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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Communication in politics – Italy »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Communication in politics – Italy"

Treré, Emiliano, Sandra Jeppesen et Alice Mattoni. « Comparing Digital Protest Media Imaginaries : Anti-Austerity Movements in Greece, Italy & ; Spain ». tripleC : Communication, Capitalism & ; Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 15, n^o 2 (29 mai 2017) : 404–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v15i2.772.

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This article presents findings from an empirical study of repertoires of contention and communication engaged during anti-austerity protests by the Indignados in Spain, the precarious generation in Italy, and the Aganaktismenoi in Greece. Drawing on 60 semistructured interviews with activists and independent media producers involved in the 2011 wave of contention, we bring together social movement and communications theoretical frameworks to present a comparative critical analysis of digital protest media imaginaries. After examining the different socio-political and protest media contexts of the three countries translocally, our critical analysis emphasizes the emergence of three different imaginaries: in Spain the digital protest media imaginary was technopolitical, grounded in the politics and political economies of communication technologies emerging from the free culture movement; in Italy this imaginary was techno-fragmented, lacking cohesion, and failed to bring together old and new protest media logics; and finally in Greece it was techno-pragmatic, envisioned according to practical objectives that reflected the diverse politics and desires of media makers rather than the strictly technological or political affordances of the digital media forms and platforms. This research reveals how pivotal the temporal and geographical dimensions are when analyzed using theoretical perspectives from both communications and social movement research; moreover it emphasizes the importance of studying translocal digital protest media imaginaries as they shape movement repertoires of contention and communication; both elements are crucial to better understanding the challenges, limitations, successes and opportunities for digital protest media.

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Mancini, Paolo, et Mauro Wolf. « Mass-Media Research in Italy : Culture and Politics ». European Journal of Communication 5, n^o 2 (juin 1990) : 187–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323190005002004.

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D’Arma, Alessandro. « Global media, business and politics ». International Communication Gazette 73, n^o 8 (décembre 2011) : 670–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048511420095.

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This article presents a comparative analysis of News Corporation’s entry strategy and rise to dominance in the British and Italian television markets through its satellite pay-TV operations, BSkyB and Sky Italia respectively. As well documented, News Corporation’s strategy in the UK has been heavily dependent on Rupert Murdoch’s cultivation of political connections. By contrast, in Italy Murdoch has been unable to influence local politics to further his business interests, as evidenced by the several regulatory setbacks suffered by Sky Italia. Thus, in order to explain News Corporation’s success in Italy, this article argues that emphasis must be placed primarily on the managerial and financial resources that the company has been able to mobilize. The analysis aims at broadening our understanding of how News Corporation operates in different national contexts, and should also prove valuable for the broader question concerning the shifting balance of power between transnational and national actors in today’s globalizing media landscape.

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Rizzuto, Francesca, Lucia D’Ambrosi, Gea Ducci et Alessandro Lovari. « Paths of hybridization among journalism, politics, and public sector communication in Italy ». SOCIOLOGIA DELLA COMUNICAZIONE, n^o 60 (février 2021) : 137–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sc2020-060012.

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This article argues that in Italy there is a new problematic relationship among journalism, politics, and public sector organizations due to the permanence of some traditional features in the informative context as well as to the success of infotainment logic and to the pervasive use of social media. In the new hybrid digi-tal ecosystem, a redefinition of the social role of information is necessary to un-derstand the perspectives for journalism and public sector communication. Info-tainment and politainment enhance the hybridization of Italian public sector communication formats and styles mainly on social media platforms. This process has consequences on interactions and overplays between information and com-munication areas in public organizations, redefining the evolution of professional roles.

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Mazzoleni, Gianpietro. « Media and Politics in Contemporary Italy : From Berlusconi to Grillo ». European Journal of Communication 31, n^o 4 (août 2016) : 487–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323116659009.

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Perrino, Sabina. « Intimate identities and language revitalization in Veneto, Northern Italy ». Multilingua 38, n^o 1 (26 janvier 2019) : 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/multi-2017-0128.

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Abstract In this article, I explore how language revitalization initiatives are rescaled as part of a local, historical and sociocultural revitalization project in which ethnonationalist aspirations emerge in Northeastern Italy’s Veneto region. Through an analysis of political emblems, textual artifacts, and speech participants’ stories, I examine how the promotion of the local language is related to a developing sense of collective and intimate identity, especially vis-à-vis the many migrants and refugees that have landed in Italy, and Europe, in recent years. In the last decade, these new flows of migrants have triggered strong reactions by Italians, such as recent discourses about national identity and the aggressive anti-immigration politics promoted by the Lega Nord (‘Northern League’). I show how politics, history, and language become part of a complex spatiotemporal configuration in which chronotopic stances and intimate identities are enacted in speech participants’ everyday lives.

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Rullo, Luigi. « The COVID-19 pandemic crisis and the personalization of the government in Italy ». International Journal of Public Leadership 17, n^o 2 (16 février 2021) : 196–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpl-08-2020-0083.

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PurposeThe article investigates how the COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated and deepened the presidentialization of politics in Italy. It examines how a series of innovative rules and procedures adopted by the Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte to face the extraordinary event are part of a permanent presidentialization dynamic.Design/methodology/approachThis study analyzes the role of prime minister in coping with the pandemic in Italy within the analytical framework of the personalization of politics. Section 1 investigates how the prime minister has resorted to autonomous normative power through intensive use of the Decree of the President of the Council of Ministers (DPCM). Section 2 observes the establishment of a more direct relationship with citizens through extensive use of digital communication and high engagement. Section 3 analyzes the “personal task force” appointed by the prime minister and highlights a new balance between technocratic/private roles and politics undermining democratic accountability.FindingsBy examining three main aspects of the personalization of politics, the article observes that the COVID-19 pandemic has facilitated the movement to presidentialization of power in Italy. It argues that the COVID-19 pandemic has strengthened political and institutional trends already in place before the crisis.Originality/valueThe article expands the comparative research on the presidentialization of politics. The Italian case clearly underlines how the pandemic crisis represented a further step of progressive dominance of the “executive” over the other branches of government. The article suggests an agenda for future cross-institutional and cross-national analysis.

