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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Communism and architecture – Soviet Union – History »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Communism and architecture – Soviet Union – History"

Kelleher, Michael. « Bulgaria's Communist-Era Landscape ». Public Historian 31, n^o 3 (2009) : 39–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2009.31.3.39.

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Abstract This essay discusses the various architectural and design elements that helped define the communist-era landscape of Bulgaria. The conclusions presented here are based on observations made by the author while living in Bulgaria and research into the literature on communist architecture and design in the East Bloc. Bulgaria was the member of the East Bloc that most closely followed the architectural and design model established by the Soviet Union and exported to its satellite states following the Second World War. This didactic model was intended to present a certain image of communism and its achievements. Despite physical changes that came with the end of communism in Bulgaria, the country has retained a significant communist-era landscape. Bulgaria, therefore, presents an opportunity to examine many of the architectural and design elements typical of the East Bloc, both how the communists intended them to be interpreted and how these buildings and monuments made the transition to the postcommunist era.

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Drake, Richard. « Italian Communism and Soviet Terror ». Journal of Cold War Studies 6, n^o 2 (avril 2004) : 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039704773254768.

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The declassification of materials from the Russian archives has provided a good deal of new evidence about the relationship between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Soviet Union both before and after World War II. Two newly published collections of documents leave no doubt that, contrary to arguments made by supporters of the PCI, the Italian party was in fact strictly subservient to the dictates of Josif Stalin. The documents reveal the unsavory role of the PCI leader, Palmiro Togliatti, in the destruction of large sections of the Italian Communist movement and in the tragic fate of Italian prisoners of war who were held in the Soviet Union during and after World War II. Togliatti's legacy, as these documents make clear, was one of terror and the Stalinization of the PCI.

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Drake, Richard. « The Soviet Dimension of Italian Communism ». Journal of Cold War Studies 6, n^o 3 (juillet 2004) : 115–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1520397041447355.

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This essay reviews two books that provide diverging views of the relationship between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Soviet Union. The first book, a lengthy collection of declassified documents from the former Soviet archives, provides abundant evidence of the PCI's crucial dependence on Soviet funding. No Communist party outside the Soviet bloc depended more on Soviet funding over the years than the PCI did. Vast amounts of money flowed from Moscow into the PCI's coffers. The Italian Communists maintained their heavy reliance on Soviet funding until the early 1980s. The other book discussed here a memoir by Gianni Cervetti, a former senior PCI financial official seeks to defend the party's policy and to downplay the importance of the aid provided by Moscow. Nonetheless, even Cervetti's book makes clear, if only inadvertently, that the link with the Soviet Union helped spark the broader collapse of Marxism-Leninism as a mobilizing force.

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Esenwein, George. « :The Spanish Civil War, the Soviet Union, and Communism ». American Historical Review 110, n^o 3 (juin 2005) : 876–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.110.3.876.

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Kramer, Mark. « The Collapse of East European Communism and the Repercussions within the Soviet Union (Part 1) ». Journal of Cold War Studies 5, n^o 4 (septembre 2003) : 178–256. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039703322483783.

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The largely peaceful collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe in 1989 reflected the profound changes that Mikhail Gorbachev had carried out in Soviet foreign policy. Successful though the process was in Eastern Europe, it had destabilizing repercussions within the Soviet Union. The effects were both direct and indirect. The first part of this two-part article looks at Gorbachev's policy toward Eastern Europe, the collapse of Communism in the region, and the direct “spillover” from Eastern Europe into the Soviet Union. The second part of the article, to be published in the next issue of the journal, discusses the indirect spillover into the Soviet Union and the fierce debate that emerged within the Soviet political elite about the “loss” of the Eastern bloc—a debate that helped spur the leaders of the attempted hardline coup d'état in August 1991.

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Rutland, Peter. « What Was Communism ? » Russian History 37, n^o 4 (2010) : 427–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633110x528591.

