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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Communist parties – Italy »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Communist parties – Italy"

Živković, Bogdan. "Inspiring Dissent: Yugoslavia and the Italian Communist Party during 1956." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 3 (2021): 171–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.3.ziv.171-198.

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This paper analyzes the relations between the communist parties of Yugoslavia and Italy during 1956, one of the most important years of the history of communism. The dissenting nature of those relations, which were based on the mutual wish to limit the Soviet hegemony within the global communist movement, is in the focus of this analysis. Finally, this paper aims to demonstrate how the roots of the close friendship between the two parties during the sixties and seventies can be traced back to 1956, and how the Yugoslav communists influenced or tried to influence their Italian counterparts.

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Brogi, Alessandro. "Ending Grand Alliance Politics in Western Europe: US Anti-communism in France and Italy, 1944–7." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (2017): 134–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416678919.

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The postwar ascendancy of the French and Italian Communist Parties (PCF and PCI) as the strongest ones in the emerging Western alliance was an unexpected challenge for the USA. The US response during this time period (1944–7) was tentative, and relatively moderate, reflecting the still transitional phase from wartime Grand Alliance politics to Cold War. US anti-communism in Western Europe remained guarded for diplomatic and political reasons, but it never mirrored the ambivalence of anti-Americanism among French and especially Italian Communist leaders and intellectuals. US prejudicial opposition to a share of communist power in the French and Italian provisional governments was consistently strong. A relatively decentralized approach by the State Department, however, gave considerable discretion to moderate, circumspect US officials on the ground in France and Italy. The subsequent US turn toward an absolute struggle with Western European communism was only in small part a reaction to direct provocations from Moscow, or the PCI and PCF. The two parties and their powerful propaganda appeared likely to undermine Western cohesion; this was the first depiction, by the USA and its political allies in Europe, of possible domino effects in the Cold War.

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Pons, Silvio. "Stalin, Togliatti, and the Origins of the Cold War in Europe." Journal of Cold War Studies 3, no. 2 (2001): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039701300373862.

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Soviet policy toward the Italian Communist Party (PCI) from 1943 to 1948 exemplified Josif Stalin's complicated relationship with the West European Communist parties and Western Europe in general. For a considerable while, Stalin insisted that the PCI follow a policy of moderation. Palmiro Togliatti, the leader of the PCI, heeded Stalin's orders and tried to ensure that the Italian Communists pursued a policy of national unity and avoided conflicts that might lead to civil war in Italy. But this moderate approach collapsed after the Soviet Union rejected the Marshall Plan in 1947 and thereby forced the West European Communist parties into extra-parliamentary opposition. Not until after the poor showing of the PCI in the 1948 Italian elections was the party able to regain a viable role. Stalin's conflicting advice to the PCI was indicative of his tenuous grasp of the situation in Western Europe.

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Bespalova, Kseniya A. "Areas of Activity of the Agents of the Comintern in Europe in 1921–1925 (Based on the Materials from French Archives)." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v151.

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This article dwells on the topic little studied in Russian and foreign historiography, namely, the intelligence work of foreigners in European countries in favour of the Communist International. The research involved documents from the Historical Service of the French Ministry of Defence and the French National Archives, in particular, the court cases of three French activists (J. Sadoul, A. Guilbeaux and R. Petit). The materials of the court cases were formed on the basis of the information gathered by the French intelligence about the activities of these people in European countries. The author of the paper, having analysed the above court cases, determined the chronological framework of this activity (1921–1925) and identified six areas of the Bolshevik agents’ work aimed to promote the communist movement in European countries. These areas included campaigning through organization and distribution of the Soviet press abroad; restoration of the cultural ties between the countries of Western Europe and Soviet Russia; propaganda measures in the occupied territories of Germany; establishment of additional contacts with representatives of the French Communist Party; attempts to revitalize the communist movement in Czechoslovakia and Turkey; and establishment of a link between the Comintern and the Italian and Swiss communists. The author comes to the conclusion that the agents’ activities in these areas had positive results. This example of cooperation between the European communists and leaders of the Comintern through French agents is a new page in the history of communism. It demonstrates the collaboration between the Bolsheviks and representatives of the opposition parties in France, Germany, Italy and Switzerland, actively mediated by French citizens, and personifies this aspect of the development of the world communist movement.