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Gattermann, Katjana. « Mediated Personalization of Executive European Union Politics : Examining Patterns in the Broadsheet Coverage of the European Commission, 1992–2016 ». International Journal of Press/Politics 23, n^o 3 (5 juin 2018) : 345–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161218779231.

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The personalization of politics is a popular thesis but often challenged when it comes to media personalization. While previous research compared the prominence of different types of political actors across national political contexts, this article situates its research in the context of European Union (EU) politics and, thereby, studies similar reference points across countries. Its focus lies on the European Commission and its members. Personalization is conceptualized as individualization and presidentialization, respectively. The article proposes that the EU integration process provides journalists with the opportunity to report more often about individual politicians, while political developments should further incentivize journalists to personalize their news from Brussels. To test this argument, the article investigates personalization patterns in seven broadsheets from Ireland, Britain, France, the Netherlands, Denmark, Italy, and Poland. In total, 119,070 articles are analyzed by automated content analysis over a period of twenty-five years. The article finds no pan-European trend toward greater personalization of politics with respect to news coverage of EU executive politics. The findings nonetheless provide important implications for future research. The article particularly discusses the universal applicability of the phenomenon, the time frame for analysis, and journalistic styles in covering European politics.

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Öner, Selcen. « Growing Fusion of Populism and Euroscepticism in Italy : A Comparative Analysis of the League and The Five Star Movement ». Tripodos, n^o 49 (20 décembre 2020) : 13–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.51698/tripodos.2020.49p13-28.

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There has been a growing fusion of populism and Euroscepticism in European politics, especially after recent economic and migration crises. Despite being a founding EU member and one of the most Europhile countries, Italy has seen the simultaneous rise of populism and Euroscepticism, especially after the last national elections in 2018. After introducing its conceptual and analytical framework, based on the growing fusion of populism and Euroscepticism, this article compares the League and the Five Star Movement (M5S) in terms of populism and Euroscepticism and their policies before the last European Parliament elections in 2019. The qualitative analysis is based on semi-structured, face-to-face, indepth interviews with elite and expert participants conducted by the author in Italy in 2018.

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Molnár, Anna, et Anna Urbanovics. « The role of e-democracy in Italy and Hungary ». Transforming Government : People, Process and Policy 14, n^o 3 (22 avril 2020) : 545–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/tg-01-2020-0010.

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Purpose This paper aims to investigate the mechanisms behind the development of e-democracy. The contrasting cases of Italy and Hungary are selected as the case studies. With the development of new information and communication technology, more and more elements of domestic politics have been transferred to the internet-based platforms. As a response to the deep financial, economic and political crisis that Europe endured over the period 2010-2015 and as a result of the disappointment with traditional parties, new political movements and parties were created. In this paper, the Italian Five Star Movement (M5S) and the Hungarian Lehet Más a Politika (“Politics Can Be Different”) and Momentum are examined to trace the specific mechanisms that led to their establishment. Design/methodology/approach The research is based on mixed method approach, using primary and secondary data to identify and examine mechanisms conducive to the emergence of e-democracy. It uses quantitative analysis along with discourse analysis and social media analysis. The research is based on the analysis of respective parties’ social media communication. The social media analysis has been carried out by the SentiOne social listening software within the time frame of February 2018 and the end of 2019. Along different types of democracy measurements, Italy and Hungary have been analysed between 2017 and 2019. Findings The paper identifies the key preconditions for the emergence of e-democracy. These are freedom, gender gap, inequality and corruption. It also then elaborates on mechanisms, such as social media activity and citizen engagement, which lead to the emergence of e-democracy. The thesis of this article is that in Hungary (compared to Italy), elements of high-quality standards for a democracy are still missing to establish a successful political party which uses the sustainable concept for e-democracy. In Hungary, the examined parties use social media only as media representation without exploiting the possibilities lying in social media platforms. They mostly rely on these networking sites during elections and no strong sentiments can be identified in their communication. Italy is a more developed democracy where online platforms are used to engage citizens regularly. M5S actively communicates through these platforms, which is reflected in the amount of comments and strong social media activity even out of election period. Originality/value The originality of the paper is the social media analysis to test the use of social media in the parties’ political communication. The paper defines key factors and mechanisms concerning the establishment of e-democracy through inductive analysis of two contrasting cases. Italy and Hungary are two member states of the European Union (EU) with different development, their current preparation and situation regarding e-democracy give insights on how the quality of democracy determines their attitude towards cyber parties. While Italy being a founding member of the EU has become an established democracy, Hungary, after the transition, has developed into a new democracy.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Communication in politics – Italy"

Casteltrione, Isidoropaolo. « "It's complicated" : Facebook and political participation in Italy and the UK ». Thesis, Queen Margaret University, 2015. https://eresearch.qmu.ac.uk/handle/20.500.12289/7343.