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AbstractCommunism dominated the political history of the 20th century. Yet it remains an enigmatic force: how could a philosophy of universal liberation turn so quickly into an engine of oppression? How was it possible for a rag-tag movement of street protests and café conspirators to seize command of the Russian state, turn it into a military superpower, and spread revolution to other lands? Communism exemplified the pernicious role of ideology in modern mass society. Both the sudden rise of communism in the early 1900s, and its equally abrupt collapse in the 1980s, caught observers by surprise and confounded academic conventions. The three books under review here, written by distinguished British specialists on Soviet history, successfully convey the international sweep and complexity of the Communist phenomenon. While the focus is on the rise and fall of the Soviet Union, the authors also cover the spread of Communism to China, Africa and elsewhere, and its blunting in Western Europe. The impact of Communist thinking on the arts is also explored, especially by David Priestland. But the debate over the driving forces behind communism's initial success and ultimate failure will continue for years to come.

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Hurst, Mark. « ‘Gamekeeper Turned Poacher’ : Frank Chapple, Anti-Communism, and Soviet Human Rights Violations1 ». Labour History Review : Volume 86, Issue 3 86, n^o 3 (1 décembre 2021) : 313–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2021.14.

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The inclusion of the British trade union leader Frank Chapple on the panel of the 1985 Sakharov hearings, an event designed to hold the Soviet authorities to account for their violation of human rights, raises questions about the workings of the broader network of activists highlighting Soviet abuses. This article assesses Chapple’s support for human rights in the Soviet Union, arguing that because of his historic membership of the Communist Party and subsequent anti-communist leadership of the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in Britain, his support for victims of Soviet persecution was multifaceted in the Cold War context.

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Bandey, Aijaz A., et Farooq Ahmad Rather. « Socio-Economic and Political Motivations of Russian Out-Migration from Central Asia ». Journal of Eurasian Studies 4, n^o 2 (juillet 2013) : 146–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euras.2013.03.004.

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The unexpected fall of Soviet Union left ethnic Russians, outside Russia with many questions and concerns. Many of them emigrated to Russia from the erstwhile Soviet Union, for better conditions there. The disintegration of Soviet Union – a state created on the ideology of Communism was one of the reasons, apart from economic, political, socio-cultural, reasons besides the failure of Communism to keep the Soviet Union together were the main causes of Russian out-migration from Central Asia. The out-migration of Russians from Central Asia to Russia began in the 1970s as internal labour migration shifted in the wake of better job opportunities. It accelerated tremendously after 1991, and touched its highest mark in 1994, as a response to the relative economic prosperity of Russia at that time. Thus the improved standard of living in Russia and the desire to return to their cultural homeland were some major issues that concerned people to shift to Russia.

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Snyder, Tim. « ‘Coming to Terms with the Charm and Power of Soviet Communism’ ». Contemporary European History 6, n^o 1 (mars 1997) : 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004082.

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The day of communism is done, in Europe at any rate. If Minerva's owl flies at dusk, we should now expect the appearance of works which, while conceived during the epoch of communism, have been given their sense and conclusions by the events of 1989–91. The three books considered here are the fruit not only of scholarly reflection but also of personal reconsiderations of the nature of Soviet communism. Each author recounts a story through which he has lived, with glances backwards to find the origins of an idea (in Walicki's case), an illusion (in Furet's) or a word (in Gleason's). The Marxist idea of freedom (Walicki), the appeal of the Soviet Union to Western intellectuals (Furet) and the definitions and uses of the term ‘totalitarianism’ (Gleason) are the avenues taken towards an understanding of the role of communism in this century, avenues which lead from the lives of the scholars in question. The degree of intellectual, and the kind of political, engagement with the idea of communism was different in each case, reflecting most notably the nationalities of these three historians.

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Kramer, Mark. « The Dissolution of the Soviet Union ». Journal of Cold War Studies 24, n^o 1 (2022) : 188–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01059.