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Haig, Fiona. "The Poznań Uprising of 1956 as Viewed by French and Italian Communists." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 2 (2016): 160–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00641.

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The Poznań uprising of June 1956, coming just a few months after Nikita Khrushchev's landmark “secret speech” at the Twentieth Soviet Party Congress, constituted the first real test of de-Stalinization. The uprising was a turning point in postwar Polish history and the precursor to subsequent bouts of unrest in Poland. Yet, the episode itself and its repercussions that year were overshadowed by more pressing and dramatic developments, especially the revolution in Hungary four months later. The responses of the leaders of the two largest non-ruling Communist parties to the Poznań rebellion have been well documented, but much less is known about how ordinary Communist Party members in Italy and France viewed the unrest. This article draws for the first time on the personal testimonies of more than fifty people who in 1956 were rank-and-file Communists from the federations of Var and Gorizia. The article looks in detail at the contemporary reactions to the anti-Communist rebellion. In so doing, it reveals much about ordinary Communists’ priorities, degrees of critical detachment, and level of commitment to the Soviet Union and the Communist cause.

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Zivkovic, Bogdan. "The two last encounters between Broz and Berlinguer - the epilogue of an alliance." Balcanica, no. 53 (2022): 273–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2253273z.

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Based on unpublished historical sources from the archives of the communist parties of Yugoslavia and Italy (Archives of Yugoslavia, Belgrade; Fondazione Istituto Gramsci, Archivio del Partito comunista Italiano, Rome), this paper analyzes the two last meetings of the leaders of the two parties, Josip Broz Tito and Enrico Berlinguer. The topics are Berlinguer?s two visits to Yugoslavia, in October 1977 and October 1978, which took place at the height of the inter-party alliance, after the Berlin Conference of the Communist Parties of Europe held in June 1976. The aforementioned two visits are viewed in this paper as case studies that testify to the nature of the alliance between the two parties, and illuminate the key similarities and differences between these two political actors.

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Guizzi, Vincenzo. "Craxi’s Italy." Government and Opposition 20, no. 2 (1985): 166–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1985.tb01076.x.

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IT IS NOT EASY TO EXPLAIN THE REASONS THAT LED TO THE appointment of Bettino Craxi as Prime Minister. First of all, there was certainly the political fatigue of the Christian Democratic Party which had held the premiership for 35 years. AIdo Moro, a great man and leader, had tried to mediate between the various currents within the party, as well as between the party and other allied parties (the Republicans, the Social Democrats, the Socialists). But what Moro really dreamt of was a possible alliance with the Communist Party to solve at least the most serious issues, such as terrorism and economic decline. He thought of repeating with the Communists the experience the DC had had in the early 1960s with the Socialists: widening the democratic area with the view of transforming the PCI into a social democratic trend. In order to obtain this he even considered letting the PCI take part in the majority at least if not in the government itself. His disappearance had serious repercussions, especially in the Christian Democratic Party where internal friction grew even stronger than in the past. This resulted in a great drop in the party's power and ability to manage the country politically even if, at least in part, it regained in the 1979 and 1983 elections the votes lost in the 1976 elections.

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Scionti, Andrea. "“I Am Afraid Americans Cannot Understand”: The Congress for Cultural Freedom in France and Italy, 1950–1957." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 1 (2020): 89–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00927.

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This article examines the nature and significance of the activities carried out in France and Italy by the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF), an international organization that was secretly funded by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency to support anti-Communist intellectuals, including those on the left end of the political spectrum. These two West European countries, with their large and politically influential Communist parties, were central to the CCF's work in Europe. The organization's task was complicated by domestic concerns and traditions that forced local intellectuals to stress their autonomy from the CCF International Secretariat and its U.S. patrons. The article uses the cultural Cold War and the competing interpretations of anti-Communism and cultural freedom within the CCF as a lens to explore the limits of U.S. influence and persuasion among the intellectual classes of Europe. By repeatedly asserting their independence and agency, the French and Italian members of the CCF helped redefine the character and limits of U.S. cultural diplomacy.

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Cooke, Philip. "‘Oggi in Italia’: The Voice of Truth and Peace in Cold War Italy." Modern Italy 12, no. 2 (2007): 251–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701362763.