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Drawing from an extensive and unique data set acquired by combining a cross-national comparative approach and a mixed methods methodology, this thesis examines the contributions of Facebook to citizens’ political participation in Italy and the UK. In the last decade there has been a proliferation of academic studies investigating the links between digital technologies and citizens’ political participation, with an increasing number of publications focusing on social networking websites (SNSs). Within this specific sub-field, research has produced contrasting evidence. Some scholars stress the positive impact of the Internet and SNSs on political participation (i.e., optimists), while others minimise their mobilising power, emphasising their tendency to reinforce existing participatory trends (i.e., normalisers) or highlighting their limited or even negative influence on political participation (i.e., pessimists). The present research differs from the majority of investigations in this area in three ways. Firstly, the data for this study were gathered mostly in a non-electoral period and thus the contributions of Facebook to citizens’ political participation were assessed independently of the electoral process, which usually occasions a rise in political participation. In addition, this research tackled two conceptual weaknesses characterising many Internet and political participation studies: the failure to consider political participation as a multidimensional phenomenon and the over-generalised approach to Internet and SNS usages. It did so by differentiating between political communication and political mobilisation activities, and three Facebook non-political usages, i.e., information, interpersonal communication, and social recreation. Thirdly, in response to the lack of cross-national comparative studies in this subject area, the contributions of Facebook to citizens’ political participation were examined in the different contexts of Italy and the United Kingdom. This thesis makes four main contributions to the field of political communication, and more specifically to the strand of research examining the impact of digital technologies on political participation. The first contribution is the Particularised Model of Facebook Political Participation. The model identifies a number of factors mediating the links between Facebook and political participation, demonstrating the relevance of both external, context-related factors related to the British and Italian media and political landscapes, and more personal, subjective ones such as self-presentation, pre-existing levels of political engagement, and the nature and size of the Facebook network. Secondly, this study sheds light on the ways that Facebook functions as a political platform, establishing that dynamics typical of both new and traditional media are in action on this SNS, and that Facebook holds the capacity to activate a virtuous circle, thereby generating an information-led mobilisation. The third contribution is the Dual Routes of Exposure Model which offers clarification on the alleged tendency of digital technologies to promote selective exposure and, consequently, political fragmentation and polarisation, and shows that Facebook can operate as a potential antidote to such trends. The fourth contribution is to the polarised debate between optimists, normalisers, and pessimist, with the present research further highlighting the sterility of such a debate and indicating potentially fruitful approaches for the development of the field.

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D'Agresti, Attilio. « Silvio Berlusconi and the Americanization of Italian Politics : a Political Analysis Through The Commentaries of Il Corriere Della Sera ». Connect to resource online, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1210604921.

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UGOLINI, LORENZO. « Il giornalismo politico. Valori, pratiche e modelli interpretativi ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1534.

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Lo sviluppo della comunicazione politico-elettorale nel corso degli anni ha profondamente modificato il modo in cui i messaggi provenienti dalla politica giungono al cittadino. Inoltre, l’evoluzione tecnologica del panorama mediatico ha reso sempre più facile, e accessibile a sempre più persone, la possibilità di un dialogo diretto tra il cittadino e l’esponente politico o il suo staff. Da questa dinamica appare escluso il giornalista politico, la cui intermediazione era del tutto necessaria fino a pochi anni or sono, e che oggi si trova a dover far fronte a un rischio di obsolescenza. Un rischio causato anche da pratiche e comportamenti che, nel corso degli anni, hanno contribuito a fare del giornalismo politico un facile bersaglio di accuse di eccessiva connivenza o conflittualità con il sistema politico e con quello economico. In questo lavoro, anche attraverso un’analisi svolta tra Francia e Italia, sosteniamo che l’unica via che il giornalismo può percorrere per evitare il rischio dell’obsolescenza è quella di recuperare, da un lato, i valori fondanti della professione, e dall’altro di innalzare il livello qualitativo, con una grande attenzione per la formazione e per la capacità di padroneggiare gli sviluppi tecnologici, sociali e culturali della società alla quale appartengono.
The development of political communication and election campaigning in the last decades has deeply modified the way in which political messages arrive to the citizens. Moreover, the technological evolution of the media has made easier, and more accessible to every part of the society, the possibility of a direct dialogue between citizens and politicians (or their staff). The figure that seems to be excluded from these dynamics is the political journalist, whose intermediation was necessary until recently, and who now has to face a real risk of obsolescence. This risk is caused also by practices and behaviors that, during the last years, contributed to make political journalism an easy target for accusations of excessive connivance or conflict with the political and the economical system. In this work, through also an analysis realized in France and in Italy, we argue that the only way journalism has, in order to avoid the risk of obsolescence, is to regain, on one hand, the traditional key values of the journalistic profession, and, on the other, to improve the qualitative level, with more attention to professional training and to the technological, social and cultural developments of the society.

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UGOLINI, LORENZO. « Il giornalismo politico. Valori, pratiche e modelli interpretativi ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1534.

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Allen, Grace. « Vernacular encounters with Aristotle's politics in Italy, 1260-1600 ». Thesis, School of Advanced Study, University of London, 2015. http://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/6137/.

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This dissertation explores the use and dissemination of Aristotelian political theory in Italian literature from the late medieval period, when the first fragments of Aristotle’s political thought appeared in the West, to the sixteenth century, when vernacular Aristotelian literature flourished. I show how late medieval and Renaissance authors employed Aristotle’s Politics in various ways, according to their political background and allegiances, their approach to the text and their intended audience. I also demonstrate how, reciprocally, the vocabulary and classifications in the Politics shaped their understanding of their own political context. The thesis is divided into six chapters. The first chapter offers an overview, for comparative purposes, of the Latin and Greek reception of the Politics in Western Europe. The remaining chapters proceed chronologically. Chapter Two explores the place of the Politics in Italian vernacular literature of the late thirteenth and the fourteenth centuries. Chapter Three does the same for the fifteenth century, as well as considering the impact of Neo-Platonism and the ‘questione della lingua’on vernacular political Aristotelianism. The three remaining chapters cover the sixteenth century. Chapter Four concerns Antonio Brucioli, who composed a series of Aristotelian political dialogues in the 1520s and in 1547 produced the first vernacular translation of the Politics. The subject of Chapter Five is Bernardo Segni, whose translation of the Politics, accompanied by the first full vernacular commentary, was published in 1549. Chapter Six deals with a representative selection of the wide-ranging vernacular material written on the Politics in the second half of the sixteenth century. The dissertation concludes with an evaluation of the changing uses of the Politics in Italy from the late thirteenth century to the end of the sixteenth, examining the different ways in which the treatise served as a key to understanding politics and political reality.