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Abstract In late December 1991—some 74 years after the Bolsheviks had taken power in Russia under the leadership of Vladimir Lenin—the Soviet Communist regime and the Soviet state itself ceased to exist. The demise of the Soviet Union occurred less than seven years after Mikhail Gorbachev became the leader of the Soviet Communist Party. Soon after taking office in March 1985, Gorbachev had launched a series of drastic political and economic changes that he hoped would improve and strengthen the Communist system and bolster the country's superpower status. But in the end, far from strengthening Communism, Gorbachev's policies of perestroika (restructuring) and glasnost (official openness) led inadvertently to the collapse of the Soviet regime and the unraveling of the Soviet state. This article analyzes the breakup of the Soviet Union, explaining why that outcome, which had seemed so unlikely at the outset, occurred in such a short period of time.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Communism and architecture – Soviet Union – History"

YAKUSHENKO, Olga. « Building connections, distorting meanings : Soviet architecture and the West, 1953-1979 ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/71643.

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Defence date: 26 April 2021
Examining Board: Professor Alexander Etkind (European University Institute); Professor Catriona Kelly (University of Oxford); Professor Pavel Kolář (University of Konstanz); Professor Anatoly Pinsky (University of Helsinki)
The transnational history of the Soviet Union often goes against everything we know as citizens of the post-Soviet world. We are used to imagining the Iron Curtain as an impermeable obstacle and any meaningful connection between the Soviet Union and the rest of the world as clandestine, unofficial, and potentially subversive. But it was not always the case. I wish to open my thesis with a short dramatic exposition from the memoir of one of the protagonists of my thesis, the Soviet architect Felix Novikov: Soon [after the speech against the extravagances in architecture in 1953] the architectural bosses went abroad in search for examples worthy of emulation. The head of the Union of architects of the USSR, Pavel Abrosimov, left for Italy, Aleksandr Vlasov went to the US, Iosif Loveĭko who, in his absence became the chief architect of Moscow, left for France. After, each of them gave a talk about his impressions to the colleagues in the overcrowded lecture hall of the Central House of Architects. A year after the “historical” (without irony) speech the Party and government decree “On the elimination of extravagances in housing design and construction” appeared […] in the text of this document were such lines: “Obligate (the list of responsible organizations followed )… to be more daring in assimilation of the best achievements… of foreign construction.” The true “reconstruction” resulted in architecture that I call Soviet modernism started from this moment.”
Chapter 4 ‘Anatole Kopp: Enchanted by the Soviet' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'Anatole Kopp’s town and revolution as history and a manifesto : a reactualization of Russian constructivism in the West in the 1960s' (2016) in the journal ‘Journal of Art Historiography’

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Nealy, James Allen Jr. « THE METRO METROES : SHAPING SOVIET POST-WAR SUBJECTIVITIES IN THE LENINGRAD UNDERGROUND ». Miami University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1404224329.

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Schull, Joseph. « Russian political culture and the revolutionary intelligentsia : the stateless ideal in the ideology of the populist movement ». Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65974.

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Seward, James W. « The German exile journal Das Wort and the Soviet Union ». PDXScholar, 1990. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4104.

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Das Wort was a literary journal published by German Communist writers and fellow-travelers exiled in Moscow from 1936 to 1939. It was to be a mouthpiece for German literature in exile and to promote the Popular Front policy, which sought to unite disparate elements in non-Fascist Europe in opposition to the Nazis. Das Wort, under the editorship of German Communist writers whose close association with the Soviet Union had been well established in the previous decade, tried to provide a forum for exiled writers of various political persuasions, but was unwavering in its positive portrayal of Stalin's Soviet Union and the policies of that country. As the level of hysteria grew with the successive purges and public show trials in the Soviet Union, the journal adopted an even more eulogistic and militant attitude: any criticism or expression of doubt about Soviet policy was equated with support for Fascism. Thus the ability of the journal to contribute to the formation of a true common front in Europe to oppose Fascism was compromised from the outset by its total support for the Soviet Union. The Popular Front policy foundered on this issue, and that portion of German literature in exile which was to form the first generation of East German literature was inextricably bound to the Soviet Union well before the German Democratic Republic came in to existence.

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Malinovskaya, Olga. « Teaching Russian classics in secondary school under Stalin (1936-1941) ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b23fbd00-e8d5-4889-abfa-fe74626d5e72.

