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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Communities, Communistic"
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Paine, Laura. « Hands to Work, Hearts to God : The Story of the Shaker Seed Industry ». HortTechnology 3, no 4 (octobre 1993) : 375–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/horttech.3.4.375.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Shakers were a celibate, communistic religious group, active primarily in the 18th and 19th centuries in the United States. Well-known for their craftsmanship in making furniture and other household items, their expertise extended far beyond these areas into a broad range of industries, including many agricultural enterprises. Seeds of vegetable varieties were produced and marketed independently by several of the Shaker communities starting in the late 18th century. During the first part of the 19th century, Shaker peddlers were one of a very few sources of vegetable seed for American gardeners, and seed sales comprised a major portion of the Shaker communities' income. Shaker doctrine encouraged excellence and integrity in all their business practices. These characteristics were largely responsible for the Shakers' success in the seed industry, as well as for their ultimate decline. Their enterprise sprang from their rural, agricultural roots and their markets were the small villages and farming communities across the eastern United States. The Shaker seed industry thus developed independent of the market forces governing “the World.” The commercial seed industry, based in Philadelphia (beginning in the first decades of the 1800s), and the Shaker seed industry had little effect on one another until mid-century, when improved transportation and mail service opened rural markets to the mainly city-based commercial seed dealerships. Unwilling to compete with commercial dealers, the Shaker seed industry gradually declined until the turn of the century, when it ceased to exist.
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Bednarek, Wojciech. « Little Moscow on the Vltava river – Russian communities in the Czech Republic in the context of socio-political order and homeland security ». Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, no 3 (décembre 2020) : 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.3.4.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The central concern of this paper is the growing influx of Russian migrants to the Czech Republic and the consequences for political and social order. With nearly 40,000 migrants, Russians are the fourth biggest foreign community in Czechia. Due to their material status, the history of bilateral relations, and the significant role of their homeland in Czech politics, the growing Russian community poses a problem for Czech society. The fear of Russian dominance – in political as well as economical dimensions – as well as resentment about the communistic era, is still present among Czech people. Although most Russians come to Czech to study or to do business and are not engaged in political activity, relations between migrants and the host society can be strained. Mutual prejudices make themselves felt in moments of the political crisis between two countries, such as the recent row over Soviet monuments in Prague. However, this doesn’t necessarily mean that the Russian community could easily become a tool for Kremlin propaganda. Russians appreciate the opportunity to live in a rich, liberal and democratic society and even though they keep strong emotional ties with their homeland they are not keen to affirm all of Moscow’s deeds.
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Čiegis, Remigijus, Dainora Grundey et Dalia Štreimikiene. « ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF CITIES SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT STRATEGIC PLANNING ». Technological and Economic Development of Economy 11, no 4 (31 décembre 2005) : 260–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/13928619.2005.9637706.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In Lithuania, like in other post communistic countries, the principles of sustainable development were used only few years ago, basically only in case, that it was “in vogue” in the whole world. Strategic plans were created usually in such a way that everyone understood, not paying attention to quality and real destination. Most of investors choosing places for their investments usually analyse strategic plans and this is one of the critical factors for choosing the place for investments or at least choosing possible variants. At present Lithuanians are starting to understand the importance of sustainable development and the principles of sustainability are being implemented realistically. During this process a lot of obscurities were observed which have conditioned the problematic of the article: misunderstandings of cities’ sustainable development strategic planning principles, in the appreciation of community's involvement importance into strategic management processes, the absence of the united methodology for sustainable development strategic planning processes. Therefore the principles of sustainable development and possibilities for their use in the development processes of cities’ communities are analyzed in this article. Summarizing the principles of sustainable development of cities it is possible to separate three basic stages of strategic planning, which are (1) creation of vision, (2) strategic planning, and (3) implementation of the plan. In every stage there is a management process which is adjusted to new conditions, changed tactics, but doesn't go far from the vision which was formulated by authorities and inhabitants.
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Hall, Rosalie Arcala. « Politics in the Frontline : Local Civil-Military Interactions in Communist Counterinsurgency Operations in the Philippines ». Philippine Political Science Journal 27, no 1 (21 décembre 2006) : 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02701001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article examines the interaction of local army units and town/village leaders in several communist frontline communities in Southern Iloilo, in the light of changes in the national government’s policy response after 1986. Civil-military engagement in the frontline is asymmetrical and premised on different understandings of the nature and assessment of the communist threat. For soldiers, the communists are embedded in the community, and pose a serious threat. Local leaders downplay the rebel threat and view the communists as outsiders, but express a nuanced view of the different roles locals play in the communist movement and factional affiliation of rebels in their area. Except for paramilitary formation, the military devises all counterinsurgency programs while civilian leaders and the police are confined to implementation. The Municipal Peace and Order Councils do not serve as institutional means for local civilian leaders to oversee military operations, but rather as venues for local commands to obtain logistical support. Civil-military interface on human rights concerns has become less confrontational and oriented towards soldiers carrying firearms in public, abuse of local generosity particularly in quartering and food provision, and complaints procedure for minor infractions.
