Thèses : « Common Foreign and Security Policy – European Union countries »

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Grevi, Giovanni. « The common foreign, security and defence policy of the European Union : ever-closer cooperation, dynamics of regime deepening ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210673.

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“What is Europe's role in this changed world? Does Europe not, now that is finally unified, have a leading role to play in a new world order, that of a power able both to play a stabilising role worldwide and to point the way ahead for many countries and peoples?” These were two of the central questions put by the Laeken Declaration, adopted by the European Council in December 2001. The Declaration offered the beginning of an answer, pointing out the direction for future policy developments, and for the institutional reform underpinning them: “The role it has to play is that of a power resolutely doing battle against all violence, all terror and all fanaticism, but which also does not turn a blind eye to the world's heartrending injustices. In short, a power wanting to change the course of world affairs…A power seeking to set globalisation within a moral framework.” At the same time, the Laeken Declaration pointed out some more specific questions concerning the institutional innovations required to enhance the coherence of European foreign policy and to reinforce the synergy between the High Representative for CFSP and the relevant Commissioners within the RELEX family. With a view to a better distribution of competences between the EU and Member States, on the basis of the principle of subsidiarity, the text mentioned the development of a European foreign and defence policy first, and referred more particularly to the scope for updating the ‘Petersberg’ tasks of crisis management, a policy domain that would take a pivotal place in the consolidation of ESDP and CFSP at large. This Declaration marks the beginning of the process of regime reform that covers the last three years of common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of the European Union. This evolution, and the innovations that it has brought about in institutional and normative terms, are the subjects of this thesis.

The Convention on the future of Europe, set up by the Laeken Declaration, represented an important stage in the pan-European debate on the objectives, values, means and decision-making tools of CFSP. The US-led intervention in Iraq in March 2003 marked a new ‘critical juncture’ in the development of the conceptual and institutional bases of CFSP. As it was the case in the past, following major policy failures in the course of the Balkan wars, Member States sought to mend the rift that divided them in the run up to the Iraq war. In so doing, Member States agreed on a significant degree of institutional reform in the context of the Convention and of the subsequent Inter-Governmental Conference (IGC). The creation of the new position of a double-hatted Foreign Minister, as well as the envisaged rationalisation and consolidation of the instruments at his/her disposal, including a new European External Action Service (EAS), is a primary achievement in this perspective. On the defence side, a new formula of ‘permanent structured cooperation’ among willing and able Member States has been included in the Treaty Establishing the European Constitution (Constitutional Treaty), with a view to them undertaking more binding commitments in the field of defence, and fulfilling more demanding missions. Right at the time when the Iraq crisis was sending shockwaves across the political and institutional structures of the Union, and of CFSP in particular, the first ESDP civilian mission were launched, soon followed by small military operations. The unprecedented deployment of civilian and military personnel under EU flag in as many as 13 missions between 2002 and 2005 could be achieved thanks to the development of a new layer of policy-makign and crisis-management bodies in Brussels. The launch of successive ESDP operations turned out to be a powerful catalyst for the further expansion and consolidation of this bureaucratic framework and of the conceptual dimension of CFSP/ESDP. Most importantly, these and other dimensions of institutional and operational progress should be set in a new, overarching normative and political framework provided by the European Security Strategy (ESS).

Needless to say, institutional innovations are stalled following the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty in the French and Dutch referenda of May/June 2005. With a view to the evolution of the CFSP regime, however, I argue in this thesis that the institutional reforms envisaged in the Constitutional Treaty are largely consistent with the unfolding normative and bureaucratic features of the regime. As illustrated in the course of my research, the institutional, bureaucratic and normative dimensions of the regime appear to strengthen one another, thereby fostering regime deepening. From this standpoint, therefore, the stalemate of institutional reform does slow down the reform of the international regime of CFSP but does not seem to alter the direction of its evolution and entail its stagnation, or even dismantling. On the contrary, I maintain that the dynamics of regime change that I detect will lead to stronger, endogenous and exogenous demands for institutional reform, whose shapes and priorities are to a large extent already included in the Constitutional treaty. This vantage point paves the way to identifying the trends underlying the evolution of the regime, but does not lead to endorsing a teleological reading of regime reform. As made clear in what follows, CFSP largely remains a matter of international cooperation with a strong (although not exclusive) inter-governmental component. As such, this international regime could still suffer serious, and potentially irreversible, blows, were some EU Member States to openly depart from its normative coordinates and dismiss its institutional or bureaucratic instances. While this scenario cannot be ruled out, I argue in this thesis that this does not seem the way forward. The institutional and normative indicators that I detect and review point consistently towards a ‘deepening’ of the regime, and closer cooperation among Member States. In other words, it is not a matter of excluding the possibility of disruptions in the evolution of the CFSP regime, but to improve the understanding of regime dynamics so as to draw a distinction between long-term trends and conjunctural crises that, so far, have not undermined the incremental consolidation of CFSP/ESDP.

Central to this research is the analysis of the institutional and normative features of the CFSP regime at EU level. The focus lies on the (increasing) difference that institutions and norms make to inter-governmental policy-making under CFSP, in the inter-play with national actors. The purpose of my research is therefore threefold. First, I investigate the functioning and development of the bureaucratic structures underpinning the CFSP regime, since their establishment in 2000/2001 up to 2005. This theoretically informed review will allow me to highlight the distinctive procedural and normative features of CFSP policy-making and, subsequently, to assess their influence on the successive stages of reform. Second, I track and interpret the unprecedented processes by which innovations have been introduced (or envisaged) at the institutional and normative level of the regime, with a focus on the Convention on the future of Europe and on the drafting of the European Security Strategy. Third, I assess the institutional and normative output of this dense stage of reform, with respect both to the ‘internal’ coherence and the deepening of the regime, and to the ‘external’ projection of the EU as an international actor in the making.

