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Klyve, Christoffer Ringnes. « Public opinion and international development ». Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29407.
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This thesis explores public attitudes towards international development cooperation. Noting the lack of previous academic treatment of this particular topic, it includes an overview of available polling data on relevant questions, followed by a review of more general literature pertaining to public opinion towards foreign policy, as a macro-level concept. Finding the macro-level perspective insufficient, the thesis then explores one particular model for understanding public opinion on the individual level. The final chapter discusses in some detail how one particular form of development assistance---child sponsorship---might influence public opinion. Claims that child sponsorship necessarily has detrimental effects on public opinion are found to have little foundation in either empirical studies or relevant theory. Conclusive statements concerning any effect child sponsorship might have on public opinion are not made, but the thesis does argue that public opinion towards development assistance can, under certain conditions, be considered reasonable.
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Sikorski, D. J. « Public enterprise in international competition : The case of Singapore ». Thesis, University of Bradford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.379813.
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Sydorak-Tomczyk, Anna. « The EU and international cooperation in competition policy : public interest or public choice ? » Thesis, University of Sussex, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508976.
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Giwa, Gillian Travia. « Public Opinion about International Trade : assessing the impact of cultural proximity ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-04082014-141753/.
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The use of experimental methods in International Relations (I.R.) studies continues to be relatively unpopular, and especially so among the International Political Economy (IPE) research fraternity in Brazil. Notwithstanding, this paper is the product of an experimental survey administered among the undergraduate students\' population at the University of São Paulo in April 2014, in which the hypothesis that cultural proximity mattered to public opinion about trade partners was investigated and subsequently validated. In pretreatment tests, language, religion and social norms and values were identified as proxies for cultural proximity. These were incorporated into four treatment vignettes that described a potential trade partnership in terms of its economic gains as well as the cultural (dis)similarity of the partner country. With the addition of a control condition - having no economic or cultural information - the five vignettes were embedded into questionnaires administered to 503 students across 7 faculties. Treatment effects under all conditions confirmed that people\'s decisions were affected by the cultural indicators. Their contradictory response to descriptive questions however, implies that though their actions may be conducive with culturally influence, people\'s declarations will tend to suggest otherwise.A utilização de métodos experimentais em estudos de Relações Internacionais (RI) continua sendo relativamente incomum e, particularmente, entre os pesquisadores de Economia Política Internacional (EPI) no Brasil. Não obstante, este trabalho foi o resultado de um survey experimental aplicado entre os alunos de graduação da Universidade de São Paulo em abril de 2014, cuja hipótese de que a proximidade cultural importava para a opinião pública no que tange os parceiros comerciais foi investigada e, posteriormente validada. Nos testes de pré-tratamento, a língua, a religião e as normas e os valores sociais foram identificados como os indicadores para a proximidade cultural. Estes indicadores foram incorporados em quatro vinhetas de tratamento, em que uma parceria comercial foi descrita em termos dos ganhos econômicos, bem como a (não) similaridade cultural do país parceiro. Com a adição de uma condição de controle - em que não havia nenhuma informação econômica ou cultural - as cinco vinhetas foram incluídas em questionários aplicados a 503 estudantes entre 7 faculdades. Havia efeitos do tratamento em todas as condições e, portanto, foi possível confirmar que as decisões das pessoas foram afetadas pelos indicadores culturais. No entanto, as respostas contraditórias às questões descritivas sugeriram que por mais que as ações do público tendem a demonstrar coerência com a influência de atributos culturais, suas declarações verbais tendem a apontar ao contrário.
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Knauber, Ines. « Profile Development of Commenters Versus Non-Commenters on International Marketing Questionnaires ». Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc330948/.
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The objectives of this dissertation were to: (1) discover whether commenters and non-commenters on an international marketing questionnaire differ based on sociodemographic, nationality, and personality characteristics; (2) determine whether commenters with greater life satisfaction are more likely to provide positive comments; (3) determine whether commenters differ in response styles due to their national background; and (4) discover whether commenters differ (based on sociodemo-graphic, nationality, and personality characteristics) in their propensity to comment on the design rather than on other questionnaire issues. An exploratory design was used to satisfy these objectives.
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Birdsong, Daniel R. « Who Owns the Blank Slate ? The Competition for News Frames and Its Effect on Public Opinion ». Cincinnati, Ohio : University of Cincinnati, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view.cgi?acc_num=ucin1243299972.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Cincinnati, 2009.Advisor: Barbara A. Bardes. Title from electronic thesis title page (viewed July 29, 2009). Keywords: News Frames; media; president; public opinion. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references.
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Listerman, Thomas. « Biotechnology in press and public an international study of press coverage about biotechnology and its relationship to public opinion ». Dresden TUDpress, 2006. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2971569&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
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Listerman, Thomas. « Biotechnology in press and public : an international study of press coverage about biotechnology and its relationship to public opinion / ». Dresden : TUDpress, 2007. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2971569&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
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Peiritsch, Brian. « An examination of international public relations course criteria : a analysis of nineteen public relations educators ». Virtual Press, 1997. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1041885.