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AHMAD, MOHD ABDUL AZIZ, et MOKHTARRUDIN AHMAD. « PERCUBAAN FAHAMAN KOMUNIS MENGUASAI PARTI KEBANGSAAN MELAYU MALAYA (PKMM) ». International Journal of Creative Future and Heritage (TENIAT) 5, no 1 (31 mars 2017) : 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47252/teniat.v5i1.208.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Penyebaran fahaman komunis di Tanah Melayu dilakukan oleh Parti Komunis Malaya (PKM), fahaman komunis pada peringkat awalnya disebarkan di kalangan masyarakat Cina sahaja, kemudiannya mereka menyebarkan fahaman mereka kepada masyarakat Melayu. Fahaman komunis disebarkan kepada masyarakat Melayu melalui dua kaedah. Pertama, penyebaran secara langsung kepada orang Melayu (propaganda atau penyebaran ideologi komunis dilakukan secara terus melalui Parti Komunis Malaya); dan kedua, melalui penguasaan parti politik Melayu (menguasai parti politik Melayu dan menyebarkan ideologi komunis dalam parti politik Melayu tersebut). Kajian mengenai kaedah pertama sudah banyak dihasilkan oleh penyelidik sebelum ini. Oleh itu, artikel ini bermatlamat meneliti kaedah kedua komunis iaitu melalui penguasaan parti politik Melayu iaitu Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM). Perkara yang menjadi persoalan kajian ialah sejauh manakah fahaman komunis berjaya menguasai PKMM? Bagi menjawab persoalan kajian, kaedah kualitatif digunakan berdasarkan kepada analisis teks bertemakan sejarah politik. Hasil analisis ini pengkaji telah mendapati fahaman komunis tidak dapat menguasai kepimpinan dan dasar parti kerana dalam PKMM mempunya tiga aliran iaitu aliran nasionalis, aliran agama dan aliran komunis. Aliran yang menguasai kepimpinan adalah aliran nasionalis dan agama. Kegagalan fahaman komunis menguasai PKMM juga disebabkan oleh kerjasama yang terjalin antara mereka adalah atas sebab kepentingan masing-masing. The spread of communism in Malaya was undertaken by the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM). The movements of communism were initially diffused only among the Chinese community, then later on to the other communities. Communism was disseminated to the communities through two methods. Firstly, the ideology was spread directly to the Malays (the propaganda of communist ideology was made directly through the Malayan Communist Party); and secondly, it was carried out through the control of Malay political parties (by dominating the Malay political parties and spread the communist ideology in the Malay political parties). The study of the first method has been widely produced by the researchers before. Therefore, this article aims to examine the second method utilized by the communists to control the Malay political party, Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM). A question arises as to what extent the communists successfully gained control of PKMM? To answer the research question, a qualitative method is used based on the analysis of political history themed texts. The result of the analysis, researcher found that communists did not dominate the leadership and policy of the party for PKMM consists of three streams which are the nationalist, religious and communist streams. The streams that took control of the leadership are the streams of nationalism and religion. The failure of communists to dominate PKMM was due to the cooperation linked between them and also because each of the streams cared for their own interests.
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Moisa, Gabriel. « Perceptions of the bolshevik danger at the western border of Romania in the interwar period ». Revista de istorie a Moldovei, no 3-4(131-132) (novembre 2022) : 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.58187/rim.131-132.04.
Texte intégralRésumé :
At the western border of Romania, the communist-Bolshevik ideology made its presence felt at the end of 1918 on the Hungarian chain, in the conditions of ideological turmoil of this type generated by the Bolshevik socialist group in Budapest formed around Kun Béla. In Oradea there was a socialist group even before the First World War. Its leader was Katz Béla in the fall of 1918. Bolshevik ideas were often spotted in the county in the immediate future, facilitating the formation of a fairly important communist group throughout the interwar period. At the end of 1919, the socialist leader Eugen Rozvany, recently returned from the front, a member of the Socialist Party of Transylvania and Banat, made his presence felt in Oradea. He joined the communist movement in 1920, where he held an important position until his departure to the USSR in 1932, placing himself at the head of the Bihor and even national communist movement. He was the one who seriously imprinted the communist movement in Bihor and beyond. Breiner Bela was added immediately. Along with them, new leaders were formed who turned to communism in a very short time, such as Sándkovitz Sándor (Alexandru Sencovici) and Mogyorós Sándor (Alexandru Moghioroş). Oradea and Bihor played an important role in the national communist movement. This is demonstrated by the fact that after the Second Congress of the Communist Party of Romania, held in 1922, the communist movement in the country was organized into eight regional secretariats. One of them was in Oradea. The Communist Party of Romania, the Bihor county organization, was a political structure overwhelmingly dominated in the interwar period, as can be seen, by members of the Hungarian and Jewish communities. They made the law in the organization, and if someone did not agree with its conduct, he was quickly shot dead. This is also the case of Eugen Rozvany, who, when he had a different position from the local communists on “the self-determination of the peoples of imperialist Romania”, he supported the idea of the Romanian national state, was unmasked, removed from the party, whose fate was sealed.
