Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Communication in politics – France »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Communication in politics – France"
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Bopp, Marie. « REVIEW : Turning point for France in the Pacific ? » Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 5, no 1 (1 mars 1999) : 145–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v5i1.662.
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Review of After Moruroa: France in the South Pacific, by Nic Maclellan and Jean Chesneaux. Melbourne/New York: Oceania Press.
This is an up-to-date review of French social, political and enviromental, politics in the region during the past two centuries that should certainly teach, or at least challenge, any expert's knowledge on the issue.
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Birdsall, Carolyn. « Interwar France and the politics of auditory culture ». Senses and Society 12, no 2 (4 mai 2017) : 222–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17458927.2017.1319156.
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Cook, Alexander. « Ideology or History as “Idéologie:” C. F Volney and the Uses of the Past in Revolutionary France ». Dialogue and Universalism 31, no 3 (2021) : 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/du202131351.
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The French Revolution had a complex relationship with historical thought. In a significant sense, the politics of 1789 was built upon a rejection of the authority of the past. As old institutions and practices were swept away, many champions of the Revolution attacked conventional historical modes for legitimating authority, seeking to replace them with a politics anchored in notions of reason, natural law and natural rights. Yet history was not so easily purged from politics. In practice, symbols and images borrowed from the past saturated Revolutionary culture. The factional disputes of the 1790s, too, invoked history in a range of ways. The politics of nature itself often relied on a range of historical propositions and, as the Revolution developed, a new battle between “ancients” and ‘moderns’ gradually emerged amongst those seeking to direct the future of France. This article explores these issues by focusing on a series of lectures delivered at the École Normale in the Year III (1795), in the wake of Thermidor and the fall of Robespierre. The lectures, commissioned by the Ministry of Education, were designed to lay out a program for historical pedagogy in the French Republic. Their author, Constantin-Francois Volney (1757–1820), was one of a group of figures who sought, during these years, to stabilise French politics by tying it to the development of a new form of social science—a science that would eventually be labelled “idéologie.” With this in mind, Volney sought to promote historical study as an antidote to the political appropriation of the past, with particular reference to its recent uses in France. In doing so, he also sought to appropriate the past for political purposes. These lectures illustrate a series of tensions in the wider Revolutionary relationship with history, particularly during the Thermidorian moment. They also, however, reflect ongoing ambiguities in the social role of the discipline and the self-understanding of its practitioners.
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Бушев, Александр Борисович. « ELECTIONEERING IN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS FRANCE IN 2022 ». Вестник Тверского государственного университета. Серия : Филология, no 3(74) (29 septembre 2022) : 179–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.26456/vtfilol/2022.3.179.
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В статье рассматривается предвыборная политическая коммуникация во Франции в 2022 году. Материал для изучения представлен дискурсами традиционных и новейших медиа. Методологией анализа является авторская теория рамочного анализа дискурса. Выводы связаны со значимой ролью новейших медиа в современной предвыборной коммуникации и успешностью политических стратегий центризма. The paper dwells on election political communication in presidential elections in France in 2022, the material under study being discourse of traditional and newest media. The methodology of analysis is based upon the author’s theory of frames of discourse analysis. The results shed light upon strategic importance of new media in election campaigns and success of political strategies of centrism in politics.
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Olszynko-Gryn, Jesse, et Caroline Rusterholz. « Reproductive Politics in Twentieth-Century France and Britain ». Medical History 63, no 2 (26 mars 2019) : 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2019.1.
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This special issue adopts a comparative approach to the politics of reproduction in twentieth-century France and Britain. The articles investigate the flow of information, practices and tools across national boundaries and between groups of experts, activists and laypeople. Empirically grounded in medical, news media and feminist sources, as well as ethnographic fieldwork, they reveal the practical similarities that existed between countries with officially different political regimes as well as local differences within the two countries. Taken as a whole, the special issue shows that the border between France and Britain was more porous than is typically apparent from nationally-focused studies: ideas, people and devices travelled in both directions; communication strategies were always able to evade the rule of law; contraceptive practices were surprisingly similar in both countries; and religion loomed large in debates on both sides of the channel.
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Vedel, Thierry, et William H. Dutton. « New media politics : shaping cable television policy in France ». Media, Culture & ; Society 12, no 4 (octobre 1990) : 491–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016344390012004005.
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Pstrocki-Sehovic, Sabina, et Sabina Pstrocki-Sehovic. « Fiction as a Medium of Social Communication in 19th Century France ». Exchanges : The Interdisciplinary Research Journal 2, no 1 (12 octobre 2014) : 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/eirj.v2i1.104.
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This article will present the extent to which literature could be viewed as means of social communication – i.e. informing and influencing society – in 19thcentury France, by analysing the appearance of three authors at different points: the beginning, the middle and the end of the century. The first is the case of Balzac at the beginning of the 19th Century who becomes the most successful novelist of the century in France and who, in his prolific expression and rich vocabulary, portrays society from various angles in a huge opus of almost 100 works, 93 of them making his Comédie humaine. The second is the case of Gustave Flaubert whose famous novel Madame Bovary, which depicts a female character in a realist but also in a psychologically conscious manner, around the mid-19th century reaches French courts together with Les Fleurs du Mal by Charles Baudelaire and is exposed as being socially judged for its alleged immorality. The last is the political affair of Dreyfus and its defender Emile Zola, the father of naturalism. This case confirms the establishment of more intense relations between writer and politics and builds a solid way for a more conscious and everyday political engagement in the literary world from the end of the 19th century onwards. These three are the most important cases which illustrate how fiction functioned in relation to society, state and readership in 19th century France.
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Laux, Thomas. « How do think tanks qualify their expertise ? Exploring the field of scientific policy advice in France ». Journal of Science Communication 18, no 03 (14 juin 2019) : A07. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.18030207.
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This study explores the field of scientific policy advice in environmental and energy policies in France to gain insights into the role of think tanks. The field evolved along with the growth of think tanks. The think tanks refer to several orders of worth and combine them in their communication in order to qualify their expertise. The results of the study reveal that the think tanks have become more independent actors and that the field of scientific policy advice has gained autonomy. Both aspects indicate that the relationship between politics and expertise has gradually changed in France.
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Pavard, Bibia. « The Right to Know ? The Politics of Information about Contraception in France (1950s–80s) ». Medical History 63, no 2 (26 mars 2019) : 173–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2019.4.
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In 1920 in France, a law was passed prohibiting abortion, the sale of contraceptives and ‘anti-conception propaganda’. While contraception was legalised in 1967 and abortion in 1975, ‘anti-natalist propaganda’ remained forbidden. This article takes seriously the aim of the French state to prevent the circulation of information for demographic reasons. Drawing from government archives, social movement archives and media coverage, the article focuses on the way the propaganda ban contributed to shaping the public debate on contraception as well as lastingly impacting the ability of the state to communicate on the subject. It first shows how birth control activists challenged the legal interdiction against communicating about contraception (1956–67) without questioning the natalist obligation. It then shows how, after 1968, communication on contraception became a power struggle carried out by various actors (sexologists and feminist and leftist activists) and how the dissemination of information about contraception was thought of as a way to challenge moral and social values. Finally, the article describes the change of state communication policies in the mid-1970s, leading to the first national campaign on contraception launched in 1981, which defined information as a task that women should take on.
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Gattermann, Katjana. « Mediated Personalization of Executive European Union Politics : Examining Patterns in the Broadsheet Coverage of the European Commission, 1992–2016 ». International Journal of Press/Politics 23, no 3 (5 juin 2018) : 345–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161218779231.