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This thesis contributes to existing discussions of Soviet subjectivity by considering how the efforts of the Party leadership and state agencies to shape personal and collective identities were mediated by the teaching of Russian classics to teenagers. It concentrates in particular on the history of literature course provided by Soviet schools for the upper years. The study addresses the following questions: (1) How was literary expression employed to instigate children's emotions and create interpretive habits as a way of inculcating a Soviet worldview? (2) What immediate effects did the methods have on teenagers? (3) What were the long-term effects of this type of indoctrination? Answering these questions required close reading of material produced by official authorities, such as methodological programmes, teachers' aids, professional journals, and textbooks for class instruction, and also of material produced by those at the receiving end of Stalinist literary instruction, including both sources contemporary to the period under scrutiny (i.e. diaries written between 1936-1941), and later autobiographical material (memoirs, oral history). I argue that for many teenagers growing up during this period, indoctrination in the classroom blurred the boundary between reality and fiction, and provided a moral compass to navigate their social environment, to judge others as well as themselves along prescribed lines, and model their lives on the precepts and slogans of the characters and authors they encountered, particularly the 19th-century radical democrats. Retrospective accounts - interviews, memoirs, and written responses to questions - expose the durability of the moral and ethical lessons derived from Russian classics and reveal the enduring Soviet emotional complex formed by this literary instruction. Investigating the impacts of the study of Russian classics on Soviet recipients, particularly from elite groups such as the city intelligentsia, my discussion highlights the political traction of the literary in, for instance, forming feelings of group belonging and strong emotional responses to differing views. I conclude with a discussion of the relation of this to long-term political effects, including the re-appraisal, in the twenty-first century, of Stalin-era teaching methodology as an effective way of instilling patriotic sentiments in students, and the legacy of Soviet perceptions and practices in the expression of personal and collective identities in the post-Soviet period.

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Dreeze, Jonathon Randall. « Stalin's Empire : Soviet Propaganda in Kazakhstan, 1929-1953 ». The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu158757030976164.

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Maruca, Matthew K. « Imposing Order : The Renegotiation of Law and Order In Post-Stalin USSR ». Thesis, Boston College, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/434.

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Thesis advisor: Roberta T. Manning
Although born in Prague under the Austro-Hungarian Empire and dying before Stalin took control of the USSR, Kafka clairvoyantly understood the full paradox of Soviet authoritarianism. His short parable “Before the Law” provides an interesting intellectual exercise for anyone wishing to study Soviet law, for in Russia it evokes tragic truth. The man who futilely attempted to reach the law is a metaphor for Russian masses seeking the same goal. Just as the doorkeeper with his air of conscious superiority and vacillating temperament mirrors the nature of Soviet rulers. The absurdity that underpins Kafka's work poignantly and painfully parallels the arbitrary ‘justice' of Stalin's rule. The man's futile search is symbolic of the many purge victims who, while wasting away in the gulags, clung to the slim hope of using legal means to exonerate themselves. Through an intellectual and visceral response, Kafka conveys the authoritarian split between the elite and the masses in Russia. No one knows how many countless Russian and Soviet citizens' lives were wasted in the same shadow of indifferent omnipotence. And we are forced to ask why the law was kept from them. And yet, what fueled the insatiable pursuit of the law in the face of certain futility? Even the Purges took place within a legal framework, as perverse as it may have been. But was Communist legality simply an oxymoron, or was there something more?
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2003
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
Discipline: College Honors Program

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Meadowcroft, Jeff R. « The history and historiography of the Russian worker-revolutionaries of the 1870s ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3079/.