On the whole, I assume that a significant, multidimensional transition of the CFSP regime is underway. The bureaucratic framework enabling inter-governmental cooperation encourages patterned behaviour, which progressively generates shared norms and standards of appropriateness, affecting the definition of national interests. In terms of decision-making, debate and deliberation increasingly complement negotiation within Brussels-based CFSP bodies. Looking at the direction of institutional and policy evolution, the logic of ‘sharing’ tasks, decisions and resources across different (European and national) levels of governance prevails, thereby strengthening the relevance of ‘path-dependency’ and of the ‘ratchet effect’ in enhancing inter-governmental cooperation as well as regime reform.

Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Kereselidze, Nino. « Foreign policy of the European Union towards the South Caucasus in 1992-2014 ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6824.

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This assessment of European Union foreign policy towards the South Caucasus shows that while the EU has developed a coherent transport policy since 1992, paradoxically, it has had no corresponding coherent conflict resolution policy for this region. The fact that the EU deepened transport cooperation without a mediation policy in an area with a multiplicity of protracted conflicts is a puzzle. Although the EU eventually added mediation to its policy during the Russia-Georgia armed conflict in 2008, it was unable to facilitate a political solution. The research examines what has been the nature of EU foreign policy towards the South Caucasus. The dissertation argues that incoherence in conflict resolution policy has been consequent upon two causal factors: (i) preferences of the EU member states conditioned by their historical experience with Russia, and (ii) institutional framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). By contrast, with functional approach, the three dominant factors that have enabled coherence in transport cooperation are (i) legislative alignment, (ii) common transport area, including technical assistance for transit development, and (iii) restrictive measures. Examination of these two areas of EU foreign policy, shows a discrepancy, demonstrating its inconsistent nature. The theoretical framework of realism and liberal intergovernmentalism, is applied to empirically grounded EU foreign policy analysis. Adopting a case study methodology, this work examines the EU's policy towards Armenia and Azerbaijan, with special focus on Georgia between 1992 and 2014. The research combines social science methods of literature review, document analysis and expert interviews.

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Kaya, Taylan Ozgur. « The Common Foreign And Security Policy : The European Union ». Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12605077/index.pdf.

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The objective of this thesis is to evaluate European States&rsquo
efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy in the context of historical evolution of the CFSP. In this thesis, European States&rsquo
efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy will be evaluated in three international political contexts. First period is Post World War II Period, second one is Post-Cold War Period and third one is Post September 11 Period. In the context of Post World War II period, European States&rsquo
efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy is shaped by the conditions of Cold War, Bipolar World and threat of Soviet expansionism towards Western Europe and characterized by the attempts such as European Defence Community, Fouchet Plan and European Political Cooperation. In the context of Post-Cold War period, European States&rsquo
efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy were shaped by ex-Yugoslavian Conflict in early 90s which brought new security challenges such as ethnic conflicts and instability in the ex-Communist States in Central and Eastern Europe. EU&rsquo
s attempts were characterized by the CFSP which was launched by the Maastricht Treaty and the CESDP which emerged after Kosovo War with Saint Malo Declaration as defence dimension of the CFSP. In the context of Post September 11 period, European States&rsquo
efforts to develop a coherent and effective foreign and security policy were shaped by global fight against international terrorism. EU&rsquo
s attempts were characterized by adoption of European Security Strategy which accepted international terrorism, organized crime and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction as key threats towards Europe and aimed at developing a coherent vision of strategic objectives, shared threat assessment for European States in order to prevent divisions among EU States in future international events. The main argument of this thesis is that in order to be an important and effective actor in global politics, EU Member States should act coherently and speak with one voice. Their influence on important international issues is greater if they act as a coherent actor rather than acting individually.

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Melis, Demetrios George. « The executive role of the European Commission in the external relations of the European Union ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323863.

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Pomorska, Karolina. « Poland and the common foreign and security policy of the European Union : from adaptation to Europeanisation ? » Thesis, Loughborough University, 2008. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/8029.

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Practitioners and academics clearly established that participation in the EU system of foreign policy-making transforms national foreign policies. Whilst there have been detailed studies of the impact of participation in EU foreign policy on the original fifteen member states there are, as yet, few academic studies that have thoroughly investigated the impact of progressive integration in the area of EU foreign and security policy on the new (i.e. those who joined since 2004) member states. This thesis aims to address this deficit by focusing on the impact of Poland's participation in the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). It examines the processes of 'downloading', as it is argued here that involvement in CFSP has had a direct effect on both the procedures of foreign policy-making in the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and, on the substance of Polish foreign policy as well as the impact of 'uploading' from member states to the EU level and 'crossloading' between EU member states. The thesis addresses the relevant conceptual issues and provides an outline of the academic debate regarding Europeanisation and foreign policy. It identifies three mechanisms that are responsible for change: conditionality, socialisation and learning. It suggests that a member state first adapts its national foreign policy to bring it in line with the EU's acquis politique and introduces basic changes in its institutional procedures in order to effectively participate in the EU's CFSP. Only later, does socialisation and learning result in changes to how national foreign policy is made, which then facilitates both changes to the substance of national policy and the uploading of national preferences to the EU level. A two-phase model of change is introduced which identifies April 2003, when Poland first became an active observer within the EU, as the date when Europeanisation began. The thesis provides a brief explanation of the transformation of Polish foreign policy after 1989, in order to provide contextual background for the four substantive chapters which follow: one procedural on the changes in the Polish MFA and three related to policy substance. The latter three chapters examine the Europeanisation of policy towards Poland's East European neighbours in general and policies towards Ukraine and Belarus in particular. The thesis concludes with a set of methodological and conceptual observations followed by analysis of the empirical findings.