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Maxson, Brian J., et Nicholas Scott Baker. « After Civic Humanism : Learning and Politics in Renaissance Italy ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2015. https://www.amzn.com/0772721777.

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The thirteen essays in this volume demonstrate the multiplicity of connections between learning and politics in Renaissance Italy. Some engage explicitly with Hans Baron's "civic humanism" thesis illustrating its continuing viability, but also stretching its application to prove the limitations of its original expression. Others move beyond Baron's thesis to examine the actual practice of various individuals and groups engaged in both political and learned activities in a variety of diverse settings. The collective impression of all the contributions is that of a complex, ever-shifting mosaic of learned enterprises in which the well-examined civic paradigm emerges as just one of several modes that explain the interaction between learning and politics in Italy between 1300 and 1650. The model that emerges rejects any single category of explanation in favour of one that emphasizes variety and multiplicity. It suggests that learning was indispensible to all politics in Renaissance Italy and that, in fact, at its heart the Renaissance was a political event as much as a cultural movement. "In moving past the constraints imposed by the so-called Baron thesis, the essays in this volume allow for an innovative focus on Renaissance humanism as a set of 'practices' determined more by social structures and networks than by specific historical events. In so doing, a number of these studies open up new areas of scholarly exploration." - Scott Blanchard, Misericordia University
https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/1149/thumbnail.jpg

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Felsen, David. « The politics of the Italian budgetary process ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368869.

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Mattozzi, Louisa Parker. « The feminine art of politics and diplomacy : the roles of duchesses in early modern Italy / ». Full text available, 2004. http://images.lib.monash.edu.au/ts/theses/mattozzi.pdf.

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Heatherington, Tracey. « Environmental politics in a highland Sardinian community ». Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=68102.

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The movement to protect wilderness resources can conflict with local intentions for land use and development, particularly in economically marginal areas. In rural Italy, on the island of Sardinia, the plan to create a Gennargentu National Park has incited active opposition on the part of the communities affected. In the town of Baunei, responses to environmental legislation are motivated by the desire to maintain communal control over common lands. Political action, both formal and informal, is organised by local understandings about the impact of certain laws and institutions on the town economy, principally by the restriction of residents' usi civici (traditional rights of usufruct). This thesis considers the role and meaning of the usi civici in Baunei, and the implications of this for environmental politics in Sardinia.

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Gallo, Zelia. « The penality of politics : penality in contemporary Italy 1970-2000 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/746/.

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The thesis is a socio-legal account of Italian penality between 1970 and 2000. It analyses the Italian experience as a critical case study with which to test David Garland, Alessandro De Giorgi and Nicola Lacey’s theories of punishment in contemporary Western polities. It argues that Italian penality is not sufficiently explained by reference to Garland or De Giorgi’s meta theories of ‘late modern’ and ‘post-Fordist’ punishment. Lacey’s institutional analysis provides a better framework, if modified to allow for the centrality of political dynamics in Italy. The thesis argues that Italian penality is a ‘volatile penal equilibrium’, whose ‘differential punitiveness’ is marked by oscillations between repression and leniency. The thesis provides an institutional analysis of Italian punishment, investigating in turn the Italian political economy, political culture and state-citizen relations, judicial contributions to penal trends, and the punishment of non-EU migrants. The thesis argues that Italian penality can be systematised by reference to political dynamics, in particular political conflict and political dualisms. Political conflict can broadly be defined as conflict between political interests, ranging from parties through to broader political groups such as families; dualisms are tensions produced by opposing institutional dynamics. The thesis analyses these conflicts and dualisms in terms of penal pressures, either in favour of penal exclusion or moderation. Italy’s institutional structure incorporates political conflict, and fosters structural tensions. The result is that Italy’s volatile political equilibrium is conveyed through its institutions to the penal realm, producing a volatile penal equilibrium. Ultimately, the Italian case study demonstrates that contemporary theories of penality should explicitly incorporate political dynamics and their institutional anchorage. Italian penality can be analysed in terms of the nature of the state and its institutions and inclusion and exclusion from political belonging. Contemporary theories would profit from incorporating this analysis.

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Livres sur le sujet "Communication in politics – Italy"

Vivo, Filippo de. Information and communication in Venice : Rethinking early modern politics. New York : Oxford University Press, 2007.

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Federico, Basilica, et Sepe Stefano, dir. Parlamento e cittadini : La comunicazione istituzionale nei Parlamenti italiano ed europeo. Santarcangelo di Romagna, RN [i.e. Rimini, Italy] : Maggioli, 2005.

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Luciano, Cheles, et Sponza Lucio, dir. The art of persuasion : Political communication in Italy from 1945 to the 1990s. Manchester : Manchester University Press, 2001.

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Mario, Morcellini, et Università degli studi di Roma "La Sapienza." Gruppo Mediamonitor., dir. Elezioni di TV : Televisione e pubblico nella campagna elettorale '94. Genova : Costa & Nolan, 1995.

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Nardis, Fabio De. Logomachia : I linguaggi della politica nelle elezioni amministrative a Roma. Roma : Carocci, 2002.