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The personalization of politics is a popular thesis but often challenged when it comes to media personalization. While previous research compared the prominence of different types of political actors across national political contexts, this article situates its research in the context of European Union (EU) politics and, thereby, studies similar reference points across countries. Its focus lies on the European Commission and its members. Personalization is conceptualized as individualization and presidentialization, respectively. The article proposes that the EU integration process provides journalists with the opportunity to report more often about individual politicians, while political developments should further incentivize journalists to personalize their news from Brussels. To test this argument, the article investigates personalization patterns in seven broadsheets from Ireland, Britain, France, the Netherlands, Denmark, Italy, and Poland. In total, 119,070 articles are analyzed by automated content analysis over a period of twenty-five years. The article finds no pan-European trend toward greater personalization of politics with respect to news coverage of EU executive politics. The findings nonetheless provide important implications for future research. The article particularly discusses the universal applicability of the phenomenon, the time frame for analysis, and journalistic styles in covering European politics.
Thèses sur le sujet "Communication in politics – France"
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Rodriguez-Ruiz, Jose Antonio. « La communication politique de Nicolas Sarkozy du 6 mai 2002 au 6 mai 2012 ». Thesis, Paris 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA020022/document.
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Nicolas Sarkozy est un personnage politique à part entière. En cinq ans (de 2002 à 2007), il a su se construire une notoriété et une popularité qui lui ont permis de devenir président de la République dès le premier essai et ce, malgré sept ans d’absence, suite à son malheureux soutien à Edouard Balladur en 1995. Quelle fut sa recette ? Une communication issue du marketing politique, lui même issu du marketing commercial, mais pas seulement. La saturation de l’espace médiatique pour créer l’actualité plutôt que la subir est un des principaux ingrédients de ce succès. Un autre ingrédient est le « story telling » qui a été emprunté au monde du spectacle et qui consiste à présenter le personnage de Nicolas Sarkozy en action certes, mais pas uniquement dans le domaine politique. Il a également séduit son électorat avec l’affichage de sa vie privée. Il est devenu une espèce de vedette suivie et commentée par les médias. Alors, que s’est-il passé après son élection ?L’étalage de sa vie privée, ses réactions excessives et son goût prononcé pour l’argent et le luxe ont dévoilé la personnalité d’un homme, différente du personnage qu’il avait construit. En effet, de 2007 à 2012, ses cotes de confiance et de popularité ont baissé constamment dans les sondages. De fait, cette baisse a commencé avant même qu’il ait mis en place une politique impopulaire. Ainsi, nous nous trouvons devant les limites du marketing politique et de la communication. Alors que ces éléments ont permis à Nicolas Sarkozy d’atteindre son objectif du premier coup, ils lui ont été insuffisants pour gouverner la France. Pourquoi ? Parce qu’ils sont uniquement des outils de la forme. Peut-être a-t-il manqué de substance sur le fond. En effet, qu’a t-il fait concrètement pour le pays ? Quel fut l’impact de sa façon de faire de la politique dans notre démocratie ? Quel est le regard des observateurs étrangers sur ce président ? Et surtout, quelle est notre part de responsabilité en tant que citoyens ?Nicolas Sarkozy is a figure unlike any other in French politics. In five years (from 2002 to 2007), he rose to a level of prominence, allowing him to be elected President in his first attempt. President Sarkozy was elected even after stepping out of visibility in French politics for seven years, due to his unfavorable support of Eduard Balladur, who lost the Presidential election in 1995. How did Sarkozy accomplish this? He implemented a communication strategy, inspired by political and business marketing. Sarkozy’s main strategy was to saturate mainstream media and create his own news rather than be subject to third party reporting. Sarkozy also used “story telling” and pop culture to portray himself as a “people”, presenting his day-to-day life, outside of politics. That’s how he succeeded in seducing the electorate by exposing his private life and becoming a media celebrity. So what happened after his election?By showing off his private life, losing his temper in public and revealing his keen taste for money and luxury, Sarkozy presented a man very different than the figure he constructed during his five years campaign. From 2007 to 2012, Sarkozy’s approval rating dropped consistently, even before presenting any unpopular reforms. Therefore one can see the limits of political marketing and communications, which were fundamental in Sarkozy’s rise to power but proved to be inadequate in facilitating the use of this newly acquired power. Why? In the end Sarkozy’s marketing and communications strategy was merely a superficial instrument, lacking any real substance. After all, what did Sarkozy accomplish for France? What was the impact of Sarkozy’s politics for France’s democracy? What is the opinion of the foreign press, concerning the former president? Finally and more importantly still, what is our responsibility as citizens?
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COGNE, Edouard, et Arnaud GUYARD. « Marketing Opportunities for Companies Back-shoring to France ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Företagsekonomiska institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-176523.
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Purpose of this paper: This paper aims at studying which marketing opportunities companies back-shoring to France can leverage through Mass Media communication. Design/methodology/approach: 2 analyses are performed: a Media analysis studies the message that is sent to consumers. A survey is then carried out to discover how consumers perceive what is broadcast. Hypotheses are designed based on the former, and guide the design of the survey. The discussion and analyses are made under a marketing approach. Findings: The phenomenon is globally understood, but Media are not always necessarily the most appropriate tool for back-shoring companies to communicate about the three marketing dimensions identified during Media analysis: Made-in-France, Social issues related to Sustainable Development and the Impact of Political Messages. Research limitations/implications: The analyses are restricted to a study of French Mass Media, and of French consumers. Therefore, this study cannot be generalized to other countries. What is original/value of paper: This paper helps complete the limited literature on back-shoring, especially in the area of Marketing. This study intends to benefit back-shoring companies willing to develop their marketing strategy.
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Angelo, Ariane d'. « Discrète ténacité : l'entreprise de communication politique des gouvernements ouest-allemands à l'étranger à l'exemple de la France (1958-1969) ». Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040177.
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La présente étude est consacrée au développement spécifique du secteur ouest-allemand de la communication d'État à l'étranger, dans le contexte des initiatives menées en France entre 1958 et 1969. L'élaboration d'une doctrine de l'information conforme à la doxa démocratique de la République fédérale d'Allemagne constitue le point de référence d'une analyse où affleurent les analogies avec la République de Weimar et les continuités dans le domaine du personnel et de l'appareil institutionnel. L'accession de la communication politique à l'étranger, domaine distinct de la diplomatie culturelle, au rang d'instrument indispensable de la politique extérieure est préalablement examinée à l'aune des efforts accomplis par le chancelier Konrad Adenauer pour conquérir une marge de manoeuvre internationale dans les premières années d'existence de la République fédérale ; l'ultimatum soviétique sur Berlin, en novembre 1958, est mis en évidence comme l'élément déclencheur de l'assentiment donné par le Parlement fédéral à la mise en oeuvre de mesures renforcées dans le domaine de l'information politique à l'étranger. La concurrence avec la RDA et l'importance de la distanciation avec la notion de propagande s'établissent comme deux critères d'analyse de l'action menée en France par la diplomatie ouest-allemande en coordination avec l'Office de presse et d'information du gouvernement fédéral. À rebours de la thèse de la « retenue », souvent utilisée pour désigner l'attitude officielle ouest-allemande à l'étranger, les procédés révèlent plutôt une action tenace, le plus souvent attentive à rester discrète, et dont les présupposés contredisent les tentatives de faire table rase du passéThis dissertation explores the specific way in which West German governments have developed strategies in international public relations and it discusses more particularly their implementation in France between 1958 and 1969. A cornerstone of this study is the creation by the Federal Republic of Germany of an official information doctrine that was intended to reflect the democratic orthodoxy of the newly created state. Its analysis not only reveals the many continuities between the Weimar Republic and post-war West Germany, but it also points out the permanence of political staff and institutional structures. The rise of international public relations as an essential tool in the country’s foreign policy is first examined in the light of Chancellor Konrad Adenauer’s efforts to make the FRG regain international leeway in its early first few years. Secondly, this study demonstrates that the Soviets’ Berlin ultimatum in November 1958 led the West German Parliament to agree with the reinforcement of the country’s international public relations policy. Competition with the German Democratic Republic as well as the West German governments’ need to stay well away from propaganda are the two criteria which inform the analysis of the action carried out in France by West German diplomatic services in cooperation with the Federal Press and Information Office. Whereas West Germany’s official attitude overseas has frequently been described as “non-assertive”, this dissertation contends that it should more justly be reassessed as a form of relentless, albeit it carefully discreet, action. The way it operated went against the official claim that West Germany was doing away with its past
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Brenner, Tatiana. « La sémiosphère des discours politiques sur Twitter : une analyse contrastive de quatre pays (France, Allemagne, Royaume-Uni, Russie) ». Thesis, Bourgogne Franche-Comté, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017UBFCH031.