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De, Witt Douglas L. « Polish foreign and security policy : dilemmas of multi-national integration and alliance cohesion, 1989-2005 ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FDeWitt.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.
Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, John Leslie. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-73). Also available online.

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Abellán, Miguel Angel Medina. « The participation of Turkey in the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) : how has the European Union managed the 'involvement issue' ? (1999-2009) ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610608.

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Schickler, Bonnie. « The relationship between the European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy and the Balkans ». Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2008. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1138.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science

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Panagopoulos, Ilias. « Electronic warfare : a critical military and technological asset for the improvement of the Common European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Sep%5FPanagoloulos.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Systems Engineering)--Naval Postgraduate School, Sept. 2004.
Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Wadsworth, Robert Looney. Includes bibliographical references (p. 137-144). Also available online.

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Jonsson, Tim. « Towards a Common Identity ? : A qualitative case study on the European Union's motivations for the 'Common Foreign and Security Policy' ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-384004.

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The purpose and main thesis of this study is to analyze the motivations for the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) over time. By examining annual reports from the Office of the High Representative of Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on the CFSP, ranging from 2009-2017, the aim is to investigate whether the EUs increased security cooperation is motivated by arguments expressing a common European identity, or by arguments supporting pragmatic cooperation between member states. Theoretically, this study relies on the perspectives Neofunctionalism and Intergovernmentalism to interpret the results and to contribute to the research fields of international relations and in particular European Union studies. Hypothetically, the reports were expected to either favor common identity arguments or pragmatic arguments over a course of time. The results show there was no clear change in motivation in either direction. In conclusion, no empirical evidence of further EU integration was discovered. Ideas of future research and the implications of the result are discussed at the close of the study.

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Helwig, Niklas. « High representative of the Union : the constrained agent of Europe's foreign policy ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/16228.

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This study argues that the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy is a constrained agent of Europe’s foreign policy. The 2009 Lisbon Treaty reform created the remodelled version of the High Representative of the Union as a potentially powerful agent to represent and coordinate Europe’s foreign policy. However, the analysis shows how and why the member states granted only limited discretion to the new foreign policy actor during the first years of the post’s existence. The aim of the study is to reveal the conditions of discretion of the High Representative. With the use of a principal-agent (PA) approach, the study shows that conflicting preferences of the member states, tight control mechanisms, as well as inadequate cooperation with the European Commission limited the High Representative’s room for manoeuvre. The findings suggest that the PA approach can be developed further in the future in order to better explain limited discretion of agents in matters of foreign policy. Based on the findings, the study also puts forward a number of characteristics of a ‘constrained agent’. It is suggested that the post of High Representative has the potential to emancipate from its status of a constrained agent over time, and to gain credibility as a foreign policy actor.

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Miskimmon, Alister John. « Germany and the common foreign and security policy of the European Union : between Europeanisation and national singularities ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.420401.

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Cardwell, Paul J. « The common foreign and security policy of the European Union as a system of governance : the Euro-Mediterranean partnership ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/3240.

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The Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the European Union (EU) has often been characterised by legal scholars as an intergovernmental ‘pillar’ within the constitutional structure of the EU, distinct from the type of law and legal processes common to other dimensions of the European integration process. The perceived limitations caused by the intergovernmental nature of the CFSP have contributed to the widespread view that it is largely ineffective in meeting its goals. This thesis analyses the CFSP by characterising it as a system of governance. Building on the language and meanings of ‘governance’, an institutional constructivist framework of legal analysis is developed. Using this framework helps to show that characterising the CFSP in this way demonstrates how its (legal) effects go beyond the instruments provided for in the Treaty on European Union. The CFSP as a system of governance can be seen to influence other Union-level instruments, tools and policies in which the EU’s foreign policy goals are pursued. The case is made that the CFSP can be understood as an integral part of the constitutional order of the EU and legal analysis need not be limited to the competences and instruments found in the Treaty. The thesis uses the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EuroMed) to demonstrate how the EU’s foreign policy goals are pursued. Although EuroMed was not formally created by a CFSP instrument, analysis of its institutional framework and operation shows that it bears close affinity with the CFSP goals, both globally and towards the Mediterranean. EuroMed can also be seen as a system of governance, in which the EU institutions act as strong, central actors which enable foreign policy goals to be pursued within an institutionalised framework. As a policy area within EuroMed, the broad issues of migration are examined against the background of growing EU competence in migration law and policy. The analysis demonstrates that migration issues have come to the forefront in EuroMed, which is increasingly used as a means by which foreign policy and security goals can be pursued by the EU under the guise of a ‘partnership’ with Mediterranean states. Applying the institutional constructivist framework of legal analysis to the CFSP shows that, as a system of governance, it has strong effects on other policy-making spheres within the EU, and these effects can justifiably be termed as ‘legal’. As such, the CFSP should therefore not be regarded as a policy which is limited in its usefulness but one which can be seen to fulfil its goals through a wider set of means than previously thought.

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Lefebvre, Thomas R. « Small European union member states and the construction of the common foreign and security policy shapin and adapting ». Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.534657.

