domain. PA outcomes can be divided into two main categories: the estimation of energy expenditure, and other quantifying metrics of PA. Subjective methods, including questionnaires and diaries, are often easy to use, cost-effective and are able to assess type of PA and to rank PA levels. However, they are prone to several limitations and are not able to provide accurate estimates of PA, energy expenditure, or intensity. Objective methods, including accelerometers and heart rate monitors, provide a reasonably accurate quantification of intensity, frequency, duration, and PA energy expenditure. When choosing a method for assessing PA several factors need to be considered, including validity, reliability, accuracy, and responsiveness, as well as the purpose of the study, the population being studied, and the outcome of interest.

Written between 1912 and 1979, Carl Schmitt’s diaries (published and unpublished) rank among the most illuminating documentary sources of the era. This chapter argues that the published diaries have significantly transformed perceptions of his personality, motivations, and sentiments as well as of his thoughts on crucial intellectual and political questions related to 20th century Germany. Drawing extensively on these primary sources, the chapter finds a consistency between his candid private perspectives and the ideas articulated in his major publications, thereby seriously challenging several pervasive interpretations of Schmitt’s thought and work regarding cultural pessimism, political theology, the “Conservative Revolution,” and war. While documenting his antisemitism, the diaries also confirm his often intimate, complex relationships with Jews. Among other significant insights, the chapter argues, Schmitt did not seek to undermine Weimar or realize his theories in the “Third Reich.” Few documentary collections have ever required such a momentous reevaluation of a historical figure.

This chapters examines the attempts by psychiatrists and psychoanalysts to popularise their research by choosing to analyse cases—and thus the phenomenon of—creative genius. It shows how psychoanalysis and its proponents co-opted and adapted the medical case study as an extant and authoritative rhetorical form through which to forge a new mode of enquiry. The ways in which psychoanalysts such as Isidor Sadger sought to incorporate and adapt sexological pathographies into psychoanalytic thought, shaped the responses within the Vienna Psychoanalytic Society (WPV) and fuelled a debate that directly contributed to Freud’s development of psychoanalytic case writing. The decisive sophistication of this discourse can be appreciated in Sigmund Freud’s dialogic-psychoanalytic case studies, which show his keen appreciation of the bond that tied middle-class readers to revered creative artists. Yet Freud hesitated (or perhaps thought it fruitless) to challenge this reverence and left the complex quantification of results to his pupil Otto Rank.

Academic organizations introduce gender, race, nationality, and other signifiers of power into the field of international studies. Research on the status of women in the international studies profession has typically focused on the distributions of women and men according to academic rank, salaries, and employment. A number of detailed case studies have explored practices in particular academic departments and universities in order to elucidate the mechanisms in place that help to reproduce gender inequality. We can gauge the progress that women have made with regard to their status and role in academic organizations over the years by looking at the International Studies Association (ISA). The ISA presents a mixed picture of international studies as a field of gendered power. While women have entered leadership positions in the association, they have done so mostly at lower levels, while men continue to dominate the positions at the top, the ISA president and executive director. Women have made some advances into editorial positions, but gatekeeping in the scholarly journals published under the auspices of the ISA remains largely a male preserve. Furthermore, women and men in the ISA reproduce gender difference and inequality by re-enacting gender divisions of labor while participating in an economy that circulates symbolic capital. An important consideration for future research is the assumption that international studies is a field of complex gendered power that cannot be easily explained by purely singular tools of analysis.

Abstract The central aim of “Assessing the Harms of Crime” is to provide a firm analytical foundation for making normative decisions about criminal and related policy, taking harm—and its reduction—as a conceptual starting point and supplying the means for systematic, empirical analysis in a harm assessment framework. By exploring harm’s place in legal history and theory, criminology, and related fields and by considering the relevance of harm and its reduction for both criminal policy and the governance of security, the book demonstrates the centrality of harm, including its reduction, to crime, policy, and governance. It also highlights a substantial gap in methods available to the policy community to take on harm and the challenges of developing them. Working to fill that gap, the book presents the authors’ “Harm Assessment Framework,” consisting of tools and a process to identify, evaluate, and rank harms and to carefully distinguish harms that result directly from activities from those that are remote or driven at least partially by policy. The book also presents applications to complex crimes, primarily involving coca and cocaine, that show the framework’s value with new, actionable insight to harm and policy. On this basis, the book argues that criminology would benefit from expanding its mission to include harm and target harm reduction and from positioning harm assessment as a core task. Lastly, it posits that systematic, empirical harm-based policy analysis can contribute positively to decisions about criminal policy and the governance of security and to advancing justice.