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In March, 1877, the radical worker Pëtr Alekseev gave his speech at the ‘Trial of Fifty,’ contributing to the social-revolutionary movement one of the founding documents in Russia’s fledgling, working-class history. In the decades that followed, many others of the workers’ circles of the 1870s would compose and contribute their own stories to this revolutionary, ‘workers’ history.’ It was understood that, for workers to ‘speak for themselves’ was one step towards a workers’ revolution, carried out by and for the working people. The ‘workers’ voice’ had been borne by Alekseev in 1877, and was shared by worker-memoirists and other worker-writers through the early twentieth century. Individual workers were called represent, embody, testify to and speak for the mass, or the working-class as a whole. Thus, the notion of the ‘workers’ voice’ tied together the propaganda, the historiography, and the philosophy of the Russian social-revolutionary movement. A study of the ‘workers’ voice’ in history and historiography reveals the connections between these areas of revolutionary thought and practice, and provides a better understanding of the role of individual workers - as activists and as writers - in the Russian socialist movement. Revolutionary historiography developed alongside and in concert with political theories of the social revolution, mass action, social law and social determination, individuality, and consciousness. For a small number of radical democrats-turned-‘rebels,’ anarchists, and social-revolutionaries – most, if not all, born into the educated elite, a few to the families of the high, landed nobility - adherence to the narodnik tenet that ‘the emancipation of the working class should be conquered by workers’ themselves’ made their own, committed or conscious choice of the ‘cause’ over the existing system of things marginal to the historical and social forces driving Russia towards revolution. The ‘going to the people’ movement was aimed at bringing ‘workers themselves’ into their movement. By developing certain working people into carriers of the socialist message, the movement hitherto limited to students, publicists, and the wayward sons and daughters of state officials, merchants and clergymen would become the ‘a working-class matter.’ Thus, a special place was allotted to the ‘self-educated’ or ‘self-developed’ workers who, like the self-styled ‘intelligentsia,’ were consciously committed, synthesising ‘consciousness’ with their own class experience and the social necessity behind it. The political and historical valorisation of the ‘workers’ voice’ extended this idea into the documentation and the history of the popular and workers’ movements. Just as the workers would have to ‘emancipate themselves,’ so too would they speak for themselves and write their own history. This history, it was thought, would eventually belong to the workers by right. Thus, historical writing and the documentation of a workers’ history, informed by judgments regarding individuality, society, class, history, and their relationships, became politically significant for the revolutionary movement as working people began to enter it and ‘speak for themselves.’ Late in the nineteenth century, the worker-revolutionaries of the 1870s began to write their own memoirs of events. Entering the documentary record as individuals, it was their task to testify to working-class experience. Thus, at the point where working people became ‘individuals’ for history and for future historians, marking themselves as different from the mass by leaving their own writings, and stories, and memoirs, they were also tied inextricably to a political viewpoint that identified every and any worker as practically identical. As political figures, ‘conscious’ radicals who had taken responsibility for their own actions, their lives were historically definite; as ‘working men,’ sharing in a victimhood that was common to millions, their lives were indefinite, unhistorical, alienated. In the attempt to explain one part of their lives by the other, in the juxtaposition of class experience with political experience, in the light of a political function that had workers become witnesses rather than writers, the worker-revolutionaries reproduced in their political and historical writings the class categories that their radicalism had contradicted. The awkward position of worker-intelligent – in one half unique, conscious, definite, historical, active, by the other: plural, instinctive, indefinite, and passive – was stamped into ‘workers’ writings.

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Riga, Liliana. « Identity and empire : the making of the Bolshevik elite, 1880-1917 ». Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37820.