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Morcellini, Mario, Marzia Antenore et Christian Ruggiero. Talk&Tweet : La campagna elettorale 2013 tra Tv e Twitter. Sant'Arcangelo di Romagna (RN) : Maggioli editore, 2013.

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Postoutenko, Kirill, dir. Totalitarian Communication. Bielefeld, Germany : transcript Verlag, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/9783839413937.

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Totalitarianism has been an object of extensive communicative research since its heyday: already in the late 1930s, such major cultural figures as George Orwell or Hannah Arendt were busy describing the visual and verbal languages of Stalinism and Nazism. After the war, many fashionable trends in social sciences and humanities (ranging from Begriffsgeschichte and Ego-Documentology to Critical Linguistics and Critical Discourse Analysis) were called upon to continue this media-centered trend in the face of increasing political determination of the burgeoing field. Nevertheless, the integration of historical, sociological and linguistic knowledge about totalitarian society on a firm factual ground remains the thing of the future. This book is the first step in this direction. By using history and theory of communication as an integrative methodological device, it reaches out to those properties of totalitarian society which appear to be beyond the grasp of specific disciplines. Furthermore, this functional approach allows to extend the analysis of communicative practices commonly associated with fascist Italy, Nazi Germany and Soviet Union, to other locations (France, United States of America and Great Britain in the 1930s) or historical contexts (post-Soviet developments in Russia or Kyrgyzstan). This, in turn, leads to the revaluation of the very term »totalitarian«: no longer an ideological label or a stock attribute of historical narration, it gets a life of its own, defining a specific constellation of hierarchies, codes and networks within a given society.

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1955-, Donovan Mark, dir. Italy. Aldershot, England : Ashgate, 1998.

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Italy. London : Arnold, 2001.

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1945-, Leonardi Robert, Nanetti Raffaella et Fedele Marcello 1947-, dir. Italy : Politics and policy. Aldershot, Hants, England : Dartmouth, 1996.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Communication in politics – Italy"

Malone, Hannah. « Feeling Political in Military Cemeteries : Commemoration Politics in Fascist Italy ». Dans Feeling Political, 219–48. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-89858-8_8.

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AbstractThis chapter explores how Mussolini’s Fascist regime politicized the remembrance of the First World War by linking a narrative of heroism to specific notions of grief. It reveals that, given the scale of Italy’s losses in the war, commemoration of the fallen was a highly emotional issue, which provided the regime with a powerful means of political communication. As the Fascist authorities sought to exploit feelings towards the dead for the purpose of mobilizing the Italian population, emotions came to define the political agenda. In seeking a high degree of emotional control, the Italian dictatorship elaborated strategies of manipulation that were later imitated by other authoritarian powers, including Hitler’s Germany and Franco’s Spain. Ossuaries from the time offer evidence of the political intentions of the Fascist regime and the emotional responses that visitors were meant to feel. Architecture and its surrounding discourse thus acted as carriers of emotional messages with political intent.

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Ceron, Andrea, Margherita Bordignon et Giovanni Pagano. « The 2019 EP Election in Italy : A ‘Titanic’ Victory for Salvini’s League ». Dans Political Campaigning and Communication, 151–68. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73851-8_10.

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Wilson, Graham K. « Italy ». Dans Business and Politics, 102–12. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21080-0_5.

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Soresina, Marco. « Politics and conflict until 1848 ». Dans Italy Before Italy, 52–89. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series : Routledge studies in modern European history ; 56 : Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315122908-3.

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Collicelli, Carla, et Franco Salvatori. « Italy ». Dans The Politics of East-West Migration, 171–83. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23352-6_12.

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Lazzarini, Isabella. « «Recevì la vostra litera a la quale e respondo». Qualche nota intorno alle reti epistolari del Trecento padano ». Dans Reti Medievali E-Book, 189–205. Florence : Firenze University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-423-6.11.

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My essay focuses on the correspondences sent to the Gonzaga of Mantua and received and preserved in the Mantuan chancery during the 14th century. The broad range of correspondences gathered in the Mantuan archives covers almost all the north and central Italy, from Tuscany to the Val d’Adige, from Genoa to Venice. Its quantity and variety open the gate to a most needed investigation of the epistolary forms of political and diplomatic communication in the 14th century, therefore fostering a better understanding of this crucial period, squeezed between the better known communal Duecento and princely Quattrocento.

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Kellas, James G. « Italy/Italia ». Dans Nationalist Politics in Europe, 98–107. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230597273_6.

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Soresina, Marco. « Institutions and politics during the second restoration (1849–1859) ». Dans Italy Before Italy, 118–41. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series : Routledge studies in modern European history ; 56 : Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315122908-5.

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Archambault, Fabien. « Italy ». Dans The Palgrave International Handbook of Football and Politics, 105–24. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78777-0_6.

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Ozzano, Luca. « Italy ». Dans The Routledge Handbook of Religion, Politics and Ideology, 247–59. London : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367816230-21.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Communication in politics – Italy"

Hidayatullah, Nur, et Achmad Nurmandi. « The success of E-Participation in Supporting the development of Smart Cities in Spain, Italy, United States and Germany ». Dans 8th International Conference on Human Interaction and Emerging Technologies. AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002806.