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This study attempted to determine what specific course criteria pubic relations educators believed to be most important in an international public relations course. The researcher provided fifty-seven public relations educators with fifty statements covering potential areas an international public relations course could include. The statements covered the areas of business, media, culture, government and miscellaneous. Each public relations educators was asked to sort the statements according to how much he or she agreed or disagreed with them.The QMETHOD program was used to determine two factor groups from the nineteen responses received. The factor groups, Type I and Type II. Type I consisted of twelve public relations educators and Type II consisted of seven public relations educators.Public relations educators in both groups agreed that an international public relations course should teach students to follow global current events and public relations issues, should cover various countries and their cultural taboos, and teach students to identify social trends abroad.The researcher expected public relations educators to support an international public relations course structure which favored the study of a broad range of international public relations at both the undergraduate and graduate levels, and to achieve a consensus on statements relating to cultural sensitivity training. For the most part, the researcher's expectations were met. However, more technical skills issues (i.e., fundamental, pragmatic public relations knowledge needed to execute public relations plans) were raised than expected, and educators' views on the level at which international public relations should be taught differed from what the researcher had anticipated.Department of Journalism
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Swart, Charl. « Public opinion on land reform in South Africa ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4377.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2010.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores public opinion on land reform in South Africa using data gathered by Ipsos-Markinor in nationally representative public opinion surveys conducted in 2004 and 2007, and by an elite survey conducted by Centre for International and Comparative Politics in 2007. This study explores whether public opinion on land reform reveals distinct trends that correlate with the selected socio-demographic variables of race, language, party affiliation and social status. It is hypothesised that there is an identifiable correlation between these independent variables and the opinions of respondents on land reform, with specific groups tending to support land reform whilst other groups tend to reject it. The data analyses yielded results that highlight distinct trends in public opinion on land reform. Responses are clustered around specific characteristics of the independent variables and point towards distinct groups having specific views on land reform. From this set of findings it is inferred that public opinion on land reform illustrates that certain groups of South Africans have contrasting views of how the rule of law and transformation should find expression in a democratic society. These fundamentally differing opinions on key elements of democracy illustrate that South Africans hold diverging opinions of what constitutes democracy, through adherence to either the liberal or the liberationist model of democracy. These models were previously identified as two distinct and diverging interpretations of democracy in South Africa and were labelled as such. These two models uphold sharply divergent normative prescriptions of democracy, as well as contrasting prescriptions for various policies of democratic consolidation, including that of land reform.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Openbare mening oor grondhervorming in Suid-Afrika word in hierdie studie ondersoek. Die ondersoek maak gebruik van data ingewin deur Ipsos-Markinor in nasionaal verteenwoordigende openbare meningsopnames uitgevoer in 2004 en 2007, asook ‘n elite opname wat in 2007 uitgevoer is deur die Sentrum vir Internationale en Vergelykende Politiek (CICP). Hierdie studie ondersoek die moontlikheid dat openbare mening ten opsigte van grondhervorming met geselekteerde sosio-demografiese veranderlikes (ras, taal, politieke affiliasie en sosiale status) korreleer. Die hipotese is dat daar ‘n identifiseerbare korrelasie is tussen hierdie onafhanklike veranderlikes en die menings van die respondente ten opsigte van grondhervorming en dat daar spesifieke groepe is wat grondhervorming ondersteun en ander nie. Analise van die data toon duidelike tendense in openbare mening oor die kwessie van grondhervorming. Menings korreleer wel met die onafhanklike veranderlikes en wys daarop dat bepaalde sosiale groepe uiteenlopende standpunte het oor grondhervorming. Uit hierdie stel bevindinge maak die navorser die afleiding dat daar, binne die Suid- Afrikaanse bevolking, groepe is met uiteenlopende menings oor hoe die oppergesag van die reg en transformasie binne ‘n demokrasie uitgeleef moet word. Hierdie fundamenteel kontrasterende menings ten opsigte van hierdie sleutelelemente van demokrasie, illustreer dat Suid-Afrikaners uiteenlopende menings oor demokrasie het in die vorm van ondersteuning van hetsy die liberale- of bevrydingsmodelle van demokrasie. Hierdie modelle is as twee duidelike en afsonderlike interpretasies van demokrasie voorgestel en beskryf. Hierdie twee modelle verteenwoordig skerp uiteenlopende normatiewe beskouinge oor demokrasie, en bied daarmee saam, botsende beleidsvoorskrifte aan vir demokratiese konsolidering, insluitende beleid oor grondhervorming.
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Mouron, Fernando. « Public opinion and foreign policy revisited : a Latin American perspective ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-10042018-143030/.
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This thesis seeks to be a contribution to a broader debate on how public opinion builds up its perceptions on foreign policy and foreign affairs. Its two main objectives are to examine: (a) which are the determinants that explain public opinion knowledge on foreign affairs; and (b) whether public opinion is sensitive to framing effects on this issue. The analysis was done by mixing quantitative methods and survey experiments, while its novelty is that brings unprecedent evidence from Latin America. The main findings of the thesis are two-fold. On the one hand, Latin American public opinion knowledge on foreign affairs is low. In this regard, both traditional individual variables and contextual ones, namely the size of the city, are useful to predict a person\'s knowledge. On the other, public opinion perceptions regarding foreign policy, either presented on a general or specific way, are sensitive to framing effects.Esta tese procura ser uma contribuição para um debate mais amplo sobre como a opinião pública constrói suas percepções sobre política externa e assuntos internacionais. Os dois principais objetivos são examinar: (a) quais são os determinantes que explicam o conhecimento da opinião pública a respeito de assuntos internacionais; e (b) se a opinião pública é sensível a efeitos de enquadramento sobre esta questão. A análise foi feita misturando métodos quantitativos e pesquisas de opinião pública experimentais, enquanto sua novidade é que traz evidências sem precedentes da América Latina. As principais conclusões da tese são duplas. Por um lado, o conhecimento da opinião pública latino-americana sobre assuntos externos é baixo. A este respeito, tanto as variáveis individuais tradicionais como as contextuais - o tamanho da cidade - são úteis para prever o conhecimento de uma pessoa. Por outro lado, as percepções da opinião pública em relação à política externa, apresentadas de forma geral ou específica, são sensíveis aos efeitos de enquadramento.
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Beaudoin, Christopher E. « International knowledge and attitudes : their measurement and antecedents / ». free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3025600.
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Kertzer, Joshua David. « Resolve in International Politics ». The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1373028838.
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Strong, James. « More spinn'd against than spinning ? : public opinion, political communication, and Britain's involvement in the 2003 invasion of Iraq ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/516/.
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When Tony Blair took Britain to war in Iraq in 2003, he overruled vociferous opposition from both the wider public and members of his own governing party. Public opinion was exercised by the issue on a vast scale. Over one million marched in London against the war. Opinion polls uniformly showed majority opposition to the use of force. Newspapers, the engine of media debate in this country, mostly attacked the government line, and encouraged their readers to protest or even, in one case, to rebel. The story of Iraq, however, is not simply one of an ideological or misguided premier dragging the entire nation to battle against its will. It is not simply one of ‘spin’, dossiers, Alastair Campbell, and Weapons of Mass Destruction. Much of the debate, and much of the hostility it generated, focused on areas that foreign policy analysts would consider peripheral; the domestic political consequences of war, the role of ‘spin doctors’ in the assessment of intelligence, and the question of whether the Prime Minister’s (successful) efforts to build a strong alliance with the world’s last superpower had transformed him into the President’s ‘poodle’. Interactions between ministers and the media were conditioned on both sides by an intimidating array of structural pressures. Diplomatic and journalistic calculations often clashed, trapping the government in the middle of an immensely complex ‘multi-level game’. News management influenced substantive foreign policy just as policy influenced news management, and the media arguably affected both, albeit often indirectly. The substance and the communication of the decision to go to war proved to be inseparable, both in the course of decision-making, and in their later retrospective assessment. Public Opinion, broadly defined, had a significant impact on British foreign policy at this time. Crucially, however, this impact operated through political communication mechanisms usually ignored by FPA.
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Powers, Kathleen E. « Beyond Identity : Social Relations for International Conflict and Cooperation ». The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1436885537.
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Hanusch, Marek. « Electoral competition and the dynamics of public debt : context-conditional political budget cycles ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9fa80792-826c-4fc6-b3e9-f120986b4472.