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Ce travail de recherche vise à approfondir les connaissances scientifiques au sujet de la communication politique sur Twitter dans le contexte culturel de plusieurs pays. Notamment, il propose un angle d’analyse novateur à travers la notion de sémiosphère. Cette thèse examine les composants du discours politique sur Twitter, à la lumière de la théorie de Lotman sur la sémiosphère, tout particulièrement, la manière dont ils s’articulent en espace sémiotique cohérent autour d’un « événement », au sein du dispositif sociotechnique. Cette analyse questionne des problématiques qui touchent à la modélisation, la représentation et l’interprétation de « l’événement » à travers les discours actualisés dans leurs contextes culturels. La thèse s’appuie en partie sur l’analyse quantitative, mais plus encore qualitative d’un corpus multilingue (français, britannique, allemand, russe). La recherche se nourrit d’une épistémologie variée, mise au service d’une approche au niveau international, à la fois contrastive et compréhensive, de la communication politique sur TwitterThis research aims to deepen present-day scientific knowledge about politicians’ communication on Twitter in different national contexts. Namely, it proposes a new angle of analysis through the notion of semiosphere. The PhD examines components of political discourse on Twitter, by means of Lotman’s theory of the semiosphere, particularly their structure as a coherent semiotic space created around an “event” on a digital platform. This analysis deals with the questions of modelling, representing and interpreting of an “event” within the discourses put in different cultural contexts. The PhD is based on the quantitative but especially qualitative analysis of different language-based corpora (French, British, German, Russian). The research mobilises a variety of theoretical approaches, in order to set up a contrastive as well as comprehensive approach to the analysis of political communication on Twitter
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Chibois, Jonathan. « « L’Assemblée du 21e siècle ». Anthropologie et histoire des infrastructures de communication d’une institution politique d’État ». Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0083.
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Cette thèse pose la question de la transformation d'une institution politique d'État, l'Assemblée nationale française, du fait de l’apparition des technologies de communication électriques et numériques depuis la fin du XIXe siècle. Elle prend pour hypothèse que l’évolution des moyens de communiquer pourrait avoir engendré une évolution des modalités d’existence des États modernes. Elle s’inscrit en cela dans une anthropologie politique et technique dont le projet est de décrire le changement de l’ordre social.Afin de vérifier cette assertion, une enquête ethnographique a été entreprise au Palais Bourbon à Paris, avec pour objet d’étudier l’infrastructure parlementaire. Un travail aux archives de l’administration de l’Assemblée a été menée en parallèle, afin de conférer une profondeur historique aux observations réalisées in situ. Dans une telle approche, les élus de l’Assemblée ne sont pas considérés comme les seuls protagonistes du monde parlementaire, mais seulement comme une catégorie spécifique d’individus qui le constitue. Ce travail s’intéresse en effet à l'ensemble des réseaux de coopérations qui permettent au pouvoir législatif de concrétiser l’idéal d’une souveraineté nationale.Du fait de la spécificité du corpus de données, cinq études de cas ont été réalisées, qui sont autant de chapitres de ce manuscrit. Le premier s’attache à dépeindre la fragmentation de l’espace parlementaire que permettent les technologies de contrôle d’accès. Le second détaille la manière dont les outils de travail collaboratif permettent d’envisager autrement l’activité de représentation parlementaire. Le troisième présente la réorganisation de l’administration parlementaire à la suite de la création du service des systèmes d’information. Le quatrième s’attarde sur les enjeux médiatiques qui s’articulent aujourd’hui autour de la machine de vote électronique de l’hémicycle. Le cinquième expose la stratégie médiatique déployée par l’Assemblée pour lutter contre l’antiparlementarisme.Finalement, s’il est clair que l’Assemblée d’aujourd’hui ne ressemble plus à l’Assemblée d’autrefois, il est tout aussi net que l’ensemble des évolutions de son infrastructure de communication a eu pour visée de préserver un certain nombre de principes considérés comme fondateurs de l’ordre parlementaire. De ce point de vue, l’Assemblée s’est tout autant transformée qu’elle est restée immuable, ce qui invite à interroger l'idée même du changement de l'ordre social. De la sorte, cette thèse entend proposer aussi bien des éléments de contribution à la réflexion sur les enjeux de la « révolution numérique », que sur ceux du devenir de la démocratie représentative dans le cadre de l'État-nationThis thesis raises the question of the transformation of a state political institution, the French National Assembly, due to the emergence of electrical and digital communication technologies from the end of the 19th century. It suggests that the evolution of the means of communication may have led to the evolution in the way of life of modern States. In this respect, it is part of a political and technical anthropology whose purpose is to describe the change in the social order.In order to verify this proposition, an ethnographic survey was undertaken at the Palais Bourbon in Paris, with the aim of studying parliamentary infrastructure. Work in the archives of the Assembly's administration was carried out in parallel, in order to give historical depth to the observations made in situ. In such an approach, the elected representatives of the Assembly are not considered as the only protagonists of the parliamentary world, but simply a specific category of individuals who constitute it. This task focuses on all the networks of cooperation that enable the legislative power to give concrete expression to the ideal of national sovereignty.Due to the specificity of the data set, five case studies have been carried out, which correspond to chapters of this manuscript. The first depicts the fragmentation of parliamentary space that access control technologies allow. The second chapter details how collaborative work tools can be used to rethink the activity of parliamentary representation. The third presents the reorganization of the parliamentary administration following the creation of the information systems department. The fourth focuses on the media issues that currently revolve around the electronic voting machine in the Chamber. The fifth outlines the Assembly's media strategy to combat anti-parliamentarianism.Finally, while it is clear that today's Assembly no longer resembles the Assembly of yesteryear, it is just as clear that all the developments in its communication infrastructure have been aimed at preserving a number of principles considered to be fundamental to the parliamentary order. From this point of view, the Assembly has been transformed as much as it has remained immutable, which raises questions about the very idea of changing the social order. In this way, this thesis aims to propose both elements for contributing to the reflection on the challenges of the "digital revolution", as well as those of the future of representative democracy within the framework of the nation-state
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Thomas, Jonathan. « Le disque politique en France (1929-1939) ». Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021EHES0003.