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Based on archival materials in Italy and the Czech Republic, the article examines the history of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) radio programme ‘Oggi in Italia’, which was broadcast from Prague to Italy throughout the 1950s and 1960s. The programme was produced clandestinely by former partisans who had fled to Czechoslovakia in order to escape prosecution during the ‘trial of the Resistance’ (processo alla Resistenza). ‘Oggi in Italia’ was a central element in the PCI's media strategy, particularly during the Cold War, when access to the official airwaves was circumscribed. The programme was thus a key element of the long-term legacy of the Resistance movement, but also played a highly significant role in the wider process of negotiation between the Communist parties of Italy, Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union.

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Messina, Patrizia. "Opposition in Italy in the 1990s: Local Political Cultures and the Northern League." Government and Opposition 33, no. 4 (1998): 462–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1998.tb00462.x.

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SINCE 1989 THE NATURE OF OPPOSITION IN SEVERAL WESTERN democracies has been subject to change, and Italy is no exception. But the Italian case is distinct because the changes which occurred in Italy after 1989 amount to a revolution compared to the traditional political equilibrium. The Italian political scene was dominated, from the post-war years (1948) to the 199Os, by two political parties: the DC (Christian Democracy) and the PCI (Italian Communist Party), which respectively occupied the positions of ruling party and opposition party for over forty years.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Communist parties – Italy"

Naccarella, Pierpaolo. "La « seconde génération » de l'élite dirigeante du Parti communiste italien : entre fascisme, antifascisme et communisme." Thesis, Paris 10, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA100189.

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Les membres de la « seconde génération » de l’élite dirigeante du Parti communiste italien (PCI) se forment sous le fascisme. Pendant les années 1930, ce sont de jeunes intellectuels qui adhèrent au « fascisme de gauche ». A partir du milieu de cette décennie-là, ils commencent à s’éloigner du fascisme. Ils rejoindront ensuite le PCI. Entre 1944 et 2006, une vingtaine d’entre eux publient des « écritures de soi » (des ouvrages autobiographiques et personnels), dans lesquelles ils expliquent leur itinéraire politique. Ils y revendiquent leur cohérence : les principales raisons pour lesquelles ils ont adhéré au fascisme coïncident avec les raisons de leur engagement dans le PCI.Ils écrivent également que leur soutien au régime mussolinien a été le résultat de la tromperie dont ils ont été victimes sous le fascisme, qui leur a imposé une fausse image de lui. La jeunesse intellectuelle n’a pas adhéré au « vrai » fascisme, mais à une représentation erronée de celui-ci. En conséquence, ils ont toujours été antifascistes tout en se croyant fascistes.Le contenu de ces ouvrages est influencé par le leader du PCI, Palmiro Togliatti, qui utilise les « écritures de soi » datant des années 1940 pour attirer les jeunes ex-fascistes, dont son parti a besoin pour former une nouvelle classe dirigeante et gagner le combat pour la conquête du pouvoir.Ces « écritures de soi » influencent à leur tour plusieurs historiens et l’opinion italienne qui, pendant longtemps, ont accepté leurs thèses sans les remettre en question et ont fondé sur elles la façon de représenter et décrire l’engagement politique et culturelle dont la jeunesse intellectuelle a fait preuve sous le fascisme<br>The members of the ''second generation'' of the ruling elite of the Italian Communist Party (ICP) come together under fascism. During the 1930s they are young intellectuals who belong to ''left-wing fascism''. From the middle of this decade they start to move away from fascism. They will later join the ICP.Between 1944 and 2006 twenty of them publish ''personal texts'' (personal and autobiographical works), in which they explain their political itinerary. In them they claim to be coherent: the main reasons for which they followed fascism are the reasons for their commitment to the ICP.They also write that their support for the Mussolini regime was the result of the fact that they were deceived under fascism which gave them a false impression of itself. The young intellectuals did not adhere to the ''real'' fascism, but a false representation of it. Consequently they had always been antifascists while believing themselves to be fascists.The content of these publications is influenced by the leader of the ICP, Palmiro Togliatti, who uses the ''personal texts'' dating from the 1940s to attract young ex-fascists whom his party needs to form a new ruling class and to win the battle for the conquest of power.These ''personal texts" in turn influence several historians and Italian opinion which, for a long time, accepted their theses without calling them into question, and based their way of representing and describing the political and cultural commitment shown by young intellectuals under fascism on them

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BRACKE, Maud. "Is it possible to be Revolutionary without being Internationalist? : West European communism proletarian internationalism and the Czechoslovak crisis of 1968-1969 : a comparative study of the Italian and French communist parties." Doctoral thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5718.