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Why and under what conditions do governments borrow before elections? This thesis aims to shed light on this question by exploring governments' incentives that give rise to political budget cycles, i.e. fluctuations in the budget balance during election times, under different political, institutional, and economic contexts. The argument will be developed in three stages. First, the thesis will explain why politicians may choose to use debt strategically to win elections and discuss and evaluate different models that can explain political budget cycles. One model, a moral hazard type competence model is, as will be shown, particularly suited for this study. It will be extended in stages two and three. The second stage will look at the benefits and costs from public debt, with a particular emphasis on the likelihood of re-election (government popularity), party system polarisation, and sovereign risk. Sovereign risk increases the cost of borrowing and thus dampens the magnitude of political budget cycles; the effect of government popularity on strategic debt is conditional on the degree of polarisation. The third stage will take the motives to borrow as given and examine the effectiveness of debt as a strategic instrument. The less voters attribute responsibility for fiscal policy to governments, the less effective debt is as a strategic instrument. Economic volatility, regulatory density, and economic openness, this thesis argues, reduce this effectiveness and in turn the political budget cycle. Similarly, coalition government reduces responsibility associated with individual coalition partners, and thus the strategic value of public debt - yet this effect is moderated by the distribution of cabinet portfolios. The argument in this thesis is based both on formal models and on empirical, time series-cross sectional, analyses. It is arguably the most comprehensive treatment of political budget cycles and adds to an increasing literature on the contextual determinants of fiscal policy.
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McConachie, Bradley. « The Future of Australia-China Relations : Can International Education Deliver a Network of Informed Opinion Leaders ? » Thesis, Griffith University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/382705.
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As China is Australia’s largest trading partner, much of Australia’s future economic success will rely on the next generation of leaders and policymakers having a deep understanding of China’s culture and its way of doing business. While not discounting the commercial value of higher education, this thesis focusses on Australian universities’ contribution to the public good, through the enduring value of international education as public diplomacy. My study and internship within the Australian Studies Centre (ASC) at Peking University coincided with the Abbott Government’s implementation of the New Colombo Plan (NCP) as a public diplomacy initiative. Given that there is little evidence of the efficacy of funded scholarships making a strong contribution to a nation’s soft power, I became curious as to why the government highlighted international education to increase its influence in China and the Indo-Pacific region more broadly. As education programs are long-term public diplomacy strategies, and Australian politics have been tumultuous with five prime ministers in five years, investigating the reasoning behind the continued political support for international education as public diplomacy provides an insight into Australia-China relations.
This thesis investigates two key international education programs that were identified in the Australian Public Diplomacy Strategy 2014-2016; the NCP and the network of ASCs in China. A mixed method approach was undertaken to address the problem: Have Australian Government-funded international education programs resulted in a network of Sino-Australian opinion leaders who contribute to Australia’s public diplomacy efforts in China?
Many nations, including Australia, provide funding support for international education programs as they are thought to build relationships and mutual understanding between the peoples of different nations, and thereby contribute to international goodwill and the cause of peace.1 Two theories from the psychology and communications literature (the contact hypothesis and the two-step flow hypothesis in the development of opinion leaders) were used.
The findings show that the NCP and ASC programs do contribute to breaking down negative stereotypes and building mutual understanding between Australia and China. However, the programs’ outcomes would be improved through strengthening the conditions of contact. Government, and, home and host university support for the NCP was high, however, due to the lack of Chinese language skills and opportunities for out-of-class interactions the condition of high acquaintance potential was low. Equal status and common goals were identified as being present for NCP scholars but could be improved as students rarely co-operated on joint projects and felt like they were treated, positively but differently, to local students. Conversely, the ASCs require additional institutional and government support. In contrast to the NCP’s adequate funding, the ASCs need increased funding which is aligned to clear objectives. There are opportunities for the NCP scholars and the ASCs to work together to diversify the Australian students’ experiences and provide more opportunities for Australian and Chinese students and academics to collaborate.
Because of the intersection between policy and politics, the reasoning behind Australian Government funds for international education programs in China will be subject to change to meet the geopolitical environment of the time. We could naively rely solely on the government’s promulgated key objectives, however, without transparency regarding the intent of these programs, any evaluation could be meaningless. The strong fabric of personal and professional links between Australian and Chinese individuals and institutions will assist Australia to navigate difficult times in the bilateral relationship. Considering the limited public funding, using the NCP and ASCs as vehicles for delivering a positive message that Australia is engaged with its region, is sufficient reason for funding these programs. Improving conditions of contact would increase the probability of creating opinion leaders and therefore improving the future contribution that these programs make to the nation’s good.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Govt & Int Relations
Griffith Business School
Full Text
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Odeh, Rana Kamal. « The Impact of Changing Narratives on American Public Opinion Toward the U.S.-Israel Relationship ». Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1401818860.
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McCullough, Kristen. « The News Media and Public Opinion : The Press Coverage of U.S. International Conflicts and Its Effect on Presidental Approval ». Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2009. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3809.
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A standing phenomenon exists in the fields of both political science and communication studies regarding the impact that the news media have on public opinion. This study recognizes the average American citizens' reliance on the press to gain information about international conflicts. Hence, it is theorized that news reports on a political occurrence could very well influence the mass-level opinion of an event such that positive news stories generate positive public opinion, and vice versa. Since foreign crises define a presidency in the public's minds, presidential approval ratings determine the degree to which the news media manipulate public opinion. Specifically, news media coverage of two international conflicts, the Vietnam and Persian Gulf Wars, are analyzed in light of their effect on American citizens' public opinion of Presidents Lyndon B. Johnson and George H. W. Bush, respectively.M.A.
Department of Political Science
Sciences
Political Science MA
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McCullough, Kristen Anne. « The news media and public opinion the press coverage of U.S. international conflicts and its effect on presidential approval / ». Orlando, Fla. : University of Central Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/CFE0002701.
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Assaf, Elias. « From Social Networks to International Relations : How Social Influence Shapes International Norm Adoption and The Global Order ». The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1574591937096021.
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Pang, Yiu-fai, et 彭耀暉. « Community acceptance of Tung Chung residents and the planning of the third runway in Hong Kong international Airport ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2011. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B46737571.
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Leon, Vanessa C. « Status Competition Between the U.S. and China on the Stage of Africa ». FIU Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2505.
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This case study traced the American reaction to Chinese activities in Africa from the year 2000 to the present. Two keys to understanding how this reaction might unfold were power-transition theory, which predicts that rising states will challenge the hegemon in an international system in order to revise the rules, and status-based competition theories.
The U.S. appeared delayed in reacting to competition in Africa from its rising challenger there, China, until it understood that competition to be status-based. A clear, progressive reaction on the part of American leaders was traced. First, there was a split between the reactions of members of Congress and diplomats on-the-ground, who were concerned about China in Africa around the year 2005, and leaders in the White House and State Department, who publicly denied there was any kind of problem. White House and State Department leaders’ reaction then grew somewhat as relative gains concerns were activated by economic and power losses in Africa. These leaders then engaged in quiet diplomacy with China and Africa, perhaps to try to socialize China and to moderate its less favorable activities. The U.S. at this time did not seem to be fully aware of the status threat China was presenting.