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Koasidis, Jannis. « Bridges to the east : Poland and the European foreign policy by 2020 ». Universität Potsdam, 2006. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/4840/.

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Brincker, Benedikte. « Cultural foundations of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union : the case of Britain, Denmark and Germany ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.249596.

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Voskopoulos, George. « The 1991-1995 Balkan crisis : Greek perspective in the design of common foreign and security policy of the European Union ». Thesis, University of Exeter, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.326887.

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Juncos, Garcia Ana E. « Cometh the 'hour of Europe', cometh the institutions ? : coherence and effectiveness of the EU's common foreign and security policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1991-2006) ». Thesis, Loughborough University, 2007. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/7895.

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Problems of coherence and effectiveness have been repeatedly mentioned by external observers as affecting European Union (EU) external action. A theory-based explanation of this state of affairs is, however, lacking in the literature. This thesis aims to address this lacuna by focusing on a particular aspect of EU external action, the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), and by analysing CFSP actions in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) throughout the period 1991-2006. Its primary goal is to determine which factors explain different degrees of coherence and effectiveness, and, in particular, whether or not, increasing CFSP institutionalisation has promoted coherence and effectiveness. After introducing the concepts of coherence and effectiveness, the thesis sketches the political and academic debate surrounding these concepts, and three key explanatory factors are singled out: interests, identities and institutions. The latter is taken as a starting point for analysis. Drawing on a historical institutionalist theory, it explores the CFSP institutionalisation and examines how the development of institutions, path dependency, unintended consequences , learning and socialisation have affected CFSP coherence and effectiveness over time. Furthermore, it aims to find out whether changes in institutions have facilitated convergence of Member States' interests regarding EU policy towards BiH, as well as the development of the EU's broader international role. The thesis then proceeds to investigate CFSP activities in BiH, analysing coherence and effectiveness in eight case studies. It concludes that CFSP institutionalisation has partially increased levels of effectiveness over the period 1991-2006. As for coherence, greater institutionalisation has resulted in some problems of coherence in the short term, but leaming has been a significant factor correcting these in the medium and long term. While path dependency has resulted in problems of coherence and effectiveness, socialisation processes have been important in facilitating consensus among the Member States. Finally, CFSP institutionalisation is seen as having had an impact on the EU's international role moving it from a civilian to a normative power, willing to resort to military instruments when necessary.

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Sahlin, Jonathan. « Comparing Theories of the European Union : An essay on how to analyze the EU’s foreign policy and international power ». Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23103.

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The aim of this essay is to explain how IR theory relates to the European Union. Thisis motivated by the extensive use of empirical and descriptive studies on the EU. Togenerate knowledge on how theory relates to the EU, two seemingly differenttheories are compared. Neorealism and social constructivism are used to generatehypotheses, which are then tested on a quantitive study on the EU’s Common Foreignand Security Policy. The study covers the years of 2003-2005 and uses a statisticalmethod to present to empirical findings, which is supplemented by previous studieson EU’s foreign policy. The theoretical framework enables comparison of the twoemployed theories’ explanatory powers. The essay concludes that none of the theoriesprovides satisfactory explanations of in regard to EU’s global power and/or influence.Nevertheless, they are able to explain different aspects of the developments of EU’sforeign policy. Further theoretical studies should be undertaken in order to highlightthe issues of theory vis-à-vis the European Union.

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Doty, Daniel Jonas. « European Union Foreign Policy Construction During the Yugoslav Wars Using the Multiple Autonomous Actors Decision Unit ». Miami University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1312758521.

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Garrett, Jeremy P. « Toward the European Army : Theory, Practice and Development of a European Defence Identity, 1945-2004 ». Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/26289.

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This dissertation traces military integration in Europe from the 1940s to the early 2000s in order to reveal the growth of a common European defence identity. Four factors characterize its approach. First, European defence identity is analyzed in relation to the broader path of European integration and its historical context, showing connections with key turning points in European integration, with the evolution of Franco-German relations and European-American relations, with the Cold War and subsequent Collapse of Communism, etc. Second, the dissertation applies theories of identity formation to guide the historical analysis. This approach draws attention, for example, to the important roles that borders and symbols played in European defence identity formation. Third, the thesis adopts a hybrid “top-down” and “bottom-up” approach; one side considers formal programs, policies, and institutions that promoted a European defence identity, while the other takes stock of public perceptions, actions by “rank and file” soldiers, etc. This dual approach helps to reveal more fully the complex, negotiated character of European defence identity formation. Finally, this thesis traces the growth of a European defence identity as a path of ideological and emotional change, growing commitment, and trust-building that spanned decades.

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Ivanovski, Hristijan. « A common defence for Europe ». Israel Defence, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/31255.

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One of the major analytical shortcomings regularly made by EU and NATO experts today lies with exclusively seeing the European defence project as a post-World War II (WWII) phenomenon and the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) as mainly a post-Cold War product. No analyst has so far seriously explored the idea of European defence predating WWII and the 20th century. Instead, since 1999 one frequently reads and hears about the ‘anomalous,’ ‘elusive’ CSDP suddenly complicating transatlantic relations. But the CSDP is hardly an oddity or aberration, and it is certainly not as mysterious as some might suggest. Drawing extensively from primary sources and predicated on an overarching evolutionist approach, this thesis shows that the present CSDP is an ephemeral security and defence concept, only the latest of its kind and full of potential. Drawing its deepest ideational roots from the (pre-)Enlightenment era, the CSDP leads to a pan-European defence almost irreversibly. A common defence for Europe is quite possible and, due to the growing impact of the exogenous (multipolar) momentum, can be realized sooner rather than later even without a full-fledged European federation.
May 2016

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Klein, Nadia, et Wolfgang Wessels. « Eine Stimme, zwei Hüte - viele Pioniere ? : Die Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik nach dem EU-Konvent ». Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/4629/.