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Entre 1929 et 1939, les principales organisations politiques françaises se tournent vers le disque pour faire exister leur propagande dans un contexte de tumulte et d’intense compétition politiques. Si le son enregistré a suscité des usages politiques imaginaires ou réels dès les premiers moments de sa publicisation, il n’avait encore jamais été employé ainsi avec une telle constance et une telle complexité. La production d’enregistrements de propagande est assurée par des entreprises proches ou affiliées à des organisations politiques, qui conçoivent ce que nous nommons des « disques politiques » et les rassemblent dans des catalogues à la structuration plus ou moins complexe, pour qu’ils soient écoutés au cours des réunions partisanes et dans les foyers militants. Leur nombre, ainsi que la fréquence et la durabilité de leurs usages semblent indiquer que la propagande partisane prend alors un virage sonore, dont la technicisation a augmenté la puissance et l’a rendue indispensable. Il est alors significatif que le disque, objet négligé par l’histoire et la science politiques, ait été le premier et le principal médiateur de cette nouvelle propagande sonore, et, disponible à cette fin dès la fin des années 1900, qu’il ne l’ait véritablement été qu’à partir de 1929. Il faut comprendre ce qui a changé dans la socialisation du disque pour qu’il devienne « politique », puis comprendre comment il a existé ainsi tout au long des années 1930 pour des organisations adversaires. Par cette étude ancrée dans l’histoire culturelle et politique, la musicologie et les sound studies, nous renseignons un pan méconnu de l’histoire du disque et de la communication politique, et réfléchissons aux usages du son engagés en démocratie. À cette fin, nous disposons notamment de nombreuses archives de presses, riches d’articles et de publicités vantant le disque politique, ainsi que des disques eux-mêmes, dont l’écoute nous a permis de mieux comprendre les perspectives stratégiques de leurs usages. En suivant la piste de l’évolution de l’imaginaire de la puissance politique et de la puissance de faire du son, du son enregistré et du disque, nous avons montré comment ce dernier a été investi d’un pouvoir politique grandissant à mesure que sa présence et ses usages sociaux devenaient massifs. Par ailleurs, nous avons montré que le disque, présenté à son public comme un moyen puissant et incontournable de propagande, a été utilisé comme un modulateur de l’attention militante, un médiateur de l’autorité des oratrices et des orateurs, et un diffuseur de modèles de la mobilisation politique. Le son enregistré débutant et le disque politique sont, selon nous, parmi les premières occurrences historiques de la reconfiguration des usages politiques du son occasionnée par la technique et sa puissance inédite de faire. Leur étude ouvre ici la voie à une pragmatique politique du son dont le développement est à venirBetween 1929 and 1939, important political parties and associations in France (i.e. Parti socialiste, Parti communiste, Action française…) used discs for their propaganda in a context of turmoil and intense ideological competition. Although recorded sound has been conceived and used as a political tool since its invention, the range and the frequency of its political usages grew considerably during the interwar period. These ‘political discs’ were produced by firms affiliated or close to political organizations. They were classified within specific catalogues and grouped within series, and were meant to be listened during political rallies or at activists’ homes. Their growing numbers as well as the range and frequency of their usages show, as it were, a sonic turn for propaganda, empowered by recording technologies. Under-researched in the field of cultural history and political sciences, discs have been the first and main medium used for such an extensive propaganda. Technically ready for political uses at least since the end of the first decade of the twentieth century, discs were not explicitly employed as a propaganda tool until 1929. I argue that the period between the 1910s and the 1920s foregrounded the genesis of the political disc not only as a technical medium, but also as a social one. To investigate political discs, I develop a specific methodology grounded on the nexus between social and political history, sound studies and musicology. First, I examine how discs became political through the study of their changing social role and value. Second, I consider how discs emerged as political medium over the course of the 1930s, serving for opposite political organizations. This investigation leads me to rediscover neglected chapters of the intertwined histories of the disc and of political communication, also reflecting upon the social and political uses of sound in democratic regimes. I have carried out an extensive archival research on newspapers, magazines, advertisements, and internal reports, exploring both institutional and private holdings. I also had the opportunity to listen to some of these discs in order to fully understand their strategic purposes. By following the evolution of the imaginary and agency connected to recorded sounds, I have shown how discs gained political power and have been used as a way to create and manage the attention of the audience, as a medium embodying the authority of public orators, and as a disseminator of particular models of political mobilization. I believe that recorded sounds, and in particular political discs, are the first historical occurrences of a specific reconfiguration of the political usages of sound. A reconfiguration that was provoked and elicited by technology and its innovative power. The study of the disc leads me toward a ‘political pragmatics of sound’, which is still to be studied and understood
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Guigo, Pierre-Emmanuel. « Le complexe de la communication : Michel Rocard entre médias et opinion (1965-1995) ». Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0059.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Michel Rocard (1930-2016) apparaît comme un des premiers à s'être saisi des moyens de communication « modernes », dès la fin des années 1960, puis de manière plus systématique à partir de 1974 autour de groupes dédiés à son image (Groupe « image » et groupe Prospol). Il fait un large usage des techniques de marketing politique s'appuyant notamment sur des conseillers spécialistes du domaine, l'utilisation des sondages et du videotraining. Cela lui permet de se bâtir une légitimité médiatico-sondagière alors qu'il se trouve en marge du jeu politique. Toutefois, il ne parvient pas par ce biais à fragiliser le pouvoir de François Mitterrand sur le Parti. Il doit ainsi renoncer en faveur du Premier secrétaire à être candidat pour l'élection présidentielle de 1981. Déçu par les limites de cette ressource médiatico-sondagière il en devient l'un des principaux critiques et se forge un « complexe » à son égard. Il accuse les médias de simplifier à outrance et de rendre impossible l'exercice du pouvoir. Cela l'amène à délaisser la communication audiovisuelle, et à devenir de plus hostile aux journalistes, au point d'apparaître comme l'un des Premiers ministres (1988-1991) les moins communicants. L'absence de pédagogie autour de ses actions laissera toute la place aux critiques. Ainsi, après avoir quitté Matignon, il ne pourra pas s'appuyer sur un bilan ayant marqué les esprits et sera rapidement rattrapé par l'impopularité du PS d'alors. Dès lors, il ne parviendra pas à inverser la tendance et à conserver ses chances pour la présidentielle de 1995Michel Rocard (1930-2016) appears as one of the pioneers in french political communication. From the 1960's he adopted the new techniques of political marketing. In 1974, this preparation of his communication becomes organized systematically. Two main groups were created around political scientists, pollsters and journalists in order to shape his image, using opinion polls, video training and marketing methods. He used opinion polls and good media coverage in order to make up his marginality inside the French Socialist Party (directed by François Mitterrand). However, he failed to threaten the power of François Mitterrand on the Socialist Party. For the first time he had to renounce in favor of the Prime Secretary of the party. After this defeat he became progressively one of the main critics of the political communication. He accused the media for threatening the exercise of power. More and more he renounced Tv shows and became aggressive with journalists. Prime minister between 1988 and 1991 he avoided media coverage. Forced to resign in 1991 his appraisal was largely unknown. Even if he tried to reinforce his position becoming the leader of the French socialist Party in 1993, Michel Rocard was rapidly reached by the unpopularity affecting the Socialist Party.After a severe defeat during the European elections in 1994 he renounced to become the candidate for the presidential election in 1995
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Vlasceanu, Madalina. « Le politique et son blog en campagne électorale : de la production et des usages en France et en Roumanie dans les années 2000 ». Thesis, Paris 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA030101.