However, in about 2011, the U.S. appears to have begun to perceive the status losses it had sustained in Africa. Through policy changes, discourse, summitry and public diplomacy, including social media, leaders launched what appeared to be a public campaign, designed to position the U.S. as opposed to the values of China, and as a better partner for Africans. This can be seen as status competition because the U.S. had little to gain economically in Africa and its domestic public remained unconcerned with Africa. Loss of status appears to have motivated the U.S. to take action when nothing else had, inspiring policy changes vis-a-vis Africa, the first-ever U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit, two presidential trips to Africa, and a public diplomacy campaign designed to showcase American strengths.
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Ruff, Simonne F. « After the crisis an exploration of humanitarian workers' and Somali refugee women's narratives of "Health" / ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/mq27375.pdf.
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Sabet-Esfahani, Shahrzad. « Prejudice and Protectionism : Essays at the Intersection of International Political Economy and Psychology ». Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11687.
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What explains public opinion toward economic globalization, and specifically, toward international trade? A wave of recent scholarship has shown that symbolic and identity-based factors--individual predispositions such as ethnocentrism, nationalism, prejudice, and cosmopolitanism--are highly correlated with attitudes toward trade. The nature of the relationship between symbolic attitudes and trade opinion, however, remains conspicuously unclear. This dissertation combines fresh empirical strategies with the theoretical tools of both economics and psychology to illuminate the role and effect of non-material factors in the formation of public opinion toward international trade. I present a new theoretical framework for the study of individual preferences in international political economy, and test the empirical implications of the theory using observational data, an original survey experiment, and systematic analysis of open-ended survey responses. Specifically, I show: (1) that symbolic attitudes such a prejudice have a causal effect on trade preferences, independent of economic considerations; (2) that the effect of economic self-interest on trade preferences is contingent upon the strength of symbolic attitudes; and (3) that the trade preferences of cosmopolitan individuals are susceptible to the effect of subjective beliefs about the impact of trade on foreigners, providing the first evidence of foreign-regarding motivations in the context of trade opinion.Government
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Dieck, Hélène. « The influence of American public opinion on US military interventions after the Cold War ». Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0014.
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Les études académiques récentes sur l'influence de l'opinion publique sur les interventions militaires dans les démocraties occidentales concluent pour la plupart que l’opposition du public n’a pas empêché le président de faire usage de la force. Ces études se concentrent souvent sur le choix d'intervenir dans un conflit donné et omettent d'analyser les ajustements apportés à l'intervention elle-même du fait de l'opinion publique. Cette étude tente au contraire de montrer qu'on ne peut comprendre l’influence de l'opinion publique si l'on se limite à la décision d'intervenir et n’étudie pas les décisions connexes liées à la conduite et à la réussite d'une intervention: le choix des moyens humains et financiers, les objectifs, la stratégie de communication. La littérature scientifique actuelle omet également de dévoiler la manière dont l'exécutif tente de gérer la contrainte de l'opinion publique et comprendre ainsi quelle est sa véritable marge de manœuvre vis-à-vis de celle-ci. En effet, l’opinion publique et la présidence s’influencent mutuellement : le président est souvent contraint de trouver un compromis entre les objectifs politiques et militaires désirés et ce que le public est prêt à accepter. En incluant l'impact de l'opinion publique sur la mise en œuvre des opérations militaires, cette recherche conclut que le public américain a eu une influence majeure sur le degré d'engagement, les objectifs et la durée des interventions militaires de l'après Guerre froide. Notre étude s’appuie principalement sur des entretiens avec des responsables politiques impliqués dans le processus décisionnel ayant conduit à l’usage de la force après la Guerre froide. Ce processus décisionnel sera analysé à travers cinq études de casRecent qualitative studies of the relationship between public opinion and U.S. foreign policy put decisions into the following two categories: the President tends to lead or to follow public opinion; public opinion influences decision-making, constrains the decision, or has no impact. These studies typically research the initial decision to intervene, but fail to examine the subsequent decisions to sustain and win a war: financial and human means, conduct, objectives, duration, and communication. I argue that these elements of a winning strategy are impacted by concerns with public support at home. The impact of public opinion on the decision whether to use force is better understood when analyzing the compromise between the perception of anticipated public opinion and the necessities of a military campaign. Public opinion impacts the strategy, the timing, and length of an intervention, and inversely, those elements impact the anticipated public opinion and ultimately the decision to use force or choose a different course of action. The president can expect to influence public opinion and raise the acceptability of an intervention through various means. As a consequence, there is a back-and-forth process between anticipated public support for a given intervention and the consideration of the use of force. Contrary to the current literature, which tends to conclude that the president enjoys a substantial margin for maneuver, an analysis of post Cold War cases of interventions, limited interventions, and military escalations shows that anticipated public opinion limited the president's margin for maneuver and influenced not only the decision to intervene but also the military strategy and in the end, the result of the intervention. These findings contradict the realist paradigm for which only the structure of the international system matters and domestic politics are irrelevant in the study of international relations
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Richardson, Erin L. « SANE and the Limited Test Ban Treaty of 1963 mobilizing public opinion to shape U.S. foreign policy / ». Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1257556741.
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Ohlberg, Mareike Svea [Verfasser], et Rudolf G. [Akademischer Betreuer] Wagner. « Creating a Favorable International Public Opinion Environment : External Propaganda (Duiwai Xuanchuan) as a Global Concept with Chinese Characteristics / Mareike Svea Ohlberg ; Betreuer : Rudolf G. Wagner ». Heidelberg : Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1180032160/34.
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Goulet, Charles-André. « Autoritarisme et démocratie. La notion " d'appui à la démocratie" dans les sondages d'opinion. Le cas du Guatemala ». Thesis, Paris 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA030053/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse porte sur l’opinion publique et la démocratie. Elle s’intéresse particulièrement aux Guatémaltèques et à leur faible propension à appuyer la démocratie et certains des principes associés à celle-ci. Entre des explications qui associent ce comportement à un artéfact et à une culture autoritaire, des éléments contextuels et d’importantes nuances prévalent. Ce travail montre qu’il est nécessaire de traiter l’appui à la démocratie comme un objet multiface et malléable. En puisant dans les théories des perspectives et des bifurcations, un instrument d’analyse est élaboré sous le libellé de « temps court de l’appui à la démocratie ». Ce dernier nous permet de comprendre pourquoi, en période de crise politique, les points de vue sur la démocratie sont susceptibles d’évoluer. Sensibles aux circonstances extraordinaires, les opinions peuvent aussi, dans des périodes plus calmes, connaître une certaine stabilité. Les théories de l’ambivalence permettent d’élaborer un deuxième instrument, le « temps long de l’appui à la démocratie », qui aide à expliquer pourquoi les sondés offrent souvent des réponses « contradictoires » en matière de droits et de libertés. Aussi ambivalents que les autres Centraméricains, les Guatémaltèques se démarquent cependant par une forte tendance à esquiver les questions de sondage, à s’opposer aux droits des gens qui critiquent le gouvernement et à évaluer négativement le travail des institutions. Ces caractéristiques mettent en lumière des tensions entre les demandes et l’évaluation de l’offre en démocratie que font les citoyens. Cette thèse débute en étudiant les dimensions de la culture politique guatémaltèque et en proposant une typologie des indicateurs employés dans les grandes enquêtes internationalesThis thesis deals with public opinion and democracy. It mainly focuses on Guatemalans and on their weak propensity to support democracy and some of its dimensions. Between explanations that tie this behaviour to an artifact and to a culture of authoritarianism, contextual factors and important nuances can be found. We thus argue that it is advisable to deal with support for democracy as a multifaceted and malleable object. Drawing from perspectives and bifurcation theories, we develop an analytical instrument that we refer to as the "short-run of support for democracy". The latter allows us to understand why and how, in times of crisis, citizens’ viewpoints on democracy can easily become volatile. The fact that opinions are sensitive to extraordinary circumstances does not prevent them, under usual circumstances, from being relatively stable. Building on theories on ambivalence, we elaborate another instrument, the "long-run of support for democracy", which allows us to explain why survey respondents often give "contradictory" answers to questions dealing with rights and freedoms. While as ambivalent as other Central Americans, Guatemalans stand apart for their likelihood to avoid certain survey questions, to prefer limiting the rights of people who criticize the government, and to be particularly distrustful of state institutions. As background to those opinions and other paradoxical attitudes, we highlight existing tensions between citizens’ demands and their evaluation of the offer in democracy. This thesis first examines the various dimensions of the Guatemalan political culture and proposes a typology of indicators used in international barometer surveys
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Yonker, Valerie A. « Deciding factors : : why international students choose the institutions they attend ». Virtual Press, 2001. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1221313.