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This study concerns the sources of the revolutionary Bolshevik elite's social and ethnic origins in Late Imperial Russia. The key finding is that the Bolshevik leadership of the revolutionary years 1917--1924 was highly ethnically diverse in origin with non-Russians---Jews, Latvians, Georgians, Armenians, Poles, Lithuanians, and Ukrainians---constituting nearly two-thirds of the elite. The 'Russian' Revolution was led primarily by elites of the empire's non-Russian national minorities. This thesis therefore considers the sources of their radicalism in the peripheries of the multinational empire.
Although the 'class' language of socialism has dominated accounts not only of the causes of the Revolution but also of the sources of Bolshevik socialism, in my view the Bolsheviks were more a response to a variety of cultural, linguistic, religious, and ethnic social identities than they were a response to class conflict. The appeal of a theory about class conflict does not necessarily mean that it was class conflict to which the Bolsheviks were responding; they were much more a product of the tensions of a multi-ethnic imperial state than of the alienating 'class' effects of an industrializing Russian state.
How 'peripherals' of the imperial borderlands came to espouse an ideology of the imperial 'center' is the empirical focus. Five substantive chapters on Jews, Poles and Lithuanians, Ukrainians, Transcaucasians, and Latvians, consider the sources of their radicalism by contextualizing their biographies in regional ethnopolitics and in relationships to the Tsarist state. A great attraction of Russian (Bolshevik) socialism was in what it meant for ethnopolitics in the multi-ethnic borderlands: much of the appeal lay in its secularism, its 'ecumenical' political vision, its universalism, its anti-nationalism, and in its implied commitment to "the good imperial ideal". The 'elective affinities' between individuals of different ethnic strata and Russian socialism varied across ethnic groups, and often within them. One of the key themes, therefore, is how a social and political identity is worked out within the context of a multinational empire, invoking social processes such as nationalism, assimilation, Russification, social mobility, access to provincial and imperial 'civil societies', linguistic and cultural choices, and ethnopolitical relationships.

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Uhl, Katharina Barbara. « Building communism : the Young Communist League during the Soviet thaw period, 1953-1964 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:485213b3-415d-4bc1-a896-ea53983c75f8.

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The present study focuses on the activity of the Young Communist League (Komsomol) to promote the communist project during the so-called Thaw period in the Soviet Union (1953-1964). The term ‘communist project’ describes the complex temporal triangle in which the relevance of the present was rooted in its relationship to the heroic past and the bright future. Young people were supposed to emulate the heroism of previous generations while fighting remnants of the undesired past. This was presented as a precondition for achieving the communist future. The structure of this study reflects the chronology of the communist project. It analyzes the rhetoric used by the Young Communist League to promote the communist project and explores the strategies used to mobilize youth for building communism. The first chapter focuses on the organizational structure of the Komsomol and assesses its readiness for this task. Despite attempts to strengthen horizontal communication and control, streamline administration and reorganize its structure, the Komsomol remained hierarchal and bureaucratic. The second chapter explores the promotion of past heroism in rituals, social practices and the use of public space. The third chapter is also concerned with the past; it describes the Komsomol’s fight against ‘remnants of the past’, primarily religion and deviant behaviour such as hooliganism, heavy drinking and laziness. The final chapter focuses on the Komsomol’s attempts during the Thaw to bring about the future: its efforts in the economy, moral, political and cultural education, and the realm of leisure.

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Livres sur le sujet "Communism and architecture – Soviet Union – History"

Harris, Steven E. Communism on tomorrow street : Soviet mass housing and the quest for a new way of life under Khrushchev. Washington, D.C : Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2012.

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Communism. New York : Longman, 2012.

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David, Crowley, et Reid Susan 1959-, dir. Socialist spaces : Sites of everyday life in the Eastern Bloc. Oxford : Berg, 2002.

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1966-, Crowley David, et Reid Susan Emily, dir. Socialist spaces : Sites of everyday life in the Eastern Bloc. New York, NY : Berg Publishers, 2002.

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ill, Reim Melanie, dir. The road to Communism. Brookfield, Conn : Twenty-First Century Books, 2002.

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Darraj, Susan Muaddi. The collapse of the Soviet Union. New York : Chelsea House Publishers, 2009.

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Darraj, Susan Muaddi. The collapse of the Soviet Union. New York : Chelsea House Publishers, 2009.

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The fall of Soviet Communism 1985-91. Houndmills [England] : Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.

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Wien, Architektur Zentrum, dir. Soviet modernism 1955-1991 : Unknown history. Zurich : Park Books, 2012.

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Brumfield, William Craft. A history of Russian architecture. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1993.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Communism and architecture – Soviet Union – History"

Targowski, Andrew. « The New Informated Business Architecture ». Dans Electronic Enterprise, 1–24. IGI Global, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-93177-777-3.ch001.