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Edgerton-Tarpley, Kathryn. « A River Runs through It : The Yellow River and The Chinese Civil War, 1946–1947 ». Social Science History 41, no 2 (2017) : 141–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2017.2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In June 1938 China's Nationalist government breached a major Yellow River dike in a drastic attempt to use flooding to slow the Japanese invasion. The strategic breach caused the Yellow River to abandon the northern course it had followed since 1855, and its new southeastern course led to eight years of catastrophic flooding. After World War II, the Nationalists, with extensive aid from the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA), aimed to close the breach and divert the river back to its pre-1938 course. However, the Chinese Communists had taken control of much of that course, and local interests there opposed the plan to bring back the river. The Yellow River diversion project thus became intensely politicized. This article examines how the diversion plan became embroiled in the Chinese Civil War of 1946–49, how the river's return to its northern course in 1947 impacted communities in its path, and how the Communists and Nationalists imagined the river and made different tactical and rhetorical uses of it during the war. I find that the campaign to reroute the river was complicated not only by the civil war but also by tension between local and national interests within the Communist Party, and that UNRRA's attempts to mediate between the Nationalists and Communists at times put the organization at odds with both parties. Moreover, in 1946 and 1947 the intense struggle to tame, make strategic use of, or cross the Yellow River became an important metaphor for the battle to control China.
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Bowd, Gavin. « Franco-British communist solidarity in the miners' strikes of 1926, 1948 and 1984-85 ». Twentieth Century Communism 23, no 23 (10 novembre 2022) : 96–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864322836165544.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The British and French communist movements have rarely been an object of comparison, partly because of the huge difference in fortunes enjoyed by the two parties. However, one important similarity between these neighbours was the size and importance of the countries' coal industries, as well as the militancy of their mining communities, where communism took root as a serious political and cultural force. This article examines acts of solidarity by British and French Communists during the most important miners' strikes of their parties' existence: the General Strike and Lockout of 1926, the French miners' action of 1948, and the British miners' last great struggle of 1984-1985. Through the study of archival documents, the press and other sources, we explore how these disputes constitute important moments in the history of British and French communism, as well as of their countries' respective labour movements. The dispute of 1984-1985 marks a culminating point that confirms the strengths and weaknesses of British and French communism's relationship with the miners.
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Morozova, Irina. « Adaptive Compromisers or Inventive Reformers : Communities, Religion and Ideology in Late Socialism in Central and Inner Asia ». Inner ASIA 15, no 1 (2013) : 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-90000055.
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Pioneering historical comparison between Soviet Central Asia and socialist Mongolia in the last decades of socialism, this article aims to assess the role of international factors and regional geopolitics in the policies of socialist states towards religious institutions and communities. It also traces long- term sociocultural transformations of Muslim and Buddhist communities in comparative perspective, and questions how individuals and groups responded to antireligious social campaigns, adapted to newly introduced institutions and reframed their religious identities throughout. The research is based on archival and oral- history data, while reflections upon the concepts of secularity and religion assist in working out a critical approach to the sources. The article raises the complex question of fading religiosity in the religious rites and ceremonies which persisted into socialism and beyond, explored alongside the sacral meaning imposed and found in communist commemorations and socialist cults. It argues for the necessity of analysing communities in the shared historical space where foreign state policies and individual histories intersect. While post- Second World War Middle Eastern geopolitics impacted upon the reestablishment of legal Muslim institutions in Soviet Central Asia, the status of socialist Mongolia vis- à- vis Peking became an additional motivation for the Mongolian communists’ assault on the lamas. In Soviet Central Asia in the 1970s–1980s, social life was still centred on Islamic rituals, while in Mongolia, where socialist cults laid down deeper roots, the population demonstrated more profound sacral perception of communal commemorations than Central Asians.
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Lilly. « Communities of the Dead : Secularizing Cemeteries in Communist Yugoslavia ». Slavonic and East European Review 97, no 4 (2019) : 676. http://dx.doi.org/10.5699/slaveasteurorev2.97.4.0676.
Texte intégralThèses sur le sujet "Communities, Communistic"
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Parsons, Stephen Robert. « Communism in the professions : the organisation of the British Communist Party among professional workers, 1933-1956 ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 1990. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/34723/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is a historical study of middle-class members of the Communist Party of Great Britain. Although it is principally concerned with the period from 1933 to 1956 some attention is given to the Party's first decade and the years immediately after the great upheaval of 1956. The thesis examines the reasons why middle-class people were attracted to the Communist Party; the various cultural and political initiatives they were involved in and their changing role in the CP. The work describes the way middle-class Communists drew upon their professional and technical skills to contribute to the life of the Party and its political campaigns. Attention is also given to the relationship of middle-class Communists both to their working-class fellow members and to the Party leadership and how these relationships developed and changed over time. The thesis revises various previously accepted characterisations of middle-class Communists which have emphasised the superficial nature of their commitment to the CP in the late 1930s or concentrated attention on those who became entangled in the world of spying. The most important aspect of the study, however, is the examination of the way in which Communists in the professions related their Communism to their work and how in turn their professional concerns and attitudes influenced their politics. To this end detailed studies have been made of the political and occupational activities of Communists in three professional groups - architects, psychologists and school teachers.