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In der Diskussion um die internationale Rolle Europas ist die Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik (GASP) Gegenstand häufiger Kontroversen. Ist die EU-Außenpolitik „das blutärmste Produkt der europäischen Integration“ (Kagan 2002) oder gar Beleg für eine wachsende Kluft zwischen Erwartungen und Fähigkeiten (Hill 1998)? Deutlich im Gedächtnis ist noch die Zerrissenheit und Einflusslosigkeit der europäischen Außenpolitik während des Irakkrieges 2003. Sind entsprechende Bemühungen der EU also nicht der Rede wert? Sind die Vorschläge zu Reformen der Verfahren und Institutionen, wie sie der Europäische Konvent zur Zukunft Europas und die anschließende Regierungskonferenz zuletzt vorlegten1, nur Sandkastenspielzeug für Politikwissenschaftler? Oder verspricht der geplante Verfassungsvertrag den strategischen Durchbruch, der die EU zu einem wirklichen außen- und sicherheitspolitischen Akteur im internationalen System werden lässt?
The institutional set up of the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) has been a highly controversial issue on the agenda since its creation. In light of the forthcoming enlargement, the European Convention proposed an institutional reform of the CFSP in July 2003. The reform envisages, among other things, the establishment of an Union minister for foreign affairs instead of the rotating presidency. The hybrid institutional nature of the CFSP makes prognoses very difficult, especially with regard to the division of labour within the EU. New flexible modes of cooperation may become a common feature in the EU-25. „Structured cooperation“ is likely to strengthen EU crisis management.

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Schrader, Lutz. « Europas Antwort auf Bushs "Grand Strategy" ». Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/4632/.

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Die EU-Staaten haben sich lange Zeit in die Rolle der „Vasallen“ und des „Brückenkopfs“ (Brzezinski 1999) gefügt, solange sie sich davon mehr Vor- als Nachteile versprechen konnten. Mit der Ausformung der Europäischen Union zu einem immer kompakteren wirtschaftlichen und finanzpolitischen Machtzentrum wächst auch das Bedürfnis nach einer kohärenteren und durchsetzungsfähigeren regionalen und globalen Interessenwahrnehmung in den internationalen Institutionen, gegenüber anderen Großmächten und regionalen Zusammenschlüssen sowie in gewaltsamen Konflikten, die die Interessen der EU-Staaten tangieren. Dieser Trend wird durch den unilateralen Kurs der Vereinigten Staaten zusätzlich verstärkt, der sich bereits unter der Präsidentschaft Clintons ausformte und unter der Bush-Administration eine bislang nicht gekannte Zuspitzung erfahren hat. Mit der Ablehnung des Kyoto-Protokolls und des Internationalen Strafgerichtshofs, mit der Aufkündigung des ABM-Vertrages, dem Infragestellen des Teststoppabkommens und der Rehabilitierung des Krieges als Mittel der Politik haben die Vereinigten Staaten grundlegende Interessen, Ziele und Standards der EU-Staaten negiert und mithin ihre Gegenwehr herausgefordert.
The author argues that the „Grand Strategy“ of the Bush Administration is not only challenging the international position and interests of the EU and its member states but also the European political and societal identity. In order to cope with this challenge, he suggests to elaborate a coherent and mobilising model for the Common Foreign and Security Policy. He proposes cooperative encouragement of democracy in the world through the democratisation of international relations and support of democratic regimes. The EU has to democratise its own institutions in order to preserve its international credibility. The author criticises that the European Convent has not done enough to define such a model. The „European Security Strategy“ can only be the beginning of a process of defining the strategic identity and interests of the European Union.

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Orre, Christoffer. « Misappropriation Sanctions : Discovering the Threshold for Freezing Assets of Ousted Kleptocrats with EU Restrictive Measures ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-393171.

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The misappropriation sanctions refer to the European Union sanctions adopted against foreign kleptocrats to address the suspected theft of public funds. After the regimes had been successfully overthrown in the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Egypt in 2011 as well as the Maidan Revolution in Ukraine in 2014, the misappropriation sanctions were imposed, in all three cases, as the ousted leaders and their close associates were suspected of stealing vast amounts of public funds from their respective countries and hiding the misappropriated funds overseas. The misappropriation sanctions take the form of asset freezes against individuals considered being responsible for “misappropriation of state funds”. The sanctions in question have been extensively reviewed by the Court of Justice of the European Union as numerous of the targeted individuals have applied for annulment of the sanctions in the parts that concern them. The purpose of this thesis is to examine, on the basis of the case law of the CJEU, the threshold for legitimate listing of a targeted individuals in the misappropriation sanctions. It is concluded that threshold vis-à-vis the criteria or the listing grounds must be regarded as reasonable, while the threshold concerning the respect of fundamental rights is creating a heavy burden to bear.

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Kalkan, Övgu. « Reading the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union in terms of the issue of Terrorism : An analysis on the evolution of the CFSP of the EU under the issue of Terrorism ». Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2707.