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This study aims to analyze the role of E-participation in supporting the success of smart city development. This research method uses qualitative research with a bibliometric analysis approach. Sources of research data obtained 218 documents from the Scopus database using the keywords "smart city" and "e-participation" with a span of 7 years from 2015 to 2022. The data analysis phase of this research used VOSviewer and NVivo12 Plus software to visualize the data. This study indicates that e-participation is essential in creating the successful implementation of smart cities. The implementation of e-participation in four countries has different participation strategies. Spain is increasing participation forms online communities and public participation platforms. Italy utilizes digital technology and involves volunteers in public participation. Germany, in increasing participation, develops digital participation platforms and implements practical participation projects. The United States applies a political approach and involves interest groups supported by digitization. Furthermore, increasing participation is supported by information and communication technology, services, and agile management are the main focus. Spain, management focuses on location data management, and service aspect focuses on service platforms, and technology focuses on blockchain technology. Italy, the service aspect focuses on open service, and the technology aspect focuses on open source technology. In the United States, the management aspect pays attention to location data management. Then, the technological aspect focuses on civil technology practices. Germany, management and service are not yet a top priority in this aspect. While the technology aspect only pays attention to the web technology sector. Based on these findings, Spain is a country that dominates various aspects. This means being a country that can be an example of e-participation development in realizing a smart city.

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Charles, Drupa Dinnie, Azhagu Meena, Simiran Lalvani, Syeda Zainab Akbar, Divya Siddharth et Joyojeet Pal. « Performing Gender, Doing Politics ». Dans ICTD2020 : Information and Communication Technologies and Development. New York, NY, USA : ACM, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3392561.3394648.

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Tello, Zaira. « The effects of the San Gottardo Base Tunnel System on the transformation of cross-border land and its contribution to a more circular economy ». Dans 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002329.

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The San Gotthard railway base tunnel, located in Switzerland, connects the cities of Ersfeld with Bodio, has an extension of 57 km, and was inaugurated in June 2016. Its construction has generated an integral system, with the purpose of achieving efficient operation. These types of projects generate permanent transformations in urban environments and landscape. Without long-term articulated policies, directed only at economic competitiveness or national development, and leaving aside policies for protecting the environment and strengthening existing infrastructures and intermodal transport, run the risk of being political instruments that devastate the territories where they are implanted.The first project of the San Gotthard base tunnel dates back to 1961, since that date a number of variants have been made to the project in relation to the financing plan, routes, connections, commercial strategies, capacity for transporting people and merchandise, works compensation, among others. At the time the final project was finalized, the intervention of the confederation at different scales was fundamental, generating a set of actions and international agreements that are part of the so-called "Gothard System", adopting measures with a wide variety of areas and among them reveals that it is possible to execute an adequate policy of managing the waste generated by the construction of the tunnel and of transferring merchandise traffic from road to rail through the Swiss Alps.The Gotthard Base Tunnel is considered the longest in the world; it took 17 years to build and thousands of workers to complete. It is part of the European Rhine-Alps rail freight traffic corridor, which runs from the cities of Rotterdam and Zeebrugge in the Netherlands to the Italian city of Genoa. This transport and logistics infrastructure is essential for the correct development of this commercial and communication corridor, the complexity of its operation reaches different scales: transnational, national, multilateral, regional and subnational.The purpose of this study is to develop an approach that shows the experience in Switzerland and the effects of the construction of the San Gotthard base tunnel in the creation of complementary works, such as agricultural and environmental compensations, projects that enhance the intermodal system. Three levels of analysis were identified that involve the cities located in Switzerland and Italy. At the Milan-Zurich metropolitan level, Mendrisio-Stabio-Arcisate-Varese-Gallarate cross-border level, and at the local level the Swiss cantons of Ticino, Uri and Grigioni. Additionally, a brief comparative analysis is carried out with the future base tunnel that will link the French city of Lyon with the Italian city of Turin, in order to identify some of the effects produced by the construction of the San Gotthard base tunnel on the border between Switzerland and the north of Italy.

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Baldissera, Annalisa. « The Impact of COVID-19 on the Small Businesses Economic Performance : Evidence from Italy ». Dans Seventh International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics : Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.s.p.2021.43.

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The purpose of this paper is to identify the effects caused by COVID-19 on the economic performance of Italian small businesses in the year 2020, with particular regard to the relationships between the determining variables of the operational management profitability. This survey can be useful in guiding the management of the firm, since it allows to intercept the management areas characterized by greater fragility which, as such, must be subjected to closer monitoring. The research considered a sample of 322 small Italian companies. To identify the impact caused by the pandemic on the performance of the selected sample, the research used a Pearson correlation analysis applied to the main variables of the operating area and observed the five years 2016-2020 in order to understand the main variations that occurred in 2020 compared to previous years. The research showed that in 2020 the core business suffered a general loss of elasticity demonstrated by the presence of a significant reduction in the correlation between revenues and production costs (raw materials, services, employees and depreciation). The lower reactivity of costs to changes in revenues contributed to the sharp erosion of the net income of the companies in the sample.

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Kutlu, Asuman. « THE INTERNET AND POLITICS : TRANSFORMATION OF POLITICAL COMMUNICATION ». Dans International Conference on Research in Humanities and Social Sciences. Acavent, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/icrhs.2018.12.04.

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Khumsupa, Malinee. « Divided Virtual Politics : Micro-Counter Transcripts in Thailand ». Dans International Conference of Communication Science Research (ICCSR 2018). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iccsr-18.2018.88.

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House, Richard, Jessica Livingston, Sarah Summers et Anneliese Watt. « Elevator pitches, crowdfunding, and the rhetorical politics of entrepreneurship ». Dans 2016 IEEE Professional Communication Society (ProComm). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ipcc.2016.7740526.

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Bereznyakov, Dmitry V., et Sergey V. Kozlov. « Memory politics “from above” from political communicative studies perspective ». Dans Communication and Cultural Studies : History and Modernity. Novosibirsk State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/978-5-4437-1258-1-15-20.