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Polanska, Vergara Dominika. « The emergence of enclaves of wealth and poverty : A sociological study of residential differentiation in post-communist Poland ». Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-56066.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since the fall of communism, some crucial political, economic and social changes have been taking place in the former communist societies. The objective of the thesis is to examine the processes of residential differentiation taking place in the urban landscape of the Polish city of Gdańsk after the introduction of the capitalist system. The focus is on different forms of residential differentiation and the social, economic and historical factors behind these forms. The empirical material that forms the basis of the thesis consists of interviews, newspaper articles, a questionnaire, official (national and local) reports and documents. Study I examines the way in which different social, economic, historical and physical conditions coincide in the formation of space and the processes of decline in the period of transformation in Poland. The focus lies on a specific residential area in the center of Gdańsk and the lack of improvements in this particular area, which would stop its successive decline. Study II explains the emergence of gated communities in the post-communist urban context and discusses the reasons for their increasing numbers and popularity. The main argument is that the popularity of gated communities is tightly intertwined with the communist past, emerging in reaction to the housing conditions that prevailed under communism. Study III investigates how social class markers are constructed in the discourse on gated communities in post-socialist Poland. The “new” capitalistic system, with its inherent social divisions, is described in the discourse as creating demands for “new” forms of housing, where gates function as separators, protectors and class identifiers. Study IV concentrates on the support for the formation of gated communities in the legal and regulatory framework in Poland since 1989. The paper asserts that the outcome of liberal politics and legal regulation in the country is the neglect of spatial planning and imprecise urban policies.At the time of the doctoral defense, the following paper was unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 4: Submitted.
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Hadj, Belgacem Samir. « Représenter les "quartiers populaires" ? : une socio-histoire de l'engagement électoral et partisan dans les cités d'une municipalité communiste ». Thesis, Paris, Ecole normale supérieure, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015ENSU0039.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Au croisement d’une histoire sociale du pouvoir local, d’une ethnographie des mobilisations électorales et d’une sociologie des porte-parole, cette thèse se consacre à l’étude des conditions de représentation électorale des habitants des cités dans une ancienne municipalité communiste de la banlieue parisienne. Elle s’intéresse aux processus de production de porte-parole et à leur accès au pouvoir municipal. L’enquête s’appuie sur des entretiens approfondis et croisés avec les différents protagonistes, sur des observations directes, sur l’analyse d’archives ainsi que sur des statistiques descriptives. La thèse montre que la faible représentation des porte-parole de cités parmi les élus n’est pas tant liée à une crise des vocations qu’à une crise des débouchés dans un marché électoral fermé et dans un contexte de dévaluation du militantisme partisan. La première partie rend compte du déclin du modèle ouvriériste de représentation des classes populaires et du creusement de la distance sociale entre les élus de la gauche municipale et les fractions minoritaires des classes populaires. La seconde partie explique comment les métiers « d’éducateurs » deviennent une filière propice au porte-parolat et offrent un modèle alternatif de militantisme, faisant de l’encadrement de la jeunesse populaire, un nouvel enjeu de luttes dans l’espace du pouvoir local. Enfin, la dernière partie envisage les logiques d’importation de ces conflits associatifs et professionnels dans le champ électoral. La mobilisation des éducateurs de cités aux élections se déroule en plusieurs étapes, passant de la recherche d’alliances avec la gauche municipale à des logiques de concurrence partisane, puis d’oppositionAt the intersection of social history of local power, ethnography of electoral canvassing, and sociology of spokespersons, this thesis focuses on the study of the conditions of the electoral representation of the inhabitants of deprived estates in a former communist local council in the suburbs of Paris. It deals with the process of developing spokespeople and their access to the local power. The survey is based on thorough research, which included interviews with people from a wide variety of political backgrounds, direct observations, and the analysis of archives for study of relative statistics. Thisthesis shows that the poor representation of spokespeople from deprived estates among the elected members of the local councils isn’t so much linked to a lack of vocation as to a lack of prospects in a closed electoral market and in a context of devaluation of partisan commitment. The first part of this thesis accounts for the decline in the working class pattern of representation among the popular classes and the widening of the social gap between the elected members of the municipal left and the minority groups from the popular classes. The second part explains how the roles of community workers are becoming a route for spokespeople and providing an alternative pattern for activists, to guide theworking class youth into the new political arena which focuses on the struggles in the area of local power. Finally, the third part considers the process of bringing a range of conflicts into the electoral landscape. The recruitment in the elections of the youth workers from deprived estates goes through several stages, ranging from attempts to form an alliance with the municipal left to a process of partisan competition, then opposition
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Vassal'lo, Saco Jara. « Comunidades de cianobacterias bentónicas, producción y liberación de microcistinas en el río Muga (NE Península Ibérica) ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Girona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/7662.