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In the post Cold-War era, world politics was transforming itself through its emerging complex issues such as terrorism and influential and interdependent actors such as the European Union. In this new era, the European Union was developing its Common Foreign and Security Policy pillar both to present a coherent and unified EU policy and to prove its political potent in order to become an influential actor on world politics. On the other side, security environment was also transforming its content through emerging actors and issues. As one of the most prominent actors of the world politics, the EU was influenced by the transformation of security environment, whose economic ‘soft power’ proved necessary but insufficient for being a global power in this emerging security environment. Insufficiency of economic power in solving security problems became more visible with the terrorist attacks of September 11 and March 11 which proved the seriousness of a globalized security threat posed by terrorism. After the events took place, the EU’s security approach and threat assessment have been transformed in which the issue of terrorism occupied more profound place by ‘securitization’ of its context. The Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU began to play more prominent role on EU policies together with incorporating the efforts on the issue of fight against terrorism both to EU’s external relations and to its security dimension. Therefore, in this study, the author analyzes the research question of the development of the CFSP of the EU together with the impact of the issue of terrorism in this transforming security environment. Since examination of such a complex security issue necessitates multidimensional approach, then liberal and realist theories are used as complementary analytical instruments guiding the theoretical framework of the study.

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Bizimana, Kayinamura Ladislas. « Making a Difference ? European Union’s Response to Conflict and Mass Atrocities in the Democratic Republic of Congo (1994-2009) ». Thesis, University of Bradford, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/15703.

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This dissertation scrutinises two related claims that were particularly heightened in 2009 as the European Union (EU) was celebrating the first tenth anniversary of its European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), the implementing arm of its Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). First, the two policy frameworks allegedly embodied sufficient added value for bettering EU intervention for human protection purposes in third places. Second, the ESDP supposedly enabled the EU to make a difference in its response to two bloody wars that broke out in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) successively in 1996 and 1998. This thesis argues that the alleged added value and difference have been overstated at best. While various studies have taken a similar position, they have important shortcomings for at least four reasons: lack of a comprehensive account of the CFSP motives, capacities, and response; exclusive focus on civil and military operations; focus on the post-Second Congo War period; and a lack of conceptual clarity regarding two key terms – ‘conflict resolution’ and ‘peacebuilding’. This thesis goes beyond generalisation and undertakes a forensic examination of the CFSP statements, decisions, and actions precisely through the lens of Conflict Resolution (CR): a specific subject area of study with its own normative, theoretical, and practical advantages and shortcomings; and with a more comprehensive and indeed seminal conceptualisation of peacebuilding. The outcome is a far more nuanced assessment of failure and success of the EU’s peace endeavours in this context than can be obtained through a broad-brush approach to analysis
European Community-funded Sustainable Peacebuilding (SPBUILD) Research Training Network; University of Deusto’s ‘RETOS’ research group on socio-cultural and human rights challenges in a changing world.

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Bizimana, Kayinamura Ladislas. « Making a difference ? : European Union's response to conflict and mass atrocities in the Democratic Republic of Congo (1994-2009) ». Thesis, University of Bradford, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/15703.

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This dissertation scrutinises two related claims that were particularly heightened in 2009 as the European Union (EU) was celebrating the first tenth anniversary of its European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), the implementing arm of its Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). First, the two policy frameworks allegedly embodied sufficient added value for bettering EU intervention for human protection purposes in third places. Second, the ESDP supposedly enabled the EU to make a difference in its response to two bloody wars that broke out in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) successively in 1996 and 1998. This thesis argues that the alleged added value and difference have been overstated at best. While various studies have taken a similar position, they have important shortcomings for at least four reasons: lack of a comprehensive account of the CFSP motives, capacities, and response; exclusive focus on civil and military operations; focus on the post-Second Congo War period; and a lack of conceptual clarity regarding two key terms – ‘conflict resolution’ and ‘peacebuilding’. This thesis goes beyond generalisation and undertakes a forensic examination of the CFSP statements, decisions, and actions precisely through the lens of Conflict Resolution (CR): a specific subject area of study with its own normative, theoretical, and practical advantages and shortcomings; and with a more comprehensive and indeed seminal conceptualisation of peacebuilding. The outcome is a far more nuanced assessment of failure and success of the EU’s peace endeavours in this context than can be obtained through a broad-brush approach to analysis.

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Pastrňáková, Zuzana. « Proměny rakouské neutrality ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-124829.

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This thesis deals with the transformation of Austrian neutrality. Austria became neutral in 1955 because neutrality was seen as the most appropriate option for Austria to become an independent state. Austria has always appreciated its neutrality because it enabled an undisturbed development during the period of the Cold War. Only the European integration remained during this time a sensitive issue. After the Cold War, Austria started to redefine its neutrality to be able to join the European Union. It also started to participate in the Partnership for Peace. The decision to join NATO was finally not made. The end of this thesis assesses the impacts of the Treaty of Lisbon on the Austrian neutrality and shows the possible development of the neutral status of Austria.

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Tauginas, Tomas. « Lieutva Europos ir euroatlantinėje saugumo sistemose : raida, dabartis, ateities perspektyvos ». Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2006. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2006~D_20061227_094852-62582.