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Defence date: 19 March 2004<br>Examining board: Prof. Alan Milward, IUE (supervisor) ; Prof. Marc Lazar, Inst. d'Etudes Politiques, Paris ; Prof. Silvio Pons, Università Tor Vergata ; Prof. Arfon Rees, IUE<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

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Livres sur le sujet "Communist parties – Italy"

Lange, Peter, and Maurizio Vannicelli. The Communist Parties of Italy, France and Spain. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003185666.

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Red Adriatic: The Communist parties of Italy and Yugoslavia. Westview Press, 1985.

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Di Maggio, Marco. The Rise and Fall of Communist Parties in France and Italy. Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63257-1.

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Lenzi, Antonio. Il manifesto, tra dissenso e disciplina di partito: Origine e sviluppo di un gruppo politico del Pci. Città del sole, 2011.

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The Italian left in the twentieth century: A history of the Socialist and Communist parties. Indiana University Press, 1989.

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Kertzer, David I. Politics & symbols: The Italian Communist Party and the fall of communism. Yale University Press, 1996.

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The transformation of Italian communism. Transaction Publishers, 1995.

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European integration and the communist dilemma: Communist party responses to Europe in Greece, Cyprus, and Italy. Ashgate Pub. Co., 2012.

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Italian communism: The escape from Leninism : an anthropological perspective. Pluto Press, 1990.

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Fouskas, Vassilis. Italy, Europe, the Left: The transformation of Italian communism and the European imperative. Ashgate, 1998.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Communist parties – Italy"

Andolfatto, Dominique. "Trade Unions and Communism in Spain, France, and Italy." In Communist and Post-Communist Parties in Europe. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/9783666369124.483.

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Di Maggio, Marco. "Western Communist Parties and the Crisis of International Communist Movement." In The Rise and Fall of Communist Parties in France and Italy. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63257-1_1.

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Lange, Peter, and Maurizio Vannicelli. "FRENCH Communist Party: Socialism with French Colors." In The Communist Parties of Italy, France and Spain. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003185666-6.

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Lange, Peter, and Maurizio Vannicelli. "FRENCH Communist Party: The Heritage of Frontism." In The Communist Parties of Italy, France and Spain. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003185666-12.

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Lange, Peter, and Maurizio Vannicelli. "SPANISH Communist Party: The Search for National Reconciliation." In The Communist Parties of Italy, France and Spain. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003185666-13.

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Lange, Peter, and Maurizio Vannicelli. "ITALIAN Communist Party: Varieties of the Historic Bloc." In The Communist Parties of Italy, France and Spain. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003185666-11.

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Lange, Peter, and Maurizio Vannicelli. "ITALIAN Communist Party: From National Unity to Historic Compromise." In The Communist Parties of Italy, France and Spain. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003185666-5.

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Lange, Peter, and Maurizio Vannicelli. "SPANISH Communist Party: From Illegality to the Peaceful Road." In The Communist Parties of Italy, France and Spain. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003185666-7.

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Lange, Peter, and Maurizio Vannicelli. "ITALIAN Communist Party: Centralism, Democracy and the Policy of Presence." In The Communist Parties of Italy, France and Spain. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003185666-17.

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Lange, Peter, and Maurizio Vannicelli. "SPANISH Communist Party: From Underground to the Search for the Mass Party." In The Communist Parties of Italy, France and Spain. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003185666-19.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Communist parties – Italy"

Danilov, Valery. "THE NEW ITALIAN GOVERNMENT. EUROSCEPTICS TRIUMPH." In NORDSCI International Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2019/b2/v2/35.