Texte intégralRésumé :
En période électorale et plus globalement dans un contexte de crise démocratique, le politique investit souvent un ou plusieurs outils d’autopublication en ligne. En prenant comme cas particulier le blog, nous tâcherons de comprendre pourquoi et comment le politique utilise cet outil. De manière plus spécifique, notre travail interroge la notion d’« usage communicationnel ». Peut-on envisager une« construction » et une « forme » de cet usage ? Dans quelle mesure peut-on parler d’une autonomie du politique concernant l’usage du blog ? Qu’en est-il de la communication entendue comme relation, échange ? Pour y répondre et rendre compte d’une dynamique sociotechnique, nous convoquons une approche systémique à l’égard du blog. À travers une analyse qualitative à la fois synchronique et diachronique (2008-2011), nous mettons en parallèle quatre blogs dont deux appartiennent à des politiques français (Dominique Bertinotti et Bertrand Delanoë) et deux à des politiques roumains (Diana Tusa et Dragos Dinca). En dépit de leurs différences, ces blogs - en l’occurrence les usages qui leurs sont attribués - reflètent un certain nombre de ressemblances regroupées autour du concept de « logique de l’usage ». Nos études de cas relèvent la présence de deux types de logiques. La première est la « logique de diffusion », une logique qui demeure dominante et pour qui le rôle des médias reste prépondérant. La deuxième, la « logique de participation » est bien plus visible en période électorale. Par ailleurs, en creusant le fil d’un échange entre le politique et les internautes, l’enquête révèle une véritable problématique d’ordre identitaire concernant les politiques, éditeurs des blogsDuring an election period, and more generally in the current context of ademocratic crisis, politicians often invest one or several self-publishing tools online.Taking the blog as a special case, we will try to understand why and how politiciansuse this tool. More specifically, our work questions the notion of “communicative use”.Can we consider a “construction” and a “form” of this use? To what extent can wespeak of a politician’s autonomy regarding the use of his blog? What aboutcommunication understood as a relationship, an exchange? To answer these questionsand examine a socio-technical dynamic, we need a systemic approach regarding theblog. Through a qualitative analysis, both synchronic and diachronic (2008-2011), fourblogs were studied in parallel: two belong to French politicians (Dominique Bertinottiand Bertrand Delanoë) and two to Romanian politicians (Tusa and Diana DragosDinca). Despite their differences, these blogs – and more specifically the usesattributed to them - reflect a number of similarities grouped around the concept of "thelogic of the use". Our case studies showed the presence of two types of logic. The firstis “the logic of broadcasting”, which currently prevails and is largely influenced by themass media. Second, “the logic of participation” is more visible during elections. Also,looking deeper into an exchange between politicians and Internet users, the surveyreveals a genuine identity problem regarding those very politicians
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Neihouser, Marie. « Un nouvel espace médiatique ? : Sociologie de la blogosphère politique française ». Thesis, Montpellier, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015MONTD034.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Alors que les démocraties occidentales voient leur population toujours moins impliquée en politique, les outils numériques offriraient de nouvelles possibilités susceptibles de remobiliser les citoyens. Les blogs politiques, en particulier, permettraient à de nouvelles populations de publiciser à moindres coûts leurs opinions politiques en ligne. En parallèle à l’espace de l’action politique spécialisée et à l’espace médiatique, se formerait alors un nouvel espace de discussion et de publicisation d’idées politiques, ouvert à tous et susceptible de rencontrer une audience considérable. La question est alors de savoir si, aujourd’hui, les blogs politiques permettent à un nouveau type de producteurs de messages politiques d’accéder à de nouveaux publics. Nous démontrons que seuls les blogueurs ayant une visibilité antérieure dans le champ médiatique classique, de par leurs positions politiques ou professionnelles, sont susceptibles de rencontrer un public sur leur blog. Loin d’avoir permis à de nouveaux producteurs de messages politiques d’acquérir de l’audience, la blogosphère politique apparaît au contraire encastrée dans les champs politique et médiatique dont elle prolonge très largement les hiérarchies. Ainsi, notre travail tend à invalider la représentation enchantée d’une blogosphère politique qui, comme l’avançaient les tenants de la thèse cyber-optimiste, devait permettre à de nouveaux producteurs de messages politiques de rencontrer de nouveaux publicsWhile the population of western democracies is less and less involved in politics, digital tools would seem to offer new possibilities to remobilize citizens. Political blogs can allow new people to publish their political opinions online. In addition to existing political and media spaces, a newspace of discussion and publication of political ideas would thus appear, allowing every citizen to participate and to be widely read. The question for research is whether political blogs today allow a new type of political message producer to reach a new audience. We demonstrate that only bloggers having previous visibility in the classic media field, due to their political or professional positions, can have a large audience on their blog. Far from having allowed new producers of political messages to attain a large audience, the political blogosphere seems on the contrary embedded in the political and media fields, of which it largely extends the hierarchies. Our work, accordingly, tends to invalidate the idea of a political blogosphere which, according to the cyber-optimistic thesis, would have allowed new producers of political messages to get new audience
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Vidal, Mathieu. « Les territoires politico-économiques face aux technologies de l'information et de la communication : entre métropolisation et différenciation territoriale ». Phd thesis, Université Toulouse le Mirail - Toulouse II, 2006. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00115213.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La montée en puissance progressive, depuis le début des années 1990, des Technologies de l'Information et de la Communication (TIC), à la fois comme secteur économique et vecteur de nouveaux usages, a non seulement interrogé les schémas classiques relatifs à l'organisation de l'activité économique sur les territoires, mais a aussi révélé de nouvelles stratégies possibles pour les acteurs économiques se saisissant d'un nouveau moyen de développement territorial.Partant ici de ce double constat, et plaçant au centre de notre réflexion le triptyque " TIC -- Territoire -- Acteurs économiques ", nous rappelons tout d'abord comment les TIC en sont venues à occuper la place qui est la leur, aujourd'hui, dans l'économie, en étant
introduites au sein de territoires servant certes de réceptacles mais surtout de ressources à leur développement. Les TIC se sont par ailleurs insérées dans des schémas de localisation et d'organisation de
l'activité économique venant alors à être réinterrogés (notamment en
terme de métropolisation). Enfin, les TIC repositionnent les différents acteurs économiques (surtout publics) au centre d'enjeux nouveaux pour
les territoires.
Les terrains de ce travail, " territoires en archipel ", nous permettent notamment de nous interroger sur les effets de métropolisation de l'activité liée aux TIC, d'une part en effectuant une étude statistique
autour des métropoles bordelaise, toulousaine et marseillaise, et en étudiant, consécutivement en France et au Canada, une métropole et une ville -- ou " territoire numérique " -- se localisant dans son
arrière-pays. Il s'agit donc d'étudier quelle est la place des TIC, et la manière dont s'en saisissent les différents acteurs économiques, tout d'abord au sein de la métropole toulousaine puis dans le bassin de
Castres-Mazamet, ce dernier constituant le véritable coeur de ce travail. De même, avec des échelles incomparables mais des stratégies différentes justifiant le positionnement des acteurs territoriaux,
Montréal et Bromont, au Québec (Canada), permettent de renouveler l'illustration de l'importance de la place des TIC, à la fois en matière de développement économique et de développement territorial.
Si les métropoles s'inscrivent bien sûr dans une optique de développement technopolitain, les " territoires numériques " ont plutôt
pour objectif, quant à eux, la dynamisation et la différenciation, dans le jeu actuel de la concurrence territoriale, mais aussi la complémentarité avec cette métropole voisine contre laquelle il serait de toute façon impossible de lutter.