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Muktiyo, Widodo. « Power of Persuasion : Creative Communication in Business and Politics ». Dans Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference on Creative Media, Design and Technology (REKA 2018). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/reka-18.2018.6.

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Saprykina, Olga A. « Language Politics in the Portuguese Speaking Countries : Institutional Aspect ». Dans Culture and Education : Social Transformations and Multicultural Communication. RUDN University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/09669-2019-346-351.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Communication in politics – Italy"

Kenes, Bulent. CasaPound Italy : The Sui Generis Fascists of the New Millennium. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), juin 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/op0010.

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CasaPound Italy is one of the most interesting and ambiguous populist right-wing extremist groups emerged in Europe. Its supporters say they are not ‘racist’ but are against immigration because of its impact on wages and houses; not antisemitic, but anti-Israel vis-à-vis Palestine; not homophobic, but supporters of the ‘traditional family’. Never before there was in Italy an explicitly neo-fascist group enjoying the strategic viability and the marge of political manoeuvre that was secured today by the CasaPound. Although CasaPound remains substantially marginal from an electoral point of view, its visibility in the Italian system is symptomatic of the ability of the extreme right to assimilate populist and alternative agendas in order to increase the attractiveness of their communication campaigns.

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Cabezuelo-Lorenzo, Francisco, et María Ruiz-Carreras. Digital Communication and Politics in Aragon. A two-way communication formula for the interaction between politicians and citizens. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-65-2010-904-340-353-en.

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Wolf, Maximilian, et Imke Schütz. Report on Panel #2 / Mapping European Populism : The Peculiarities and Commonalities of the Populist Politics in Southern Europe. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), avril 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0003.

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This report is based on the second panel of ECPS’s monthly panel series called “Mapping European Populism” which was held online in Brussels on March 31, 2022. The panel brought together top-notch populism scholars from four south European countries, namely Greece, Italy, Spain and Portugal, which have many similarities and varieties in terms of right- and left-wing populist parties, groups and movements. As a by-product of this fruitful panel the report consists of brief summaries of the speeches delivered by the speakers.

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Gómez de Travesedo Rojas, Ruth, et Marta Gil Ramirez. Vestir la política : la indumentaria como estrategia en comunicación electoral/Dress politics : clothing as strategy in electoral communication. Revista Internacional de Relaciones Publicas, décembre 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5783/rirp-18-2019-06-95-118.

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Willis, Craig, Will Hughes et Sergiusz Bober. ECMI Minorities Blog. National and Linguistic Minorities in the Context of Professional Football across Europe : Five Examples from Non-kin State Situations. European Centre for Minority Issues, décembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/bvkl7633.

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Football clubs are often analysed by scholars as ‘imagined communities’, for no fan of any team will ever meet, or even be aware of most of their fellow supporters on an individual level. They are also simultaneously one of the most tribal phenomena of the twenty-first century, comparable to religion in terms of the complexity of rituals, their rhythm and overall organizational intricacies, yet equally inseparable from economics and politics. Whilst, superficially, the events of sporting fixtures carry little political significance, for many of Europe’s national and linguistic minorities football fandom takes on an extra dimension of identity – on an individual and collective scale, acting as a defining differentiation from the majority society. This blogpost analyses five clubs from non-kin state settings, with the intention to assess how different aspects of minority identities affect their fan bases, communication policies and other practices.

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Melnyk, Andriy. «INTELLECTUAL DARK WEB» AND PECULIARITIES OF PUBLIC DEBATE IN THE UNITED STATES. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, mars 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11113.

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The article focuses on the «Intellectual Dark Web», an informal group of scholars, publicists, and activists who openly opposed the identity politics, political correctness, and the dominance of leftist ideas in American intellectual life. The author examines the reasons for the emergence of this group, names the main representatives and finds that the existence of «dark intellectuals» is the evidence of important problems in US public discourse. The term «Intellectual Dark Web» was coined by businessman Eric Weinstein to describe those who openly opposed restrictions on freedom of speech by the state or certain groups on the grounds of avoiding discrimination and hate speech. Extensive discussion of the phenomenon of «dark intellectuals» began after the publication of Barry Weiss’s article «Meet the renegades from the «Intellectual Dark Web» in The New York Times in 2018. The author writes of «dark intellectuals» as an informal group of «rebellious thinkers, academic apostates, and media personalities» who felt isolated from traditional channels of communication and therefore built their own alternative platforms to discuss awkward topics that were often taboo in the mainstream media. One of the most prominent members of this group, Canadian clinical psychologist Jordan Peterson, publicly opposed the C-16 Act in September 2016, which the Canadian government aimed to implement initiatives that would prevent discrimination against transgender people. Peterson called it a direct interference with the right to freedom of speech and the introduction of state censorship. Other members of the group had a similar experience that their views were not accepted in the scientific or media sphere. The existence of the «Intellectual Dark Web» indicates the problem of political polarization and the reduction of the ability to find a compromise in the American intellectual sphere and in American society as a whole.

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Yatsymirska, Mariya. SOCIAL EXPRESSION IN MULTIMEDIA TEXTS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, février 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11072.