In this chapter the principal characteristics of a turbulent flow are outlined and the way that Reynolds’ time-averaging procedure, applied to the Navier-Stokes equations, leads to a set of equations (RANS) similar to those governing laminar flow but including additional terms which arise from correlations between fluctuating velocity components and velocity-pressure correlations. The complex nature of turbulent motion has led to an empirical methodology based upon the RANS and turbulence-transport equations in which the correlations are modelled. An important aspect of turbulent flows is the wide range of scales involved. It is also shown that treating near-wall turbulent shear flow as a Couette flow leads to the Law of the Wall and the log law. The effect of surface roughness on both the velocity distribution and surface shear stress is discussed. It is shown that the distribution of mean velocity within a turbulent boundary layer can be represented by a linear combination of the near-wall log law and an outer-layer Law of the Wake.

Transnational terrorism, an enduring phenomenon that became a hallmark of the post-cold-war era, continues to evolve. This chapter explores several emerging trends in Islamist terrorism that are likely to challenge European security institutions in the coming years and decades. The chapter argues that the Islamic State has revolutionized the jihadist landscape. ISIS has effectively eclipsed al-Qaeda, modernizing its predecessor’s hidebound model of allegiance and recruitment, sponsoring and facilitating attacks overseas, lighting sectarian fires across the Middle East and North Africa, and exploiting cyber tools and social media to propagandize itself widely. Relatedly, European foreign fighters have joined ISIS at an unprecedented clip: several thousand have fought within its ranks. Combining these trends helps illustrate how transnational terrorism challenges European security in new and complex ways.

Soldiers in Revolt examines the understudied phenomenon of military mutinies in Africa. Through interviews with former mutineers in Sierra Leone, Burkina Faso, and The Gambia, the book provides a unique and intimate perspective on those who take the risky decision to revolt. This view from the lower ranks is key to comprehending the internal struggles that can threaten a military's ability to function effectively. Maggie Dwyer's detailed accounts of specific revolts are complemented by an original dataset of West African mutinies covering more than fifty years, allowing for the identification of trends. Her book shows the complex ways mutineers often formulate and interpret their grievances against a backdrop of domestic and global politics. Just as mutineers have been influenced by the political landscape, so too have they shaped it. Mutinies have challenged political and military leaders, spurred social unrest, led to civilian casualties, threatened peacekeeping efforts and, in extreme cases, resulted in international interventions. Soldiers in Revolt offers a better understanding of West African mutinies and mutinies in general, valuable not only for military studies but for anyone interested in the complex dynamics of African states.

The satirical fiction of the period 1770–1832 continues earlier trends, though the development of other modes of fiction and the fiction-marketing apparatus meant that satirical narratives were less central than they had been earlier in the eighteenth century. Satirical novels ran contrary to the tendency towards more plausible, more ‘novelistic’ fiction. Many novels used parody as a technique, often to attack literary trends, often to attack contemporary doctrines. Much satire was inspired, directly or indirectly, by the debates in Britain that followed the French Revolution. The most significant author of satirical novels, Thomas Love Peacock, used methods that were unlike those used by almost any other novelist. His fiction displays both memorable wit and a range of complex narrative techniques.

Understanding of Romanticism is currently dominated and shaped by a belief in the primacy of print culture. This chapter explores a cultural phenomenon that coexisted with and ran counter to this familiar narrative: non-publication. In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, manuscript production massively outnumbered print publication. Manuscript culture was exuberant, wide-ranging, complex, and dominant. It also was symptomatic of a wider, more pervasive culture of non-publication. This encompassed the suppression of completed writings, bibliophobia (an aversion to publication and to print culture), and non-execution, including the refusal to write. Non-publication had a massive impact on writers and readers. It played a crucial, yet hitherto overlooked role in shaping both the Romantic period and our own sense of literary history.