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This study examines the influences and factors that drive an international student to attend a specific higher education institution. Undergraduate, international students at Ball State University and Muskingum College were interviewed.The international students at those institutions had a variety of factors that played a role in their decision to attend either Ball State University or Muskingum College. These factors included location, academic programs, exchange programs, cost/finances, size of institution, family role, support available, and accessibility.A focused look at the students' background and the size of the institution was addressed. There was a lack of related literature on these points, yet the influence of these factors was quite important.Department of Educational Studies
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Wardell, Clarence L. III. « Signaling and search in humanitarian giving : models of donor and organization behavior in the humanitarian space ». Diss., Georgia Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/31721.
Texte intégralRésumé :
At its core, this dissertation examines the role of information, particularly as it relates to proxies for quality, and how it affects both donor and organization decision processes in the humanitarian space. In Chapter 2 I consider the context of competition within the sub-sector of international humanitarian relief organizations. It has been observed that large scale humanitarian relief events tend to spawn highly competitive environments in which organizations compete with one another for publicity and funding, often times to the detriment of effective resource utilization. The question of why altruistic organizations behave in this manner arises. Positing that competition is a result of dual organization objectives and the inability to credibly signal quality a model of signaling is presented to explain this phenomenon, and conditions under which pooling and separating equilibrium can occur are shown. Results are shown to match closely with observed behavior, and potential policy remedies are considered using the model as a foundation.
Chapter 3 addresses a similar question but broadens the analysis to that of a general market for charitable goods. Building on foundational results in search theory, I propose a two-stage model of donor search behavior to explain the effects of transparency and exposure on both donor and organization behavior as it regards how donors select organizations. Using both analytical and simulated results I show how donor behavior changes under various market constructions, with implications on total market outcomes and organization behavior discussed.
Chapter 4 concludes with an empirical analysis to test the assumptions and results from the models of Chapters 2 and 3. Using an observational data set provided by the online charitable giving marketplace GlobalGiving, fixed effects panel regression and logit models are used to investigate the effects of transparency on both the amount of a donor's gift, and on the likelihood of repeat giving. Results are complicated by discussed validity issues, and in general show that within the context of GlobalGiving proxied transparency does not appear to have a significant practical effect on either the amount of the gift or organization selection by a given donor. While some significance is shown for various constructions, the results are not shown to be robust. A discussion of the results within the context of the donor search model of Chapter 3 is also provided.
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Tollefson, Julie Jo. « Japan's Article 9 and Japanese Public Opinion : Implications for Japanese Defense Policy and Security in the Asia Pacific ». Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1526812071227061.
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Meledje, Djedjro Francisco. « La contribution des organisations non gouvernementales a la sauvegarde des droits de l homme ». Amiens, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987AMIE0003.
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Les developpements de la protection internationale des droits de l homme ont revele l importance des organisations non gouvernementales (ong) dans l evolution du systeme international. Les ong revendiquent un droit-devoir d intervention dans le domaine des droits de l homme; cette revendication auto-consacree etant confortee par une legitimite internationale basee sur le principe du statut d observateur acquis par les ong aupres des organisations intergouvernementales (oig). Une vision d ensemble du mouvement associatif montre que le monde occidental est le siege de l epanouissement des ong; ce fait a certainement une influence sur le fonctionnement des ong de protection des droits de l homme. Les relations entre les ong, les ressources financieres des ong, leur composition et leur structure determinent leurs modalites d intervention dans le domaine des droits de l homme ainsi que leur efficacite relative. Envisagee par rapport a l attitude des etats et des oig dans le domaine des droits de l homme, les inter ventions des ong se developpent globalement dans deux sens: elles visent a cooperer avec les institutions publiques, ou a interpeller les auteurs de violation des doits de l homme. Sur un plan general, les ong participent a la formation des normes et elles cooperent avec les etats et les oig a leur mise en oeuvre. Dans leurs activites d interpellation, les ong font le plus souvent valoir la sanction d opinion. Au sein des oig, des procedures existent qui permettent aux ong de denoncer les violations des droits de l hommeThe development of the international protection of human rights reveals the importance taken by non-governmental organization (ngo) in the evolution of the international order. Ngos claim a right and a duty of intervention in the dealing of question relating to the defense of human rights. This claim is reinforced by the observer status they get in intergovernmental organizations (ngo). A general view of ngo movement permits to see the predominance of western world in facilitating the development of private associations. This fact certainly has an influence into the functioning of ngos engaged in human rights protection. Relations between ngos, ngos financial resources, their membership and their structure determine their modes of intervention in the field of human rights and their eficiency. In viewing the question through states and igos attitude and action in the field of human rights, the intervention of ngos can be globally perceived in two ways: these organizations cooperate with public institutions engaged in human rights actions or they are dedicated in denounciation of human rights violations. Generally, ngos participate to the formation of international norms and they cooperate with states and igos in their implementation. In their activitites of denounciation of human rights violations, ngos give importance to the sanction of public opinion: but, their aloso use intergovernmental petition systemsin force
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Razuk, Monica Ester Struwe. « Idéias, debates, mídia e opinião pública : uma análise das dinâmicas de interação entre atores estatais e não-estatais nas disputas acerca das patentes farmacêuticas ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-08042009-153208/.