Malgré les échelles et les stratégies différentes, ces études démontrent certaines récurrences, comme la place et le rôle des différents types d'acteurs considérés, la force de la métropolisation (notamment en matière de marketing territorial) et l'importance du temps. Enfin, se pose la question de l'échelle pertinente et de la bonne gouvernance, en
matière de gestion des TIC ; si des études récentes relevaient l'importance du niveau régional, on peut s'interroger sur la place que prennent actuellement les intercommunalités et autres communautés d'agglomérations, dans le domaine du développement local axé autour des TIC.
Livres sur le sujet "Communication in politics – France"
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Labbé, Dominique. Le discours gouvernemental : Canada, Québec, France, 1945-2000. Paris : Champion, 2003.
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collab, Monière Denis, dir. Le discours gouvernemental : Canada, Québec, France (1945-2000). Paris : H. Champion, 2003.
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Artinian, Patrick. Visages de France 2012 : Ma campagne électorale. Paris : Les Belles Lettres, 2012.
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La communication au cœur des connaissances. Paris : CNRS Editions, 2019.
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Georgakakis, Didier. La République contre la propagande : Aux origines perdues de la communication d'Etat en France, 1917-1940. Paris : Economica, 2004.
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Subversive words : Public opinion in eighteenth-century France. University Park, Pa : Pennsylvania State University Press, 1995.
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Farge, Arlette. Subversive words : Public opinion in eighteenth-century France. Cambridge : Polity Press, 1994.
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La France dans les yeux : Une histoire de la communication politique de 1930 à nos jours. [Paris] : Flammarion, 2007.
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Georgakakas, Didier. La république contre la propagande : Aux origines perdues de la communication d'état en France, 1917-1940. Paris : Economica, 2004.
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Affaire Paul Voise : Enquête sur un fait divers qui a bouleversé la France à la veille de la présidentielle. Paris : Harmattan, 2003.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Communication in politics – France"
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Maurer, Peter, et Sébastien Béllanger. « France : Parties’ Communication Strategies After the 2017 Earthquake ». Dans Political Campaigning and Communication, 87–102. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73851-8_6.
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Schittny, Luisa, et Tinette Schnatterer. « Can You Hear Me ? Political Communication Between MPs and Citizens ». Dans Political Representation in France and Germany, 165–95. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-72029-6_6.
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Kellas, James G. « France ». Dans Nationalist Politics in Europe, 55–80. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230597273_4.
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Drake, Helen. « Politics and Political Culture ». Dans Contemporary France, 64–92. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-36688-6_4.
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Baghzouz, Aomar. « Algeria–France ». Dans The Politics of Algeria, 181–95. London ; New York, NY : Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2020. : Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429447495-13.
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Hargreaves, Alec G. « Politics ». Dans Immigration in Post-War France, 107–21. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003333395-10.
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Ranc, David, et Nicolas Hourcade. « France ». Dans The Palgrave International Handbook of Football and Politics, 39–59. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78777-0_3.
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Hanley, David. « France and GATT : The Real Politics of Trade Negotiations ». Dans France, 137–51. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24324-2_11.
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Salminen, Jenniliisa. « Politics ». Dans Children's Literature as Communication, 201–12. Amsterdam : John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sin.2.14sal.
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Hafez, Kai, et Anne Grüne. « Politics ». Dans Foundations of Global Communication, 75–105. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003255239-4.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Communication in politics – France"
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« Factors of Georgian Politics influenced Abkhazian-Georgian Relationships in Media Representation. 2002-2010 ». Dans April 19-21, 2022 Paris (France). Eminent Association of Pioneers, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.17758/eares11.eap0422402.
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Charles, Drupa Dinnie, Azhagu Meena, Simiran Lalvani, Syeda Zainab Akbar, Divya Siddharth et Joyojeet Pal. « Performing Gender, Doing Politics ». Dans ICTD2020 : Information and Communication Technologies and Development. New York, NY, USA : ACM, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3392561.3394648.
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Patafta, Dominik, et Ines Milohnić. « CHALLENGES OF MANAGERIAL COMMUNICATION IN HOTEL BUSINESS OPERATIONS ». Dans Tourism and hospitality industry. University of Rijeka, Faculty of Tourism and Hospitality Management, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thi.26.21.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Purpose – Hotel managers meet daily challenges when communicating and conducting hotel business operations. Some challenges can be predicted and prevented, while some are ad hoc and cannot be influenced in advance. To address these challenges and convey messages they use communication. Communication is at the heart of every business and a key success factor. The purpose of this paper is to investigate, analyze, present and map the internal and external challenges that hotel managers face when communicating and managing hotel business, based on a theoretical review of previous research. It aims to identify the importance of the role communication plays in hotel operations and how it contributes to them, and to identify future communication challenges that hotel managers will face in hotel business operations. Methodology – This paper uses the literature review as a research method and focuses on reviewed open sources only and published relevant studies in publications about communication, management and tourism and hospitality industry. Desk research was used to search for and analyse papers. The literature review provides an analytical overview of the latest publications and research on the role of managerial communication and hotel business operations. The search for relevant papers was based on the keywords challenges, communication, management, and hotel business operations, using the citation and bibliographic databases of DOAB, EconLit, Emerald, Google Scholar, SAGE journals, Science Direct, Scopus, Springer, Taylor & Francis, and Web of Science. Findings – Results indicate that maintaining continuous and targeted communication is of crucial importance in ensuring timely and appropriate responses to emerging challenges. At the core of any business, communication is an element that warrants great attention. Poor communication can be counter-productive and adversely affect overall business performance. The paper highlights the primary challenges in communication facing hotel managers. These are: sending the right message to the right audience at the right time; communicating about sustainability; addressing the environmental and social awareness of consumers, financial, political and health crises, information and communication technology development, social networks, climate-related disasters, armed conflicts, and other challenges. Contribution – The contribution of this paper is that it presents an overview of the challenges that hotel managers meet in communicating in hotel business operations and can serve as a basis for further research in this field and improvement of hotel business operations. Challenges that have appeared over the past twenty years have been analyzed and grouped so that hotel managers can learn which challenges often arise in running a hotel business and prepare strategies to overcome the same or similar challenges in their business. By reviewing the literature, the paper determines what is known about this topic and what needs to be further researched. It is recommended that further studies investigate the current challenges facing hotel managers, given the increasingly rapid changes, globalization, computerization and new world crises occurring today.
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CHAPELAIN, DOMINIQUE. « Update on subscriber systems in France ». Dans Optical Fiber Communication Conference. Washington, D.C. : OSA, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1364/ofc.1988.wk4.
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MATIEȘ-VERBUNCU (STOIAN), Isabella-Alice. « OUTCOMES OF GLOBALISATION IN THE PROCESS OF TRANSLATION ». Dans Synergies in Communication. Editura ASE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24818/sic/2021/01.04.
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In the last decades of the 21st century, we have witnessed a substantial increasing of the phenomenon of globalisation which transcends geographical boundaries and dramatically affects technology and socio-economical development, and modern translation as well. Despite the fact English has become a world trade lingua franca, the changes made by the advent of globalisation may produce specific cultural linguistic, technological and political outcomes for the field of translation and translators. This paper proposes an attempt to grasp the relevance of globalisation and its fundamental and introspective role in the process of modern translation.
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Krompák, Edina. « Diglossia and Local Identity : Swiss German in the Linguistic Landscape of Kleinbasel ». Dans GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2019. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2019.7-2.