The warbling and carolling of the Australian magpie are familiar to many although few of us recognise that it ranks among the foremost songbirds of the world. Its impressive vocal abilities, its propensity to play and clown, and its willingness to interact with people, make the magpie one of our most well-known birds. This insightful book presents a comprehensive account of the behaviour of one of Australia's best-loved icons. It reveals the extraordinary capabilities of the magpie, including its complex social behaviour, in a highly readable text. The author brings together much of what we know about the magpie’s biology and behaviour, including her latest research on magpie vocalisation as well as aspects of anatomy, physiology, development and health not published previously. Australian Magpie is ideal reading for all those interested in Australian natural history, including amateur and professional ornithologists, and undergraduate students.

The American healthcare system is increasingly dependent on clinical informatics professionals to ensure that information technology contributes fully to measurably improve patient outcomes, enhance individual and organizational efficiency, and lower overall healthcare costs. Although the United States is the most expensive (per capita) healthcare system in the world, it ranks among the lowest in patient access and health outcomes. In the future, an aging population, complex comorbidities, family financial distress, changing cultural expectations, and unsustainable healthcare prices will necessitate a radically broader view of clinical care. Our technologies need to be optimally employed to promote health and support healthcare in a financially sustainable way. Clinical informatics is tasked with improving health outcomes while reducing costs. To realize these aims, clinical informatics must understand relationships among clinical care, workflows, technology, management, and public policy. This book provides an introduction to critical skills required of effective clinical informatics professionals.

This introductory chapter sheds light on the complicated history of Milwaukee's politics. At midcentury, cities like Milwaukee were crucial political battlegrounds in the postwar era. In these metropolitan milieus, the often inchoate yet passionately held postwar ideals of the public good promoted by New Deal liberals ran up against notions of individual rights expressed largely, though not exclusively, through unfettered free enterprise. Yet at times, the interplay between liberalism and conservatism was not clear-cut. Liberal assertions of what constituted the public good were complicated by personal ideology, political expediency, and a failure to grasp the challenges ahead. With such complex visions competing to define the city's future, Milwaukee illustrates both the limits of postwar liberalism and the resurgence of conservatism, a dynamic repeated in cities across the nation.

To many, insane asylums are a relic of a bygone era. State governments took steps between 1950 and 1990 to minimize the involuntary confinement of people in mental hospitals, and many mental health facilities closed down. Yet, as this book reveals, the asylum did not die during deinstitutionalization. Instead, it returned in the modern prison industrial complex as the government shifted to a more punitive, institutional approach to social deviance, mental illness, and people with disabilities. Focusing on Pennsylvania, the state that ran one of the largest mental health systems in the country, the author tracks how the lack of community-based services, a fear-based politics around mental illness, and the economics of institutions meant that closing mental hospitals fed a cycle of incarceration that became an epidemic. This groundbreaking book recasts the political narrative of the late twentieth century, as the book charts how the history of asylums and prisons were inextricably intertwined. It argues that the politics of mass incarceration shaped the deinstitutionalization of psychiatric hospitals and social welfare policy, and vice versa. The book offers critical insight into how the prison took the place of the asylum and shaped the rise of the prison industrial complex and creating new forms of social marginality.

‘Though a great many men and not a few women knew Ferdinand Lopez very well, none of them knew whence he had come.’ Despite his mysterious antecedents, Ferdinand Lopez aspires to join the ranks of British society. An unscrupulous financial speculator, he determines to marry into respectability and wealth, much against the wishes of his prospective father-in-law. One of the nineteenth century’s most memorable outsiders, Lopez’s story is set against that of the ultimate insider, Plantagenet Palliser, Duke of Omnium. Omnium reluctantly accepts the highest office of state; now, at last, he is ‘the greatest man in the greatest country in the world’. But his government is a fragile coalition and his wife’s enthusiastic assumption of the role of political hostess becomes a source of embarrassment. Their troubled relationship and that of Lopez and Emily Wharton is a conjunction that generates one of Trollope’s most complex and substantial novels. Part of the Palliser series, The Prime Minister’s tale of personal and political life in the 1870s has acquired a new topicality in the early twenty-first century.