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Esta tese visa aprofundar o entendimento das dinâmicas de interação entre atores estatais e não estatais nos processos de criação, continuidade e mudança de regimes internacionais. A pesquisa se apresenta como um estudo de caso demarcado a partir da criação do novo regime internacional de proteção dos direitos de patentes, instituído em 1994 quando da adoção do Acordo sobre Aspectos dos Direitos de Propriedade Intelectual Relacionados ao Comércio (TRIPS) pelos países membros do GATT. Inclui as disputas entre as empresas farmacêuticas e o governo da África do Sul, o contencioso entre Brasil e Estados Unidos, na Organização Mundial do Comércio, e as negociações que culminaram na adoção da Declaração sobre o Acordo TRIPS e Saúde Pública, em novembro de 2001. A partir da problematização das decisões do governo dos Estados Unidos, nos vários momentos do caso, se propõe, como argumento central do trabalho, que a mídia constitui um importante elemento de ligação nos processos através dos quais atores não estatais com capacidade material reduzida exercem influência sobre atores estatais nas decisões acerca da política externa tanto no âmbito bilateral como multilateralThis thesis aims to deepen the understanding of the interactive dynamics between governmental and non governmental actors in the processes of creation, continuity, and change of international regimes. The research is presented as a case study delimited from the creation of the new international regime of intellectual property rights, instituted in 1994, when the Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) was adopted by the GATT member-countries. It includes the disputes between the pharmaceutical companies and the government of South Africa, the controversy between Brazil and the United States, in the World Trade Organization, and the negotiations that culminated in the Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health, adopted in November 2001. From the problematization of decisions of the United States Government, in the various moments of the case, as central argument it is proposed that the media is an important linkage element in the processes through which non state actors with reduced material capacity exercise influence on state actors on foreign policy decisions in regard to both bilateral as well as multilateral decisions
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Lee, Sook-Young. « The interaction effect of television violence and cultural identity on international students' perceived vulnerability ». Virtual Press, 1999. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1124740.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this study was to examine the effects of television violence and cultural identity on international students' perceived vulnerability. A total of 73 international students who registered at Ball State University spring semester 1999 participated in the survey research project. MANOVA revealed a significant relationship between perceived vulnerability and television exposure. Although no significant relationship was found between perceived vulnerability and cultural identity levels, there was a significant interaction effect between television exposure and cultural identity. International students who were heavy viewers and had assimilated identity exhibited the greatest perceived vulnerability. Theoretical and methodological implications of the findings were discussed for future research.Department of Speech Communication
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Aproskie, Jason. « The relationship between firm size and exports in the context of merger review in South Africa : is the international competitiveness public interest clause of the Competition Act valid ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/5760.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 32-34).According to the Competition Act of South Africa, proposed mergers, if rejected on the grounds of anti-competitive effects as well as the efficiency considerations, may be passed on certain public interest grounds. The fourth public interest clause potentially allows mergers to be passed should the merged firm become more able to compete in international markets. This paper interprets the clause to refer to a relationship between firm size and exports, and investigates this supposed relationship and, in so doing, the validity of the clause. It is found that firm size is positively related to export propensity, the likelihood of exporting any output. However, firm size is found to be unrelated to the intensity of exporting, the proportion of output that is exported by the firm. This paper covers new areas of research, and its conclusions call into question the inclusion of the relevant public interest clause in the Competition Act.
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Cronenwett, Megan R. « Accounting for the Role of the Public in Democratic States' Counterterrorism Policies : A Comparative Case Study Analysis of Spain and the United Kingdom ». Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1303144037.
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Kumar, Shivaji. « Explaining the India-U.S. Strategic Partnership : The Impact of Middle-Class Identity ». The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1354732453.
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Holzhacker, Denilde Oliveira. « Atitudes e percepções das elites e da população em geral sobre a política externa brasileira nos anos 90 ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2006. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-22062007-133857/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
O objetivo desta tese é investigar, de forma comparativa, as diferenças e semelhanças entre as percepções e orientações da elite e da opinião pública de massa a respeito da política externa brasileira. Para isso, foram analisados os resultados do survey \"Percepções das Elites e da População brasileira sobre as Relações Externas do País\", realizado em 1998 e 2001, pelo Núcleo de Pesquisa em Relações Internacionais da Universidade de São Paulo. Além disso, foram utilizados depoimentos coletados entre membros da elite brasileira no âmbito da pesquisa \"A Alca nas Visões das Elites\" (2003), NUPRI-ILDES. A hipótese central do trabalho é que as elites e a massa apresentam padrões de atitudes similares a respeito dos diferentes aspectos da inserção internacional brasileira a partir dos anos 90. No entanto, os resultados indicaram que não há na sociedade brasileira um consenso sobre os efeitos da globalização sobre o País, existindo três padrões de atitudes quanto à globalização: alienação, afluência e participação conflituosa. Essas posições indicaram visões distintas sobre os resultados da globalização, que influenciam diretamente a posição brasileira no sistema internacional. Essas visões, por outro lado, também influenciam as posições das elites e da massa a respeito das opções e orientações da política externa brasileira nos anos 90. As elites e a massa dividem-se em três posições a respeito das orientações da política externa brasileira no período: para uns a política externa deveria voltar-se para os interesses estritamente econômicos, para outros ela deveria ser um instrumento de busca da cooperação e o desenvolvimento geral dos povos, e um terceiro grupo apóia uma política baseada na busca do poder e do prestígio no sistema internacional. Essas posições mostraram forte associação com uma visão positiva da atuação do País no sistema internacional. Entre as estratégias da política externa brasileira destacou-se o forte envolvimento do País em negociações internacionais, além disso, esse tópico é considerado um dos que mais mobilizaram os grupos da sociedade brasileira nos anos 90, por isso, buscou-se analisar as atitudes das elites e da massa no que se refere à participação do País em dois processos negociadores: o Mercosul e a ALCA. As maiores divergências entre elites e massa prevaleceram nas questões relacionadas à ALCA. No que se refere ao Mercosul existe no interior da sociedade brasileira um forte consenso sobre os resultados que a integração poderão trazer em termos de desenvolvimento econômico e também de maior influência para o País nos processos internacionais, apesar da falta de consenso sobre os impactos até o momento gerados pela integração com os Países do Cone Sul. De maneira geral, os resultados indicaram que as elites e a massa mostram atitudes coerentes e associadas ao debate que marcou a diplomacia brasileira nos anos 90.The objective of this thesis is to investigate, in a comparing form, the differences and similarities between the perceptions and orientation of the elite and the mass of Brazilians, regarding the Brazilian foreign policy. For this, it had been analyzed the results of survey \" Perceptions of the Elites and of the Brazilian Population on the Foreign Policy\", carried through in 1998 and 2001, by the Center of Research in International Relations of the University of São Paulo, moreover, had been used interview with members of the Brazilian elite about FTAA negotiations (NUPRI-USP/ILDES - 2003). The central hypothesis of the work is that the elites and the mass show of similar attitudes regarding the different aspects of the Brazilian international insertion from years 90. However, the results had indicated that it does not happen, in the Brazilian society, a consensus on the results of the globalization. In the Brazilian society there are three attitudes regarding globalization: alienation, affluence and participation confliction. These positions indicate distinct perceptions on the effects of the globalization and that directly influence the Brazilian position in the international system. These perceptions, on the other hand, also influence the elites and the mass positions regarding the options and orientations of the Brazilian foreign politics in the 90´s. The elites and the mass revealed three attitudes: a) the external politics is turned for strict economic interests, b) the external politics is an instrument for the search of the cooperation and the development of the peoples and, c) politics is based on the search for power and prestige in the international system. These positions had shown to associate with a positive vision about the country´s performance in the international system. The strategies of the Brazilian external politics distinguished the strong involvement in international negotiations. This topic is considered one that has strongly mobilized the Brazilian society in years 90, so it is important to analyze the attitudes of the elites and the mass regarding the participation in two negotiating processes: the Mercosur and the FTAA. The biggest divergences between the elites and mass has taken advantage in the related questions the FTAA, as for the Mercosur a strong consensus exists in the interior of the Brazilian society about the results that the integration will be able to bring in terms of economic development, despite the lack of consensus on the impacts until the moment generated by the integration with the countries of the South Cone. In a general way, the results have indicated that the elites and the mass show a coherent attitude and associate the debate inside of the country in years 90.