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The city of Basel is situated in the German-speaking part of Switzerland, in the geographic triangle of three countries: France, Germany and Switzerland. Everyday urban life is characterised by the presence of Standard German and Swiss German as well as diverse migrant languages. Swiss German is ‘an umbrella term for several Alemannic dialects’ (Stepkowska 2012, 202) which differ from Standard German in terms of phonetics, semantics, lexis, and grammar and has no standard written form. Swiss German is predominantly used in oral forms, and Standard German in written communication. Furthermore, an amalgamation of bilingualism and diglossia (Stepkowska 2012, 208) distinguishes the specific linguistic situation, which indicates amongst other things the high prestige of Swiss German in everyday life. To explore the visibility and vitality of Swiss German in the public display of written language, we examined the linguistic landscape of a superdiverse neighbourhood of Basel, and investigated language power and the story beyond the sign – ‘stories about the cultural, historical, political and social backgrounds of a certain space’ (Blommaert 2013, 41). Our exploration was guided by the question: How do linguistic artefacts – such as official, commercial, and private signs – represent the diglossic situation and the relation between language and identity in Kleinbasel? Based on a longitudinal ethnographic study, a corpus was compiled comprising 300 digital images of written artefacts in Kleinbasel. Participant observation and focus group discussions about particular images were conducted and analysed using grounded theory (Charmaz 2006) and visual ethnography (Pink 2006). In our paper, we focus on signs in Swiss German and focus group discussions on these images. Initial analyses have produced two surprising findings; firstly, the visibility and the perception of Swiss German as a marker of local identity; secondly, the specific context of their display.
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Grejták, Marek. « Politologický pohľad na vodcovstvo – príklad prezidentov 5. Francúzskej republiky - N. Sarkozi a F. Holland ». Dans Nové trendy profesijnej prípravy v Ozbrojených silách. Akadémia ozbrojených síl generála Milana Rastislava Štefánika, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52651/ntpp.b.2022.9788080406301.144-149.
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French foreign policy was independent in its approach from the foreign policy of the United States. France tried to act as a mediator in European and foreign politics. With the election of N. Sarkozy, the situation changed. After him, F. Holland entered the office of the French president.
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Kutlu, Asuman. « THE INTERNET AND POLITICS : TRANSFORMATION OF POLITICAL COMMUNICATION ». Dans International Conference on Research in Humanities and Social Sciences. Acavent, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/icrhs.2018.12.04.
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Khumsupa, Malinee. « Divided Virtual Politics : Micro-Counter Transcripts in Thailand ». Dans International Conference of Communication Science Research (ICCSR 2018). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iccsr-18.2018.88.
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House, Richard, Jessica Livingston, Sarah Summers et Anneliese Watt. « Elevator pitches, crowdfunding, and the rhetorical politics of entrepreneurship ». Dans 2016 IEEE Professional Communication Society (ProComm). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ipcc.2016.7740526.
Texte intégralRapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Communication in politics – France"
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Cabezuelo-Lorenzo, Francisco, et María Ruiz-Carreras. Digital Communication and Politics in Aragon. A two-way communication formula for the interaction between politicians and citizens. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-65-2010-904-340-353-en.
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Gómez de Travesedo Rojas, Ruth, et Marta Gil Ramirez. Vestir la política : la indumentaria como estrategia en comunicación electoral/Dress politics : clothing as strategy in electoral communication. Revista Internacional de Relaciones Publicas, décembre 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5783/rirp-18-2019-06-95-118.
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Willis, Craig, Will Hughes et Sergiusz Bober. ECMI Minorities Blog. National and Linguistic Minorities in the Context of Professional Football across Europe : Five Examples from Non-kin State Situations. European Centre for Minority Issues, décembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/bvkl7633.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Football clubs are often analysed by scholars as ‘imagined communities’, for no fan of any team will ever meet, or even be aware of most of their fellow supporters on an individual level. They are also simultaneously one of the most tribal phenomena of the twenty-first century, comparable to religion in terms of the complexity of rituals, their rhythm and overall organizational intricacies, yet equally inseparable from economics and politics. Whilst, superficially, the events of sporting fixtures carry little political significance, for many of Europe’s national and linguistic minorities football fandom takes on an extra dimension of identity – on an individual and collective scale, acting as a defining differentiation from the majority society. This blogpost analyses five clubs from non-kin state settings, with the intention to assess how different aspects of minority identities affect their fan bases, communication policies and other practices.
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Khan, Mahreen. Public Financial Management and Transitioning out of Aid. Institute of Development Studies, septembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.145.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This rapid review found an absence of literature focused specifically on measuring the impact of PFM and governance systems in countries that have transitioned from aid, by moving up the income ladder. However, there are a few academic publications and a limited number of studies by multilateral, such as the World Bank, that examine the role of PFM and governance systems in countries that are transitioning or have moved away from aid. However, the importance of public financial management (PFM) and governance systems in development is well established and seen as a pre-requisite for economic growth. To effectively transition from aid, most low-income countries (LICs) need to upgrade their PFM and governance systems to meet the different scale, resources, accountability mechanisms, and capacity-building requirements of a middle-income country (MIC). The absence of the above empirical evidence may be due to the complexity of measuring the impact of PFM reforms as the results are non-linear, difficult to isolate from other policies to establish causality, and manifest in a longer time frame. However, through comparative country studies, the consequences of deficient PFM and governance have been well documented. So impaired budgetary planning, implementation, and reporting, limited fiscal transparency, weak accountability mechanisms, resource leakage, and inefficient service delivery are well recognised as detrimental to economic growth and development. The literature on transitioning countries focuses predominantly on the impact of aid withdrawal on the social sector, where comparative qualitative data is easier to obtain and the effects are usually more immediate, visible, and may even extend to global health outcomes, such as in AIDS prevention programmes. Thus, tracking the progress of donor-assisted social sector programmes is relatively easier than for PFM and governance reforms. The literature is more abundant on the overall lessons of transitions from aid both for country governments and donors. The key lessons underscore the importance of PFM and governance systems and mechanisms to a successful transition up the income ladder: Planning for transition should be strategic, detailed and specifically geared to mitigate against risks, explicitly assessing the best mix of finance options to mitigate the impact of aid reduction/withdrawal on national budgets. The plan must be led by a working group or ministry and have timelines and milestones; Where PFM and governance is weak transition preparation should include strengthening PFM especially economic and fiscal legislation, administration, and implementation; Stakeholders such as donor partners (DPs) and NGOs should participate in the planning process with clear, open, and ongoing communication channels; Political and economic assessments in the planning and mid-term phases as well as long-term monitoring and evaluation should be instituted; Build financial, technical, and management capacity throughout the plan implementation This helpdesk report draws on academic, policy, and grey sources from the previous seven years rather than the usual K4D five-year window, to account for the two-year disruption of COVID-19. As cross-country studies on PFM and governance are scarce, a few older studies are also referenced to ensure a comprehensive response to the query. The report focuses on low-income countries transitioning from aid due to a change in status to lower-middle-income countries.