Taxonomy of Australian Mammals utilises the latest morphometric and genetic research to develop the most up to date and comprehensive revision of the taxonomy of Australian mammals undertaken to date. It proposes significant changes to the higher ranks of a number of groups and recognises several genera and species that have only very recently been identified as distinct. This easy to use reference also includes a complete listing of all species, subspecies and synonyms for all of Australia’s mammals, both native and introduced as well as terrestrial and marine. This book lays a foundation for future taxonomic work and identifies areas where taxonomic studies should be targeted, not only at the species and subspecies level but also broader phylogenetic relationships. This work will be an essential reference for students, scientists, wildlife managers and those interested in the science of taxonomy.

Despite their academic preparation and lived experiences, new school social workers face a learning curve when moving from entry-level practice to proficiency. The Art of Being Indispensable: What School Social Workers Need to Know in Their First Three Years of Practice is the first book focusing specifically on the needs of new school social workers as they transition to this complex role. Each of the book’s 20 chapters features an academic scholar and at least one school social work practitioner; overall, there are 18 academics and 42 practitioners from 28 different states. The diversity of the authors’ experiences, representing all variations of schools and districts, ensures that the content is applicable to a variety of practice contexts. Each chapter addresses the challenges of a public health pandemic and the impact of racial injustice. There is a timeless quality to this text since every year, new school social workers are being hired, whether from master of social work and bachelor of social work programs or from the ranks of professional social workers changing fields and becoming school social workers. This indispensable guide will help new school social workers to effectively execute their roles and responsibilities.

Era deja de multa vreme nevoie de o carte in limba romana despre istoria si actualitatea Ordinului Suveran de Malta. Intre numeroasele motive, as aminti, in primul rand, relatiile diplomatice cu Romania, incepute la nivel de Legatie in 1932‑1933, primul reprezentant al Ordinului fiind contele Marie Henry Thierry Michel de Pierredon, iar al Romaniei, printul Dimitrie Ghika, personalitate din galeria marilor nostri diplomati. Relatiile au fost suspendate dupa instalarea regimului comunist, fara sa fie denuntate de o parte sau alta, si reluate la nivel de Ambasada la 24 mai 1991. Dincolo de prestigiul istoric al figurilor care au participat initial la crearea acestor punti, ceea ce legitimeaza din plin demersul din aceasta carte este substanta insasi a activitatii Ordinului pe planul diplomatiei umanitare si, in mod special, prin Serviciul de Ajutor Maltez, fondat in Romania in 1991, o veritabila scoala de voluntariat pentru ajutorarea celor aflati in nevoie. De asemenea, o astfel de carte este binevenita pentru ca poate risipi pentru un cititor onest zvonistica si confuziile care nu au intarziat sa apara nici in tara noastra, aducand Ordinului Suveran de Malta prejudicii nemeritate de imagine sau indepartand complet atentia de la activitatea sa sociala spre chestiuni fantasmagorice referitoare la cavaleri si secrete.

The Mississippi Freedom Vote of 1963 is no small thing. It is a complex historical and rhetorical phenomenon worthy of in-depth analysis. The Mississippi Freedom Vote of 1963 was an integrated citizens’ campaign to empower and promote agency for blacks within the state. With candidates Aaron Henry, a black pharmacist from Clarksdale, for governor and Reverend Edwin King, a white college chaplain from Vicksburg, for lieutenant governor, the Freedom Vote ran a platform aimed at obtaining votes, justice, jobs, and education for blacks in the Magnolia state. Though the actual campaign took place October 13 through November 4, the Freedom Vote’s impact far transcends those few weeks in the fall of 1963 and extends beyond the borders of Mississippi. Campaign manager Bob Moses was right to label the Freedom Vote “one of the most unique voting campaigns in American history.” It is precisely how the rhetorical forms employed by the Freedom Vote catalyze agency that is so appealing and unique. Educating people about citizenship and then providing an opportunity to practice this phronesis in real time created a groundswell of political activity in Mississippi. The Freedom Vote campaign employed the rhetorical tactics of image events to protest voting rights inequalities by executing a campaign that allowed participants to enact the very agency that was being criticized. The campaign turned protestors in to citizens, allowing local citizens to experience empowerment, and it allowed organizers to learn valuable lessons that they would employ time and time again.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.