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The fall of the Berlin Wall, the collapse of the Warsaw Pact, and the disintegration of the Soviet Union are certainly monumental events in the history of the human race as the 20th century nears its close. Monumental changes are taking place in business organizations and in the managers who run them. The business community is shifting its paradigms and the manner in which it does business. To avoid “Future Shock,” one must look beyond the trends of the past and discover the rules that will govern business in the Twenty-First Century, the Information Age. By knowing the nature of such changes and how to anticipate them, the strategist can elicit extraordinary leverage in shaping the future. Drucker (1980) in Managing Turbulent Times, writes that one of the most important skills during times of turbulence is anticipation. This chapter explores the effects of the information age (Figure 1) upon the global business enterprise which is shifting from an old paradigm to a new one, in the way Kuhn (1970) described paradigm shifts in science in The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. We will also suggest that since all major business dimensions have shifted paradigms, a new era in business requires a new set of rules.

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Zubok, Vladislav M. « The Collapse of the Soviet Union ». Dans The Cambridge History of Communism. Cambridge University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781316471821.011.

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Kalinovsky, Artemy M. « The Soviet Union and the Global Cold War ». Dans The Cambridge History of Communism. Cambridge University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781316471821.004.

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Lih, Lars T. « The Soviet Union and the road to communism ». Dans The Cambridge History of Russia, 706–31. Cambridge University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521811446.027.

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Lichterman, Boleslav L. « Medical Ethics and Communism in the Soviet Union ». Dans The Cambridge World History of Medical Ethics, 609–16. Cambridge University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521888790.057.

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Baberowski, Jörg. « Nikita Khrushchev and De-Stalinization in the Soviet Union 1953–1964 ». Dans The Cambridge History of Communism, 113–38. Cambridge University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781316459850.006.

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« Architecture in Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union since 1960 ». Dans A Critical History of Contemporary Architecture, 283–302. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315263953-21.

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Pop-Eleches, Grigore, et Joshua A. Tucker. « Living through Communism ». Dans Communism's Shadow. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691175591.003.0002.

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This chapter provides a more focused living through communism model to explain attitudinal divergence among post-communist citizens. In particular, it lays out the specific variables expected—based on the history of communism and how it developed in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe—to have potentially increased the intensity of the communist message to which citizens were exposed and the resistance that citizens might have had to that exposure. The chapter takes a two-part approach to doing so. The first half of this chapter provides some general background on Soviet communism. The second half presents and motivates the living through communism intensifying and resistance hypotheses that will be tested in chapters 4–7.

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Jeffreys-Jones, Rhodri. « The Collapse of Soviet Communism in the 1980s ». Dans A Question of Standing, 103–14. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192847966.003.0009.

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Abstract This chapter traces the history of the CIA in the 1980s, which is inseparable from the demise of communism in Europe and the end of the Cold War. It analyzes the victory hypothesis, and details how the CIA penetrated the darkness beyond the Iron Curtain and estimated that Moscow was intensifying its military preparations. It also discusses the United States’ escalation of its defenses against Moscow, particularly with the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI). The chapter explains that SDI was a space- and laser-based system for destroying incoming enemy missiles before they hit their targets. It refers to Moscow’s planned escalation on SDI in response, which did not happen, as the Soviet Union proved to be unequal to the challenge of matching US spending.

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Polonsky, Antony. « Jews in Eastern Europe and Russia since the End of Communism ». Dans Jews in Poland and Russia : A Short History, 424–62. Liverpool University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781906764395.003.0012.

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This chapter highlights how the collapse of communism in eastern Europe and the Soviet Union initiated a new period in the history of the Jews in the area. Poland was now a fully sovereign country, and Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania, and Moldova also became independent states. Post-imperial Russia faced the task of creating a new form of national identity. This was to prove more difficult than in other post-imperial states since, unlike Britain and France, the tsarist empire and its successor, the Soviet Union, had not so much been the ruler of a colonial empire as an empire itself. All of these countries now embarked, with differing degrees of enthusiasm, on the difficult task of creating liberal democratic states with market economies. For the Jews of the area, the new political situation allowed both the creation and development of Jewish institutions and the fostering of Jewish cultural life in much freer conditions, but also facilitated emigration to Israel, North America, and western Europe on a much larger scale.

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