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This Final Paper consists of analysis of NATO and EU role to Lithuanian security by identifying our days and future threats to Lithuanian security and identification of the future of the Lithuanian security policy. In the first part of this final paper was glanced through NATO and EU CFSP and DP history, highlighting problems of EU integration to Euroatlantic security. It can be assumed that more then half of continuing Cold War century NATO has assured the creation and the welfare of Eastern Europe. The collective defense remains further of one’s NATO functions, by that time EU is not responsible of European collective defense. EU stands just in crisis management. The NATO��s and EU’ intercourse problem maintains historical and national color. The second part was dedicated to analyze the evolution of Lithuanian membership in NATO, EU CFSP and DP. It was noticeable that Lithuanian NATO membership gives security to country against straight military invasion by discouraging potential threats. The EU membership gives economical sanctions to threat object just de facto i. m. after, for example, the invasion to Lithuania. But according to NATO and EU agreements, nations which belong to these organizations are allowed to choose the way of reaction so it’s might depend on relationship of each of them and Lithuania. The type and the spectrum of threats were identified in the last part and there was made an analysis which of them and in what time dimension might occur against... [to full text]

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Šibík, Milan. « Rozvoj bezpečnostní a obranné identity Evropy (perspektivy spolupráce EU a NATO) ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-11014.

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This master thesis deals with the topic of the European security and examines its development from the end of the Second World War. Single development stages are analyzed, with an increased attention paid to the Western European Union in the first part. Further the thesis explains the formation of the Common Foreign and Security policy, its development in particular primary documents on the EU, its major actors and tools and than the gradual emergence of the European security and defence policy. The recent EU operations are described as well. The entire thesis reflects the relations between the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty. Various legal, political and practical conflicts and difficulties arising from these relations are analyzed in detail. A significant part of this thesis focuses on the national positions of the selected countries regarding the European security.

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Zufferey, Sophie, et Sofie Lindberg. « Mot överstatlighet ? : Den framtida inriktningen på EU:s utrikes- och säkerhetspolitik. En jämförande fallstudie om Frankrike och Danmark ». Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-3304.

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The aim of this paper is to explain how the European Union’s common strategy for theCommon Foreign- and Security Policy (CFSP) will change with the implementation of the Treaty of Lisbon. A comparative case study and qualitative method is used. On the basis of Smith’s theory of institutionalization we will analyze two member states: France and Denmark. Our aim is to see which standpoints these countries have taken concerning the CFSP. We have chosen, in order to analyse the inner and outer factors, to use the liberal intergovernmental “two level game” theory as a theoretical approach. The purpose of the CFSP is to gradually increase the sovereign states’ foreign policy cooperation. The aim of the CFSP is to become an international visible and active player that represents the people of the European Union. At the moment the CFSP is an intergovernmental part of the EU, however there are presentiments that this will change and that CFSP will achieve supranationality. In conclusion, the results of the case study shows that Denmark is aiming for the CFSP cooperation to remain on an intergovernmental platform. France is aiming toward supranationality and a stronger cooperation within the CFSP. In time, with the full implementation of the CFSP, the EU will be able to compete on a global platform.

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Daniel, Elise. « La politique opérationnelle de l'Union européenne dans le cadre de la PESC : singularités et cohérences ». Thesis, Paris 1, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA01D025.

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La Politique étrangère et de sécurité commune (PESC) est la politique de l'Union Européenne qui suscite le moins d'intérêt et le moins d'attention dans la doctrine de droit de l'Union Européenne. Ce statut d'enfant-perdu de la doctrine s'explique aisément : la Politique étrangère et de sécurité commune multiplie les singularités, et en tout premier lieu celle d'être généralement présentée comme étant la politique intergouvernementale par excellence de l'Union européenne. La PESC présente également la singularité d'être une politique opérationnelle. Plus de trente opérations civiles et militaires ont ainsi été menées au-delà des frontières de l'Union européenne. La PESC présente également la singularité d'être une politique opérationnelle. Plus de trente opérations civiles et militaires ont ainsi été menées au-delà des frontières de l'Union européenne depuis 2003 et le recours aux mesures restrictives ne faiblit pas. De la même manière, la conduite et la réussite de telles opérations a nécessité tant la mise sur pied d'institutions, d'organes et d'agences que l'établissement d'une base industrielle et technologique de défense et d'un marché intérieur de la défense. Le développement et l'affermissement de cette politique opérationnelle de l'Union européenne ne se sont cependant pas faits sans l'intervention des institutions européennes. Le Parlement, la Commission européenne et la Cour de justice de l'Union européenne exercent, au contraire, un contrôle politique, financier et juridictionnel toujours plus poussé sur cette politique. C'est alors la fin de la singularité de la Politique étrangère et de sécurité commune, laquelle tend à devenir comme les autres et à s'inscrire en cohérence avec le modèle d'intégration de l'Union européenne
The Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) is the EU policy, that arouses the least interest and attention in the doctrine of law of the European Union. This lack of consideration can easily be explained : the Common Foreign and Security Policy is peculiar is numerous ways, and first and foremost it is specific for being the quintessential intergovernmental policy of the European union. CFSP also presents the difference of being an operational policy. More than thirty civil and military operations have been carried out beyond the borders of the European Union since 2003 and the use of restrictive measures is not weakening. In the samie vein, the conduct and success of such operations required the development of institutions, bodies and agencies as well as the establishment of an European Defence Technological and Industrial Base and the creation of an internal market of defense. However, this operational policy of the European Union could not have been developed and strengthened without intervention of European institutions. The Parliament, the European Commission and the Court of justice of the European Union exercise more and more elaborate political, financial and judicial control over this policy. On this las aspect, the Common Foreign and Security Policy tends to become an European policy like any other and be consistent with the model of integration of the European Union

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Bourbon, Maria João Guimarães Bravo de Azevedo e. « Unidade na diversidade ? A resposta da União Europeia à Rússia durante a crise ucraniana ». Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/11847.