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Melnyk, Andriy. «INTELLECTUAL DARK WEB» AND PECULIARITIES OF PUBLIC DEBATE IN THE UNITED STATES. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, mars 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11113.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article focuses on the «Intellectual Dark Web», an informal group of scholars, publicists, and activists who openly opposed the identity politics, political correctness, and the dominance of leftist ideas in American intellectual life. The author examines the reasons for the emergence of this group, names the main representatives and finds that the existence of «dark intellectuals» is the evidence of important problems in US public discourse. The term «Intellectual Dark Web» was coined by businessman Eric Weinstein to describe those who openly opposed restrictions on freedom of speech by the state or certain groups on the grounds of avoiding discrimination and hate speech. Extensive discussion of the phenomenon of «dark intellectuals» began after the publication of Barry Weiss’s article «Meet the renegades from the «Intellectual Dark Web» in The New York Times in 2018. The author writes of «dark intellectuals» as an informal group of «rebellious thinkers, academic apostates, and media personalities» who felt isolated from traditional channels of communication and therefore built their own alternative platforms to discuss awkward topics that were often taboo in the mainstream media. One of the most prominent members of this group, Canadian clinical psychologist Jordan Peterson, publicly opposed the C-16 Act in September 2016, which the Canadian government aimed to implement initiatives that would prevent discrimination against transgender people. Peterson called it a direct interference with the right to freedom of speech and the introduction of state censorship. Other members of the group had a similar experience that their views were not accepted in the scientific or media sphere. The existence of the «Intellectual Dark Web» indicates the problem of political polarization and the reduction of the ability to find a compromise in the American intellectual sphere and in American society as a whole.
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Yatsymirska, Mariya. SOCIAL EXPRESSION IN MULTIMEDIA TEXTS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, février 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11072.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article investigates functional techniques of extralinguistic expression in multimedia texts; the effectiveness of figurative expressions as a reaction to modern events in Ukraine and their influence on the formation of public opinion is shown. Publications of journalists, broadcasts of media resonators, experts, public figures, politicians, readers are analyzed. The language of the media plays a key role in shaping the worldview of the young political elite in the first place. The essence of each statement is a focused thought that reacts to events in the world or in one’s own country. The most popular platform for mass information and social interaction is, first of all, network journalism, which is characterized by mobility and unlimited time and space. Authors have complete freedom to express their views in direct language, including their own word formation. Phonetic, lexical, phraseological and stylistic means of speech create expression of the text. A figurative word, a good aphorism or proverb, a paraphrased expression, etc. enhance the effectiveness of a multimedia text. This is especially important for headlines that simultaneously inform and influence the views of millions of readers. Given the wide range of issues raised by the Internet as a medium, research in this area is interdisciplinary. The science of information, combining language and social communication, is at the forefront of global interactions. The Internet is an effective source of knowledge and a forum for free thought. Nonlinear texts (hypertexts) – «branching texts or texts that perform actions on request», multimedia texts change the principles of information collection, storage and dissemination, involving billions of readers in the discussion of global issues. Mastering the word is not an easy task if the author of the publication is not well-read, is not deep in the topic, does not know the psychology of the audience for which he writes. Therefore, the study of media broadcasting is an important component of the professional training of future journalists. The functions of the language of the media require the authors to make the right statements and convincing arguments in the text. Journalism education is not only knowledge of imperative and dispositive norms, but also apodictic ones. In practice, this means that there are rules in media creativity that are based on logical necessity. Apodicticity is the first sign of impressive language on the platform of print or electronic media. Social expression is a combination of creative abilities and linguistic competencies that a journalist realizes in his activity. Creative self-expression is realized in a set of many important factors in the media: the choice of topic, convincing arguments, logical presentation of ideas and deep philological education. Linguistic art, in contrast to painting, music, sculpture, accumulates all visual, auditory, tactile and empathic sensations in a universal sign – the word. The choice of the word for the reproduction of sensory and semantic meanings, its competent use in the appropriate context distinguishes the journalist-intellectual from other participants in forums, round tables, analytical or entertainment programs. Expressive speech in the media is a product of the intellect (ability to think) of all those who write on socio-political or economic topics. In the same plane with him – intelligence (awareness, prudence), the first sign of which (according to Ivan Ogienko) is a good knowledge of the language. Intellectual language is an important means of organizing a journalistic text. It, on the one hand, logically conveys the author’s thoughts, and on the other – encourages the reader to reflect and comprehend what is read. The richness of language is accumulated through continuous self-education and interesting communication. Studies of social expression as an important factor influencing the formation of public consciousness should open up new facets of rational and emotional media broadcasting; to trace physical and psychological reactions to communicative mimicry in the media. Speech mimicry as one of the methods of disguise is increasingly becoming a dangerous factor in manipulating the media. Mimicry is an unprincipled adaptation to the surrounding social conditions; one of the most famous examples of an animal characterized by mimicry (change of protective color and shape) is a chameleon. In a figurative sense, chameleons are called adaptive journalists. Observations show that mimicry in politics is to some extent a kind of game that, like every game, is always conditional and artificial.
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Yatsymirska, Mariya. MODERN MEDIA TEXT : POLITICAL NARRATIVES, MEANINGS AND SENSES, EMOTIONAL MARKERS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, février 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11411.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines modern media texts in the field of political journalism; the role of information narratives and emotional markers in media doctrine is clarified; verbal expression of rational meanings in the articles of famous Ukrainian analysts is shown. Popular theories of emotions in the process of cognition are considered, their relationship with the author’s personality, reader psychology and gonzo journalism is shown. Since the media text, in contrast to the text, is a product of social communication, the main narrative is information with the intention of influencing public opinion. Media text implies the presence of the author as a creator of meanings. In addition, media texts have universal features: word, sound, visuality (stills, photos, videos). They are traditionally divided into radio, TV, newspaper and Internet texts. The concepts of multimedia and hypertext are related to online texts. Web combinations, especially in political journalism, have intensified the interactive branching of nonlinear texts that cannot be published in traditional media. The Internet as a medium has created the conditions for the exchange of ideas in the most emotional way. Hence Gonzo’s interest in journalism, which expresses impressions of certain events in words and epithets, regardless of their stylistic affiliation. There are many such examples on social media in connection with the events surrounding the Wagnerians, the Poroshenko case, Russia’s new aggression against Ukraine, and others. Thus, the study of new features of media text in the context of modern political narratives and emotional markers is important in media research. The article focuses review of etymology, origin and features of using lexemes “cмисл (meaning)” and “сенс (sense)” in linguistic practice of Ukrainians results in the development of meanings and functional stylistic coloring in the usage of these units. Lexemes “cмисл (meaning)” and “сенс (sense)” are used as synonyms, but there are specific fields of meanings where they cannot be interchanged: lexeme “сенс (sense)” should be used when it comes to reasonable grounds for something, lexeme “cмисл (meaning)” should be used when it comes to notion, concept, understanding. Modern political texts are most prominent in genres such as interviews with politicians, political commentaries, analytical articles by media experts and journalists, political reviews, political portraits, political talk shows, and conversations about recent events, accompanied by effective emotional narratives. Etymologically, the concept of “narrative” is associated with the Latin adjective “gnarus” – expert. Speakers, philosophers, and literary critics considered narrative an “example of the human mind.” In modern media texts it is not only “story”, “explanation”, “message techniques”, “chronological reproduction of events”, but first of all the semantic load and what subjective meanings the author voices; it is a process of logical presentation of arguments (narration). The highly professional narrator uses narration as a “method of organizing discourse” around facts and impressions, impresses with his political erudition, extraordinary intelligence and creativity. Some of the above theses are reflected in the following illustrations from the Ukrainian media: “Culture outside politics” – a pro-Russian narrative…” (MP Gabibullayeva); “The next will be Russia – in the post-Soviet space is the Arab Spring…” (journalist Vitaly Portnikov); “In Russia, only the collapse of Ukraine will be perceived as success” (Pavel Klimkin); “Our army is fighting, hiding from the leadership” (Yuri Butusov).