Texte intégralRésumé :
El estudio de las comunidades de cianobacterias en la cuenca del río Muga permite profundizar en la búsqueda de factores que favorezcan o inhiban la acumulación intracelular de microcistinas y su liberación al medio externo en condiciones oligotróficas o con leves signos de eutrofia, al tiempo que permiten aportar nuevos conocimientos que ayuden a mejorar el entendimiento de los mecanismos y procesos que participan en la dinámica de las comunidades de cianobacterias bentónicas y las microcistinas asociadas en ecosistemas fluviales mediterráneos. Se ha realizado un estudio de la estructura y variabilidad de las comunidades de cianobacterias durante un ciclo anual completo mediante muestreos mensuales y muestreos con menor periodicidad durante un segundo ciclo posterior. Dichos muestreos han permitido observar diferentes patrones espacio-temporales a lo largo de todo el período de estudio en los 4 puntos de muestreo seleccionados en la cuenca del río Muga. Estos 4 tramos incluyen 1 punto regulado:aguas abajo del embalse de Boadella, y 3 sin regular:2 cabeceras y un punto aguas abajo de la población de Albanyà. Se han identificado un total de 34 especies de cianobacterias bentónicas en las 4 zonas estudiadas, predominando siempre especies de aguas limpias o poco alteradas. Dos especies, Rivularia biasolettiana (zonas más limpias y expuestas) y Phormidium retzii (sonas esciáfilas o con alta velocidad de corriente), resultan dominantes en gran parte de ellas. Se han reconocido un total de 6 microcistinas acumuladas intracelularmente en la comunidad bentónica de cianobacterias, identificando 3 de ellas: MC-RR, MC-LR y MC-YR. La concentración de microcistinas intracelulares ha disminuído a lo largo del eje principal del río Muga, determinada por diferentes factores físicos, químicos y biológicos. A nivel general, la acumulación total de microcistinas intracelulares ha estado asociada a un aumento de la temperatura del agua, un descenso en la diversidad de la comunidad de cianobacterias y pequeños incrementos de la concentración de fósforo disuelto en el agua. En cuanto a la liberación de microcistinas, ha estado vinculada a distintas perturbaciones soportadas por la comunidad cianobacteriana, tanto asociadas a factores físicos naturales como antrópicos.The study of cyanobacteria communities in the Muga River basin enables further search for factors that promote or inhibit the intracellular accumulation of microcystins and their external release in oligotrophic or sligthly eutrophic conditions. At the same time, it provides new knowlodge to improve the understanding of the mechanisms and proccesses involved in the community dynamics of benthic cyanobacteria and associated microcystins in Mediterranean River ecosystems. A two-year study of the structure and variability of cyanobacterial communities was carried out: monthly sampling during the first annual cycle and lower frequency sampling during the second cycle. This allows observing the different spatial-temporal patterns over the study period in the 4 selected sampling points in the Muga River basin. These 4 points comprise 1 regulated point downstream of the Boadella reservoir, and 3 unregulated points, namely 2 headers and a thrid one downstream of Albanyà village. A total of 34 species of benthic cyanobacteria were identified in the 4 studied areas. The predominant species were linked to clear waters or slightly altered areas. 2 species were dominant in most of them: Rivularia biasolettiana (in cleaner and exposed areas) and Phormidium retzii (in unexposed areas or with high flow velocity).In the benthic community of cyanobacteria, a total of 6 intracellular microcystins were detected. 3 of them were identified: MC-RR, MC-LR and MC-YR. The accumulation of intracellular microcystins decrease along the stream as determined by different physical, chemical and biological factors. At a general level, the total accumulation of intracellular microcystins was associated with an increase in water temperature, a decrease of benthic cyanobacterial diversity and small increases in the concentration of dissolved phosphorus in the water. On the other hand, microcystins release was linked to the effects of different physical disturbances on the cyanobacterial community, wether of natural or anthropical origin.
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Thomson, Marion Arthur. « Researching Class Consciousness : The Transgression of a Radical Educator Across Three Continents ». Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/29889.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study addresses the topic of class consciousness and the radical educator. Using the theory of revolutionary critical pedagogy and Marxist humanism I examine the impact of formative experience and class consciousness on my own radical praxis across three continents.
The methodology of auto/biography is used to interrogate my own life history. I excavate my own formative experience in Scotland, Canada and my radical praxis as a human rights educator in Ghana West Africa. The study is particularly interested in the possibility of a radical educator transgressing across race, whiteness and gender while working in Ghana, West Africa.
Chapter One begins by discussing the theory of revolutionary critical pedagogy, Marxist
humanism and theories of the self. Chapter Two assesses the methodology of auto/biography,research methods and an introduction to formative experience. Chapter Three, Four and Five contain excavation sites from Scotland, Canada and Ghana with accompanying analysis. Chapter
Six concludes with a summary of research findings.
Livres sur le sujet "Communities, Communistic"
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Weesjes, Elke. Growing Up Communist in the Netherlands and Britain. NL Amsterdam : Amsterdam University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463726634.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This book documents communists’ attempts, successful and otherwise, to overcome their isolation and to connect with the major social and political movements of the twentieth century. Communist parties in Britain and the Netherlands emerged from the Second World War expecting to play a significant role in post-war society, due to their domestic anti-fascist activities and to the part played by the Soviet Union in defeating fascism. The Cold War shattered these hopes, and isolated communist parties and their members. By analysing the accounts of communist children, Weesjes highlights their struggle to establish communities and define their identities within the specific cultural, social, and political frameworks of the Cold War period and beyond.
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Hamilton, Malcolm. Class and inequality : In pre-industrial, capitalist and communist societies. Brighton : Wheatsheaf Books, 1987.
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1970-, Smith Simon, dir. Local communities and post-communist transformation : Czechoslovakia, the Czech Republic and Slovakia. New York : RoutledgeCurzon, 2003.
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Eyal, Gil. Making capitalism without capitalists : Class formation and elite struggles in post-communist Central Europe. London : Verso, 1998.
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1942-, Riddell John, dir. Workers of the world and oppressed peoples, unite ! : Proceedings and documents of the Second Congress, 1920. New York : Pathfinder, 1991.