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sufficient amount of foreign research literature has been devoted to the study of such a political phenomenon as euroscepticism; recently, interest in it among the Russian scientific community has intensified due to the strengthening of its positions in the EU countries. Italy after the elections of March 4, 2018 turned into a “show-window” of the success of euroscepticism and populism. The purpose of this article is to determine the sustainability of the new government. The author identifies the causes of the weakening of the position of the Democratic Party in Italy, the coming to power of radical parties, whose leadership until recently was not taken seriously among the EU political establishment. The paper also analyzes the main concepts of the program called “Contract for the government of change” and the prospects for its implementation. To solve these tasks, a historical and chronological method was used, which allowed to track the stages of weakening popular support for traditional parties and the growing popularity of euro skeptics. The research was also used the theoretical research method as an analysis to determine the future prospects of the government in domestic and foreign policy. The author comes to the conclusion that in the coming years Italy will become the leader of all eurosceptic forces with the prospect of creating and heading a similar faction in the European Parliament in May 2019. The conclusion is also formed that the Government’s attitude to cancel anti-Russian sanctions should not be considered too optimistic. Analyzing the declining rhetoric of the Italian leadership on this issue, the author assumes that the Russian issue is just a bargaining chip in knocking out EU preferences on fiscal and migration issues

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Saputri, Eviana Maya. "Urgency of Violence Screening in Pregnant Women: A Scoping Review." In The 7th International Conference on Public Health 2020. Masters Program in Public Health, Universitas Sebelas Maret, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.26911/the7thicph.03.61.

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ABSTRACT Background: Partner violence during pregnancy might contribute to the clinical conditions of pregnant women. Early assessment and supportive response are required to improve clinical diagnosis and subsequent care. This scoping review aimed to identify the partner violence screening practices of community-based health care providers in pregnant women. Subjects and Method: A scoping review method was conducted in eight stages including (1) Identification of study problems; (2) Determining priority problem and study question; (3) Determining framework; (4) Literature searching; (5) Article selection; (6) Critical appraisal; (7) Data extraction; and (8) Mapping. The search included PubMed, Science Direct, EBSCO, Wiley Online Library, and ProQuest databases. The inclusion criteria were English-language and full-text articles published between 2010 and 2020. A total of 580 articles were obtained by the searched database. After the review process, eight articles were eligible for this review. The critical appraisal for searched articles were measured by Mix Methods Appraisal Tools (MMAT). The data were reported by the PRISMA flow chart. Results: Two articles from developing countries (Zimbabwe and Kenya) and six articles from developed countries (Australia, Norway, Italy, and Sweden) met the inclusion criteria with a mixed-method, qualitative, and quantitative (cross-sectional) studies. The existing studies revealed that violence screening in pregnant women was effective to increase awareness of violence by their partners. Screening practice had an empowering effect on women to disclose the violence experienced. Barriers to the health care providers performing partner violence screening included: lack of knowledge, experience and training, confidence in undertaking the screening, taboo cultural practices, and absence of domestic violence screening policies. Conclusion: Partner violence screening practice should be strongly considered at antenatal care visits. Further insights of community-based health care providers are required to perform effective screening. Keywords: partner violence screening, pregnant women, health care providers Correspondence: Eviana Maya Saputri. Universitas ‘Aisyiyah Yogyakarta. Jl. Siliwangi No. 63, Nogotirto, Gamping, Sleman, Yogyakarta, 55292. Email: evianamaya34@gmail.com. Mobile: +6281367470323. DOI: https://doi.org/10.26911/the7thicph.03.61

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Communist parties – Italy"

Pretari, Alexia. Resilience in the West Bank: Impact evaluation of the ‘From Emergency Food Security to Durable Livelihoods: Building Resilience in the Occupied Palestinian Territory’ project. Oxfam GB, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2021.8106.

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The ‘From Emergency Food Security to Durable Livelihoods: Building Resilience in the Occupied Palestinian Territories’ project was implemented in the West Bank, in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, between November 2015 and January 2018 by Oxfam, together with two partners: the Land Research Centre (LRC) and the Palestinian Livestock Development Centre (PLDC). The project, funded by the Belgian Cooperation, through Oxfam Italy, focused on improving protection around three key areas at community level to build resilience: supporting animal health, rehabilitating protected rangelands and strengthening community-based legal protection mechanisms. The combination of these key areas is the focus of this Effectiveness Review: the evaluation assesses the impact of this cross-sectorial approach on the resilience capacities of male and female members of Bedouin communities in the West Bank, at risk of displacement. It combines a quantitative quasi-experimental design with a questionnaire with community leaders. Find out more by reading the full report now.

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