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The article investigates functional techniques of extralinguistic expression in multimedia texts; the effectiveness of figurative expressions as a reaction to modern events in Ukraine and their influence on the formation of public opinion is shown. Publications of journalists, broadcasts of media resonators, experts, public figures, politicians, readers are analyzed. The language of the media plays a key role in shaping the worldview of the young political elite in the first place. The essence of each statement is a focused thought that reacts to events in the world or in one’s own country. The most popular platform for mass information and social interaction is, first of all, network journalism, which is characterized by mobility and unlimited time and space. Authors have complete freedom to express their views in direct language, including their own word formation. Phonetic, lexical, phraseological and stylistic means of speech create expression of the text. A figurative word, a good aphorism or proverb, a paraphrased expression, etc. enhance the effectiveness of a multimedia text. This is especially important for headlines that simultaneously inform and influence the views of millions of readers. Given the wide range of issues raised by the Internet as a medium, research in this area is interdisciplinary. The science of information, combining language and social communication, is at the forefront of global interactions. The Internet is an effective source of knowledge and a forum for free thought. Nonlinear texts (hypertexts) – «branching texts or texts that perform actions on request», multimedia texts change the principles of information collection, storage and dissemination, involving billions of readers in the discussion of global issues. Mastering the word is not an easy task if the author of the publication is not well-read, is not deep in the topic, does not know the psychology of the audience for which he writes. Therefore, the study of media broadcasting is an important component of the professional training of future journalists. The functions of the language of the media require the authors to make the right statements and convincing arguments in the text. Journalism education is not only knowledge of imperative and dispositive norms, but also apodictic ones. In practice, this means that there are rules in media creativity that are based on logical necessity. Apodicticity is the first sign of impressive language on the platform of print or electronic media. Social expression is a combination of creative abilities and linguistic competencies that a journalist realizes in his activity. Creative self-expression is realized in a set of many important factors in the media: the choice of topic, convincing arguments, logical presentation of ideas and deep philological education. Linguistic art, in contrast to painting, music, sculpture, accumulates all visual, auditory, tactile and empathic sensations in a universal sign – the word. The choice of the word for the reproduction of sensory and semantic meanings, its competent use in the appropriate context distinguishes the journalist-intellectual from other participants in forums, round tables, analytical or entertainment programs. Expressive speech in the media is a product of the intellect (ability to think) of all those who write on socio-political or economic topics. In the same plane with him – intelligence (awareness, prudence), the first sign of which (according to Ivan Ogienko) is a good knowledge of the language. Intellectual language is an important means of organizing a journalistic text. It, on the one hand, logically conveys the author’s thoughts, and on the other – encourages the reader to reflect and comprehend what is read. The richness of language is accumulated through continuous self-education and interesting communication. Studies of social expression as an important factor influencing the formation of public consciousness should open up new facets of rational and emotional media broadcasting; to trace physical and psychological reactions to communicative mimicry in the media. Speech mimicry as one of the methods of disguise is increasingly becoming a dangerous factor in manipulating the media. Mimicry is an unprincipled adaptation to the surrounding social conditions; one of the most famous examples of an animal characterized by mimicry (change of protective color and shape) is a chameleon. In a figurative sense, chameleons are called adaptive journalists. Observations show that mimicry in politics is to some extent a kind of game that, like every game, is always conditional and artificial.

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Yatsymirska, Mariya. MODERN MEDIA TEXT : POLITICAL NARRATIVES, MEANINGS AND SENSES, EMOTIONAL MARKERS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, février 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11411.

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The article examines modern media texts in the field of political journalism; the role of information narratives and emotional markers in media doctrine is clarified; verbal expression of rational meanings in the articles of famous Ukrainian analysts is shown. Popular theories of emotions in the process of cognition are considered, their relationship with the author’s personality, reader psychology and gonzo journalism is shown. Since the media text, in contrast to the text, is a product of social communication, the main narrative is information with the intention of influencing public opinion. Media text implies the presence of the author as a creator of meanings. In addition, media texts have universal features: word, sound, visuality (stills, photos, videos). They are traditionally divided into radio, TV, newspaper and Internet texts. The concepts of multimedia and hypertext are related to online texts. Web combinations, especially in political journalism, have intensified the interactive branching of nonlinear texts that cannot be published in traditional media. The Internet as a medium has created the conditions for the exchange of ideas in the most emotional way. Hence Gonzo’s interest in journalism, which expresses impressions of certain events in words and epithets, regardless of their stylistic affiliation. There are many such examples on social media in connection with the events surrounding the Wagnerians, the Poroshenko case, Russia’s new aggression against Ukraine, and others. Thus, the study of new features of media text in the context of modern political narratives and emotional markers is important in media research. The article focuses review of etymology, origin and features of using lexemes “cмисл (meaning)” and “сенс (sense)” in linguistic practice of Ukrainians results in the development of meanings and functional stylistic coloring in the usage of these units. Lexemes “cмисл (meaning)” and “сенс (sense)” are used as synonyms, but there are specific fields of meanings where they cannot be interchanged: lexeme “сенс (sense)” should be used when it comes to reasonable grounds for something, lexeme “cмисл (meaning)” should be used when it comes to notion, concept, understanding. Modern political texts are most prominent in genres such as interviews with politicians, political commentaries, analytical articles by media experts and journalists, political reviews, political portraits, political talk shows, and conversations about recent events, accompanied by effective emotional narratives. Etymologically, the concept of “narrative” is associated with the Latin adjective “gnarus” – expert. Speakers, philosophers, and literary critics considered narrative an “example of the human mind.” In modern media texts it is not only “story”, “explanation”, “message techniques”, “chronological reproduction of events”, but first of all the semantic load and what subjective meanings the author voices; it is a process of logical presentation of arguments (narration). The highly professional narrator uses narration as a “method of organizing discourse” around facts and impressions, impresses with his political erudition, extraordinary intelligence and creativity. Some of the above theses are reflected in the following illustrations from the Ukrainian media: “Culture outside politics” – a pro-Russian narrative…” (MP Gabibullayeva); “The next will be Russia – in the post-Soviet space is the Arab Spring…” (journalist Vitaly Portnikov); “In Russia, only the collapse of Ukraine will be perceived as success” (Pavel Klimkin); “Our army is fighting, hiding from the leadership” (Yuri Butusov).

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