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D, Andrusz Gregory, Harloe Michael et Szelényi Iván, dir. Cities after socialism : Urban and regional change and conflict in post-socialist societies. Oxford : Blackwell, 1996.
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Smith, Simon. Local Communities and Post-Communist Transformation. Routledge, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203633953.
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Local Communities and Post-Communist Transformation. Routledge, 2003.
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Simon, Smith. Local Communities and Post-Communist Transformation : Czechoslovakia, the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Taylor & Francis Group, 2004.
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Simon, Smith. Local Communities and Post-Communist Transformation : Czechoslovakia, the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Taylor & Francis Group, 2018.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Communities, Communistic"
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Barati-Stec, Izabella. « Strategic Planning in Post-Communist Settings : The Example of Hungary ». Dans Strategic Planning in Local Communities, 45–69. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03436-8_3.
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Popovic, Alexandre. « The Balkan Muslim Communities in the Post-Communist Period ». Dans Islam in Europe, 59–72. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25697-6_3.
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Lencznarowicz, Jan. « The Communist ‘Polonia’ Society and Polish Communities in the West ». Dans Historical Reflections on Central Europe, 100–115. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27112-2_9.
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Hlynsdóttir, Eva Marín, et Irmina Matonytė. « The Institutionalization of Political Science in Small States : A Comparative Analysis of Estonia, Iceland, Malta, and Slovenia ». Dans Opportunities and Challenges for New and Peripheral Political Science Communities, 153–87. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-79054-7_6.
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AbstractThe chapter explores the relevance of population size in relation to the internationalization of political science in higher education institutions by comparing the situation in Estonia, Iceland, Malta, and Slovenia. Moreover, the chapter also examines if the legacy of the former communist regime aids or hinders the institutionalization of political science in the higher education of Estonia and Slovenia. The findings suggest there is a north-south effect as the northern States have integrated political science more thoroughly and more easily into their higher education system. Moreover, the findings suggest a tendency for hyper-active internationalization in the states formerly under the communist regime. Finally, smallness proves to be a mixed blessing, although the small states in the study have been able to use their small size to their advantage.
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Ploom, Illimar, Vladimir Sazonov et Noel Foster. « The Impact of War in Ukraine on the Political and Ideological Agenda of European Post-communist State Conservative Populists : The Case of EKRE ». Dans Producing Cultural Change in Political Communities, 217–50. Cham : Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-43440-2_11.
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Boban, Davor, et Ivan Stanojević. « The Institutionalisation of Political Science in Post-Yugoslav States : Continuities and New Beginnings ». Dans Opportunities and Challenges for New and Peripheral Political Science Communities, 87–118. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-79054-7_4.
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AbstractThe institutionalisation of political science in the four countries emerged after the break-up of Yugoslavia—Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Serbia, and Slovenia—has not been a uniform process. Despite the discipline’s foundation at almost the same time and in the same state, there are considerable differences among them in terms of stability and autonomy. Some of the most salient, albeit certainly not all are numbers of institutions, professors, students and study programs, development of political science fields, state funding, and hiring procedure. Our investigation on the roots of differences between them covers two periods. The first one deals with the Communist Yugoslav period, when the first institutions of political science were founded, and the discipline went through three decades of development under autocratic regime. Second period deals with the following three decades of institutionalisation, from first multi-party elections in 1990 until 2020. We finish the chapter with concluding remarks which could also be perceived as a guideline for further research in the field.
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Moebius, Stephan. « Reconstruction and Consolidation of Sociology in West Germany from 1945 to 1967 ». Dans Sociology in Germany, 49–84. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71866-4_3.
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AbstractThis chapter will focus on the two decades after 1945, the period of the “post-war society” (1945–1967), which in the historical sciences is also characterized as a period of boom (keywords: “Wirtschaftswunder” (“economic miracle”), expansion of the welfare state, expansion of the educational sector, certainty about the future) and which comes to an end in the 1970s. Germany was undergoing a profound process of change: socio-structural changes in an advanced industrial society, structural changes in the family and a retreat into the private sphere, new opportunities in the areas of consumption and leisure due to the “Wirtschaftswunder,” urbanization and changes in communities, “Western Integration” (“Westbindung”), the ban on the KPD (Communist Party of Germany) in 1956, remilitarization, the development of the mass media and mass motorization, and the repression of the Nazi past were central social and sociological issues. At the same time, fascist tendencies were still virulent during the 1950s and 1960s. After 1945, sociology had to be rebuilt. Journals were refounded or newly founded, the German Sociological Association was restored and sociology was re-established as a teaching subject. Different “schools” and regional centers of sociology emerged. The so-called Cologne School centered around René König, the Frankfurt School around Adorno and Horkheimer, and the circle around Helmut Schelsky should be mentioned in particular; but also, Wolfgang Abendroth, Werner Hofmann, and Heinz Maus (Marburg School), Otto Stammer (Berlin), Arnold Bergstraesser (Freiburg i.Br.), and Helmuth Plessner (Göttingen). Despite their theoretical and political differences, up until the 1950s, they all had in common the decisive will for political and social enlightenment regarding the post-war situation. Furthermore, the particular importance that empirical social research and non-university research institutions had for the further development of sociology after 1945 is worth mentioning.At the end of the 1950s, field-specific dynamics gained momentum. The different “schools” and groups tried to secure and expand their position in the sociological field and their divergent research profiles became increasingly visible. The so-called civil war in sociology drove the actors further apart. Additionally, disciplinary struggles and camp-building processes during the first 20 years of West German sociology revolved around the debate on role theory and the dispute over positivism. By the end of the 1950s, an institutional and generational change can be observed. The so-called post-war generation, which included Ralf Dahrendorf, Jürgen Habermas, Niklas Luhmann, Erwin K. Scheuch, Heinrich Popitz, Hans Paul Bahrdt, M. Rainer Lepsius, and Renate Mayntz, assumed central positions in organizations, editorial boards of journals, and universities. While the early “schools” and circles (König, Schelsky, Adorno, and Horkheimer) initially focused on the sociology of the family and empirical research, the following generation concentrated foremost on industrial sociology, but also on topics of social structure and social stratification as well as on social mobility.