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Sinkkonen, Marja E. « Rethinking Chinese national identity : the wider context of foreign policy making during the era of Hu Jintao, 2002-2012 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:89137b0a-ab44-45ee-b1e0-32c251a967a3.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis analyses China's national identity construction and its foreign policy implications especially towards Japan and the United States during the Hu Jintao period 2002-2012. The vast literature on China's rise takes “rising nationalism” in China as one of the key indicators of increased likelihood for aggressive behaviour in the future. This work problematizes some of the simplified assumptions made in this literature by emphasising the domestic context from which foreign policies rise. I argue that culture specific values deriving from national identities shape attitude structures and affect the whole thinking and conceptualisation related to foreign policy with wide-ranging consequences. Thus, in this research national identity is operationalised through values and attitudes deriving from it. With empirical evidence, I show in my thesis that most things discussed as "nationalism" in China studies literature can be analytically separated into at least two components, each with different foreign policy relevant correlates. Analysing two sets of survey material with statistical methods I show that the type of national attachment in China constrains foreign policy preferences in a different way than often assumed in the literature: "patriots" support an internationalist stance in contrast to "nationalists" who favour more assertive behaviour towards Japan and the US as well as generally protectionist economic policies. In addition to analysing the associations between core values and foreign policy preferences, I also provide other examples of cultural factors shaping Chinese foreign policy context including the role of historical legacies and their political use, and the role of the media in the formation of foreign threat perceptions and foreign policy preferences. The need to better understand these national identity dynamics is emphasised because of the ongoing pluralisation of Chinese foreign policy establishment, which gives more space to domestic input from various levels of society.
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Botes, Marina. « The public diplomacy of the United States of America in the war on terror ». Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2007. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-11192007-141127.
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Joo, Hyo Sung. « South Korean Men and the Military : The Influence of Conscription on the Political Behavior of South Korean Males ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1048.
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This thesis evaluates the effects of compulsory military service in South Korea on the political behavior of men from a public policy standpoint. I take an institutional point of view on conscription, in that conscription forces the military to accept individuals with minimal screening. Given the distinct set of values embodied by the military, I hypothesize that the military would need a powerful, comprehensive, and fast program of indoctrination to re-socialize civilians into military uniform, trustable enough to be entrusted with a gun or a confidential document. Based on the existence of such a program and related academic literature, I go on to look at how a military attitude has political implications, especially for the security-environment of the Korean peninsula. Given the ideological nature of the inter-Korean conflict, the South Korean military was biased against the liberals, as liberals were most likely to generate policies supporting conciliatory and cooperative measures towards North Korea, like the removal of U.S. forces from South Korea and the repeal of the National Security Laws that outlaw discussion of communism. For an empirical evaluation, I pose the hypothesis that this political bias would manifest itself in the male public via the military’s indoctrinative program. With data from the Korean General Social Survey, the Public Opinion and Foreign Policy, and the South Korean General Election Panel Study, I have found that males respond acutely to specific security issues in favor or against according to the military’s point of view. However, the evidence for an overall bias on political parties generally was inconclusive. The uncertainty was mainly rooted in the fact that liberal parties have strategically avoided speaking out on specific policy issues during election.
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Svensson, Patrik. « Explaining Protective Trade Policies : Political Economy, Trade and Media Effects ». Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2012.
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This paper draws on communications research to complement existing models of the political economy of trade policy by introducing the role of media as an institution interacting with policy makers, special interest groups and the public, influencing the formulation of policy and supporting a bias towards protective trade policies. Through the concepts of framing and perceived public opinion, media can contribute to and reinforce problem definitions and suggested solutions that limit the range of alternative policies available to policy makers. In the case of trade policy, established frames for conflict discourse that are efficiently represented in media give incentives to special interest groups to voice demands for support that focus on foreign adversaries, trade interventions and import restrictions. The hypothesis that media effects can contribute to trade policies based on tariffs or other forms of import restrictions is tested by an empirical examination of media coverage leading up to the U.S. decision to impose tariffs on imported steel in the spring 2002. The empirical study of news coverage in the New York Times suggests that to the extent that policy makers are concerned about real or perceived public opinion, they have incentives to adopt tariff-based or other import-restricting trade policies, rather than economically more efficient redistributive policies, wherever the conflict frame is prevalent and special interest groups have media access.
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Barker, Roger M. « Competition, parties and the determinants of change in European corporate governance : a macro-comparative analysis / ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ora.ouls.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:31d9f1df-60e4-413d-80b2-e35e8790bac9.
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Vogt, Gilles. « Neutres face à la guerre franco-allemande (1870-1871) ? : diplomatie et dynamiques d'opinions dans les Etats de Suisse, de Belgique et du Danemark ». Thesis, Strasbourg, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018STRAG010/document.
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Remarquant la nature transfrontalière des défis politiques et culturels soulevés par la guerre franco-allemande de 1870-1871, cette thèse propose d’interroger l’expérience de la neutralité dans les sociétés de trois États – le Danemark, la Suisse et la Belgique – choisis pour leur complémentarité en matière de stratégie, de géographie, d’institutions et d’organisation constitutionnelle. Documents diplomatiques, archives administratives, journaux, publications contemporaines du conflit, témoignages artistiques, correspondances et carnets privés servent une étude transnationale déclinée en trois principales orientations. La première met en lumière l’environnement technique et technologique dans lequel évoluent les neutres, les sentiments que trahissent leurs témoignages ainsi que leurs efforts pour devenir et rester non-belligérants. La deuxième questionne l’engagement des neutres dans la guerre à travers, notamment, le parcours de philanthropes et de soldats volontaires. La troisième orientation pose enfin une question a priori paradoxale : le neutre est-il un vainqueur ou un vaincu du conflit franco-allemand ?Noting the cross-border nature of the political and cultural challenges raised by the Franco-German War of 1870-1871, this doctoral thesis proposes to question the experience of neutrality within the societies of three States – Denmark, Switzerland and Belgium – chosen for their complementarity in terms of strategy, geography, institutions and constitutional organisation. Diplomatic documents, administrative archives, newspapers, publications, artistic works, letters and private documentation serve a transnational study divided into three main directions. The first direction reveals the technical and technological environment in which neutrals operate, the feelings betrayed by their testimonies and their efforts to become and remain non-belligerent. The second direction interrogates the involvement of the neutrals during the war through – among others – the trajectories of philanthropists and volunteer soldiers. The third orientation poses a seemingly paradoxical question: is the neutral a victor or a vanquished of the war of 1870-1871 ?
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Hagen, Lutz M. « Konjunkturnachrichten, Konjunkturklima und Konjunktur wie sich die Wirtschaftsberichterstattung der Masenmedien, Stimmungen der Bevölkerung und die aktuelle Wirtschaftslage wechselseitig beeinflussen ; eine transaktionale Analyse ». Köln Halem, 2005. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2637363&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
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Cummins, Joshua I. « Hearts and Minds : US Foreign Policy and Anti-Americanism in the Middle EastAn Analysis of Public Perceptions from 2002-2011 ». Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1366212110.
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Roy, Enakshi. « Social Media, Censorship and Securitization in the United States and India ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1501849533632077.
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Matsilele, Trust. « The political role of the diaspora media in the mediation of the Zimbabwean crisis : a case study of The Zimbabwean - 2008 to 2010 ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85723.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After a decade long multi-faceted political crisis, political parties in Zimbabwe signed the Global Political Agreement (GPA) of 2008 following the Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) mediated talks culminating in the formation of an inclusive government. This study sought to investigate the political role, if any, played by the diasporic media in mediating the Zimbabwean crisis. This research focused on diasporic media using as a case study The Zimbabwean newspaper considering that during the research period it was circulating both in the country and diaspora communities in Western Europe, the USA and SADC countries. Diasporic media in Zimbabwe is a phenomenon associated with the rise of robust political opposition to the former ruling ZANU PF regime. Accordingly, such media operated outside the purview of the contemporary legislative and legal regime although the newspaper circulated in Zimbabwe. A number of anti establishment news media sprouted to challenge and offer resistance in the cyberspace and on shortwave and in print media. The Social Responsibility Theory was employed with the aim of establishing whether or not The Zimbabwean observed the journalistic ethics of reporting with truthfulness, accuracy, balance and objectivity. The Social Responsibility Theory’s thrust is on de-sensationalising reportage, promotion of media ethics and self regulation. This study employed both qualitative and quantitative research methods. The research established that The Zimbabwean newspaper played, to a larger extent, an active role in challenging the ZANU PF-led government and gave a platform to the oppositional Movement for Democratic Change. The conclusion arrived at in this study was that just like the state media, which promoted the government’s propaganda, The Zimbabwean did the same for the opposition parties in Zimbabwe.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Politieke partye in Zimbabwe het ná ’n lang politieke krisis met vele fasette die Global Political Agreement (GPA) van 2008 geteken. Dit het gevolg op die Suid-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) se mediëring wat gelei het tot die vorm van ’n inklusiewe regering. Hierdie studie het probeer om die politieke rol, indien enigsins, van die diaspora-media in die mediëring van die Zimbabwiese krisis te ondersoek. Die navorsing het op diaspora-media gefokus deur ’n gevallestudie van die koerant The Zimbabwean te doen. Dié blad is gedurende die navorsingstyd in die land sowel as onder die Zimbabwiese diaspora in Europa, die VSA en SAOG-lande versprei. Diaspora-media in Zimbabwe is ’n fenomeen wat geassosieer word met die opkoms van ’n robuuste politieke opposisie teen die ZANU (PF)-regime. Dié media opereer dus buite die grense van die juridiese en wetgewende gesag van die land. ’n Verskeidenheid antiestablishment media het in die kuberruim, kortgolfradio en drukmedia ontwikkel wat beide uitgedaag en weerstand gebied het. Die Sosiale Verantwoordelikheidsteorie is gebruik om vas te stel of The Zimbabwean joernalistieke etiek nagekom het deur waarheidsgetrou en akkuraat, sowel as met balans en objektiwiteit, te rapporteer. Die teorie fokus om reportage te desensasionaliseer en om media-etiek en selfregulering te bevorder. Die studie het kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe navorsingsmetodes gebruik. Die navorsing het vasgestel dat The Zimbabwean tot ’n groot mate ’n aktiewe rol gespeel het om die ZANU (PF)-regering uit te daag en ’n platform te bied aan die Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)-groepering. Die slotsom is dat, net soos die staatsmedia regering-propaganda bevorder het, The Zimbabwean dit vir die opposisiepartye in Zimbabwe gedoen het.
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Mollès, Devrig. « Triangle atlantique et triangle latin : l'Amérique latine et le système-monde maçonnique (1717-1921) : éléments pour une histoire des options publiques internationales ». Thesis, Strasbourg, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012STRAA027.
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Cette thèse analyse le système‐monde maçonnique entre 1717 et 1921, perçu comme un produit et un agent de la modernité occidentale, comme le prototype fondateur de l’opinion publique internationale et comme une plaque tectonique de la géoculture du système-monde moderne. Elle fluctue entre une perspective globale, une perspective atlantique et un ancrage latino‐américain, fourni notamment par les principales puissances océaniques d’Amérique latine (Argentine, Brésil, Mexique). Quelle fut l’évolution globale des réseaux maçonniques au cours des XIXe et XXe siècles ? Quelle fut leur géopolitique et leur géoculture ? Dans quelle mesure peut‐on ou non parler de « système maçonnique international » ? Quelle fut la place de l’Amérique latine dans cette dynamique ? Comment le sous‐continent américain s’intégra‐t‐il dans le système‐monde maçonnique ? Les réseaux maçonniques y furent‐ils une plaque tectonique géoculturelle et des vecteurs de transferts culturels ? Contribuèrent‐ils à l’intégration du sous‐continent américain au sein de la grande communauté atlantique mais aussi à l’intégration et à l’autonomisation latino américaine ?This thesis investigates the birth and development of the Masonic world‐system, seen as a product and an agent of western modernity, as the prototype of international public opinion and as a tectonic plate of the géoculture of the modern world‐system. This text focuses on the first period of its development (1717‐1921). It fluctuates between a global perspective,an Atlantic perspective, and a Latin American anchorage, provided by the major oceanic powers of Latin America (Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico). What was the global evolution of the Masonic networks in the 19th and 20th centuries? What were their geopolitics and their géoculture? Is it possible to talk about an "international Masonic system"? What was the place of Latin America in this dynamic? How the American subcontinent became a part of the Masonic world‐system? In Latin America in the 19th and 20th centuries, were the Masonic networks a tectonic plate of géoculture and the vectors of cultural transfers? Did they contribute to the integration of the American sub‐continent in the Atlantic community? Did they contribute discreetly to the regional integration and to the Latin American empowerment ?