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Mckee, Yates. « Post-Communist Notes on Some Vertov Stills ». Dans Communities of Sense, 267–93. Duke University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9780822390978-012.
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« Post-Communist Notes on Some Vertov Stills ». Dans Communities of Sense, 267–93. Duke University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780822390978-013.
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MCKEE, YATES. « Post-Communist Notes on Some Vertov Stills ». Dans Communities of Sense, 267–93. Duke University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv11smvw2.15.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Communities, Communistic"
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Boamfa, Ionel. « THE CHRONO-SPATIAL DISTRIBUTION OF SOME DEMOGRAPHIC PECULIARITIES AT THE LEVEL OF THE DISTRICTS OF FAGARA ? MUNICIPALITY ». Dans 9th SWS International Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES - ISCSS 2022. SGEM WORLD SCIENCE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/sws.iscss.2022/s01.005.
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The article highlights the chrono-spatial distribution of the evolution of some demographic peculiarities at the level of the districts of Fagara? for almost a millennium, starting from the XIth century, until today. Thus, first of all, the evolution of the population is highlighted, as a whole and on the component districts. Closely related to this is the evolution of density, both for the settlement's total and at the district level. Also, based on documentary sources � statistical-fiscal (urbaria, conscriptions), before 1850, censuses (from 1850-2011) � and other (yearbooks, phone books, electoral lists, etc.), we have reconstituted the ethnic, linguistic and confessional structure of the population, both on the whole locality and on the districts. We note, on the one hand, an inconsistent, slow evolution, with demographic setbacks, in the Middle Ages and a continuous increase, after 1800 and, especially, during the communist period, of the population and its density, followed by a decline, after 1989. Regarding the ethnolinguistic structure of the population, at the background of the continuous presence of an important share of the Romanians, until the interwar period, inclusive, important communities of Hungarians, Germans (Saxons) and Jews were formed and lasted for centuries, which declined during the communist period: the Hungarians stagnated or, at the background of a modest birth rate, decreased their number and share, the Germans emigrated en masse to Germany, and the Jews � to Israel. In confessional terms too, the most important community remained the Romanian Orthodox, but with the presence, notable, until a few decades ago, of the denominations of other communities (Catholic, Calvin, Unitarian � for Hungarians, Lutheran � for Saxons, Mosaic � for Jews).
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Cuciureanu, Ana-Maria. « Traditional nutrition. Case study — Th e Romanian community in Greece ». Dans Simpozion internațional de etnologie : Tradiții și procese etnice, Ediția III. Institute of Cultural Heritage, Republic of Moldova, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.52603/9789975841733.08.
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The act of “eating” is part of the ritual and ceremonial acts that have a great capacity for social transformation with a well-marked symbolic eff ectiveness. Th e history of nutrition cannot be seen as detached from the history of humanity, as they are identifi ed in the stages of their evolution. Factors that play an important role in this regard, infl uencing and sizing specifi c meanings and connotations, are the natural environment, climatic conditions, the socio-economic structure of communities, spiritual beliefs. Migration has been an acute phenomenon of the Romanian society in the last 30 years. If in the second half of the last century, during the communist period, the phenomenon of migration focused on moving the population from rural to urban areas, the liberalization of borders, entering EU structures, NATO, etc., facilitated and even encouraged, in a way or another, the migration of Romanians. Th e Romanian communities have grown signifi cantly, reaching a signifi cant place in the population of migrating countries, and even a representative minority in certain European states (Italy, Spain, Great Britain, etc.). Statistically speaking, Greece does not have a concrete record of the Romanian community, the last census dating from 2007 and the one from the end of 2021 not being centralized yet. In Greece, based on the information provided by the Romanian associations, there are a number of approximately 80,000 — 100,000 Romanians from several areas of Romania, mainly from Moldova, Bucovina and Maramureș, most of them living in Athens and a smaller part on the islands. Th is paper presents a case study, conducted within the Romanian community in Greece, having as main element traditional food. Starting from the idea that this community is part of the mobility diaspora, not being clearly defi ned for a period of time, we will notice, however, that the traditional food is an extremely important element in preserving the national identity. Th e Romanian communities, be they historical or mobility, follow an authentic Romanian social pattern, with few foreign influences, determined by several factors.
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Džomić, Velibor. « USTAV SRPSKE PRAVOSLAVNE CRKVE OD 1947. GODINE ». Dans MEĐUNARODNI naučni skup Državno-crkveno pravo. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of law, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/dcp23.151x.
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After the end of the Second World War, the Serbian Orthodox Church found itself in new social and political circumstances, but also in the legal system of socialist Yugoslavia, which was significantly different from the legal system of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In 1946, the new communist government adopted the Constitution of the Federative People's Republic of Yugoslavia, which, among other things, standardized the relationship between the Church and the state. On the territory of the newly formed socialist Yugoslavia, which had just come out of the war, the war against the Serbian Orthodox Church was still raging. From the positions of the new state authorities, liquidations and persecution of bishops, priests and believers of the Serbian Orthodox Church were carried out. Several laws were adopted that were directly directed against the Serbian Orthodox Church and other traditional churches and religious communities. The Law on the Serbian Orthodox Church from 1931 was repealed by the decision of the new communist government, as well as all other regulations that were passed until April 6, 1941. The Holy Council of Bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church could not be convened in a regular or extraordinary session in wartime conditions and due to the imprisonment of Serbian Patriarch Gavrilo (Dožić). On November 14, 1946, Patriarch Gavrilo returned to the country and assumed his patriarchal duties. The Holy Synod of Bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church, under the presidency of Patriarch Gavrilo, convened the Holy Synod of Bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church for the first regular session after six years of being prevented from convening the highest church body. The session of the Holy Council of Bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church was held from April 24 to May 21, 1947 in Belgrade. Although there is a belief that amendments to the Constitution of the Serbian Orthodox Church from 1931 were adopted at that session or that the "Constitution was changed", based on the relevant archival material and on the basis of the formal-legal element of this general ecclesiastical-legal act, it is established that The Holy Synod of Bishops, regardless of the numerous norms that have been retained from the Constitution of the Serbian Orthodox Church since 1931, actually adopted the new Constitution of the Serbian Orthodox Church. The subject of this work is the Constitution of the Serbian Orthodox Church from 1947, which is still in force in the Serbian Orthodox Church today.
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Cereteu, Igor, et Lina Mihaluta. « The Latin book from the priest’s library Gheorghe Armașu ». Dans Latinitate, Romanitate, Românitate. Conferinţa ştiinţifică internaţională, Ediția a 7-a. Moldova State University, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.59295/lrr2023.22.
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Gheorghe Armașu (1914-1991) was a priest with special spiritual qualities, a true intellectual of the 20th century, a patriot and a priest appreciated by the communities in which he served. He was born on January 25, 1914 in the village of Domulgeni, Soroca county in a peasant family. He studied in the local school and had secondary education. In 1929 he entered the Theological Seminary in Chisinau, which he graduated in 1937, after which he entered the Theological Academy in Chernivtsi, but due to the poor material situation, he abandoned his studies. He first worked as a psalmist in the village of Bălcăuții de jos, Cernăuți region, then as a priest in the villages of Vetreanca, Moșana, Plop, Petreni. He had a special passion for old books. He collected several libraries, which the Soviet regime confiscated. His last library composed of over 700 books was saved by Ioan Vasile Nicorici, a professor at “Alecu Ruso” Bălți University, and is currently stored in the library of this institution. The books are in different languages. In Gheorghe Armașu’s library there are 67 theological, historical, didactic books and a Latin-Romanian dictionary. The books were mostly bought in Chernivtsi. Only three books belonged to the priest Gheorghe Armașu from December 1939, when he was in the village of Vetreanca (Hotin county). Others were mostly purchased in the city of Chernivtsi during 1973-1984. His passion for old books made him a savior of them, threatened to be destroyed, after the communist regime closed most of the cultural institutions in the annexed Romanian territories.
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Antun Dujmović, Krševan. « LAW ON FREEDOM OF RELIGION AND ITS IMPLICATIONS ON THE EU ACCESSION OF MONTENEGRO ». Dans SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.11.01.20.p37.
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The situation in Montenegro after the adaptation of the Law on Freedom of Religion and Legal Status of Religious Communities has been defined by massive protests, civil unrest and tense political situation. The main stakeholders are not just the biggest religious institutions in Montenegro – the Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC- Srpska Pravoslavna Crkva) but also the major political parties and citizens who were coming out in the streets of all major cities of Montenegro in consecutive weeks after the law was adopted on 27th December 2019. Major protests in Montenegro went on for three months until restrictions on public gatherings were introduced in March as a measure to curb the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic. The Law was published in Montenegro’s Official Gazette (No. 74/2019) on 30th December and came into force on 8th January 2020. Evidently, the legislative procedure in the Parliament of Montenegro (Narodna Skupština) purposely took place during the festive season, as Cristian Orthodox believers of the SPC celebrated Christmas on 7th January. However, the plan of Montenegro’s ruling elite assembled within the Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro (DPS - Demokratska partija socijalista Crne Gore) to pass the Law beyond the radar of the wider public, failed dramatically. DPS is the legal successor of the Communist party of Montenegro in former Yugoslavia, its president Milo Đukanović is also the President of Montenegro, and DPS along with its collation partners had the power in the country since the dissolution of Yugoslavia in 1991, including the incumbent government 146 (2016-2020) until the general elections on August 30th this year. The sheer scale of civil protests in Montenegro is unprecedented not just in the modern Montenegrin state after it gained independence in 2006, but has never been recorded in its history.