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Mestrado em Economia Internacional e Estudos Europeus
A crise na Ucrânia constituiu o primeiro grande teste à unidade da Política Externa e de Segurança Comum (PESC). Apesar dos diferentes relacionamentos e preferências nacionais em relação à melhor forma de lidar com a Rússia neste conflito, os Estados-membros da União Europeia (UE) viram-se obrigados a alcançar um acordo para a implementação de uma política de resposta à anexação da Crimeia e desestabilização russa no Leste da Ucrânia. Este trabalho final de mestrado pretende avaliar se a UE foi capaz de responder "a uma só voz" e agir "a um só corpo" durante a crise ucraniana, desenvolvendo uma política comum, coerente e abrangente em relação à Rússia. Em particular, investiga se o facto de se conseguir alcançar um acordo no Conselho Europeu em torno de uma política de sanções contra a Rússia é, por si só, suficiente para se concluir que existiu uma PESC verdadeiramente coesa e eficaz. Olhando para as decisões e atuações dos Estados-membros nas arenas europeia, bilateral e nacional, analisou-se o impacto que a configuração organizacional da PESC nesta crise e as relações bilaterais entre Moscovo e os Estados-membros tiveram na unidade e coerência da política externa europeia durante a crise ucraniana.
The Ukraine crisis was the first major test to the unity of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Despite having different relationships and national preferences regarding the best way to deal with Russia in the conflict, the EU member states were forced to reach an agreement on the development of a policy to respond to the annexation of Crimea and Russia's destabilization of Eastern Ukraine. This thesis aims to evaluate if the EU was able to respond with "a single voice" and act as "a single body" during the Ukraine crisis through the development of a common, comprehensive and cohesive policy towards Russia. In particular, it is investigated if the ability of the European Council to reach an agreement on sanctions towards Russia is enough to conclude that the EU foreign and security policy was absolutely cohesive and effective. Focusing on the Member States' decisions and performances in the European, bilateral and national arenas, this paper examines the impact of the CFSP organizational setting and the bilateral relationships between Moscow and member states in the unity and cohesiveness of the European foreign policy towards Russia in the Ukraine crisis.

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PIROZZI, NICOLETTA. « L'UNIONE EUROPEA E LA GESTIONE DELLE CRISI DOPO LISBONA : UN NUOVO MODELLO PER AFFRONTARE LE SFIDE ALLA SICUREZZA NEL XXI SECOLO ? » Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1803.

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L’obiettivo di questa tesi è di valutare che tipo di modello per la gestione delle crisi l’Unione Europea (UE) ha elaborato attraverso l’adozione e l’attuazione del Trattato di Lisbona, ma anche di capire che impatto ha prodotto la sua interazione con lo scenario internazionale di sicurezza. L’analisi è condotta a tre livelli: (1) strategico – elaborazione o revisione di concetti, politiche e documenti quadro; (2) istituzionale – creazione e riorganizzazione delle strutture di riferimento e dei processi decisionali; (3) operativo – pianificazione e gestione delle missioni civili e militari sul terreno. Lo scopo finale è quello di verificare se l’approccio dell’UE alla gestione delle crisi può considerarsi efficace per affrontare i possibili scenari futuri e come possa essere migliorato sulla base delle esperienze più recenti.
The objective of this thesis is to assess what kind of crisis management model the European Union (EU) has elaborated through the adoption and implementation of the Treaty of Lisbon and what is the impact produced by its interaction with the international security context. The analysis is conducted at three different levels: (1) strategic – elaboration or review of concepts, policies and framework documents; (2) institutional – establishment or reorganization of structures and decision-making process; (3) operational – planning and conduct of civilian and military missions on the ground. The final aim is to evaluate whether the EU’s approach to crisis management will be able to face up possible future scenarios and how this model might be improved on the basis of most recent experiences.

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PIROZZI, NICOLETTA. « L'UNIONE EUROPEA E LA GESTIONE DELLE CRISI DOPO LISBONA : UN NUOVO MODELLO PER AFFRONTARE LE SFIDE ALLA SICUREZZA NEL XXI SECOLO ? » Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1803.

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L’obiettivo di questa tesi è di valutare che tipo di modello per la gestione delle crisi l’Unione Europea (UE) ha elaborato attraverso l’adozione e l’attuazione del Trattato di Lisbona, ma anche di capire che impatto ha prodotto la sua interazione con lo scenario internazionale di sicurezza. L’analisi è condotta a tre livelli: (1) strategico – elaborazione o revisione di concetti, politiche e documenti quadro; (2) istituzionale – creazione e riorganizzazione delle strutture di riferimento e dei processi decisionali; (3) operativo – pianificazione e gestione delle missioni civili e militari sul terreno. Lo scopo finale è quello di verificare se l’approccio dell’UE alla gestione delle crisi può considerarsi efficace per affrontare i possibili scenari futuri e come possa essere migliorato sulla base delle esperienze più recenti.
The objective of this thesis is to assess what kind of crisis management model the European Union (EU) has elaborated through the adoption and implementation of the Treaty of Lisbon and what is the impact produced by its interaction with the international security context. The analysis is conducted at three different levels: (1) strategic – elaboration or review of concepts, policies and framework documents; (2) institutional – establishment or reorganization of structures and decision-making process; (3) operational – planning and conduct of civilian and military missions on the ground. The final aim is to evaluate whether the EU’s approach to crisis management will be able to face up possible future scenarios and how this model might be improved on the basis of most recent experiences.

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Neumannová, Pavla. « Strategická obchodní politika v obranném a bezpečnostním průmyslu ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-261997.

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The master thesis is devoted to a nontraditional, however, in the todays world to a very current topic, arms industry and its support. The thesis connects the theoretical concept of the strategic trade policy (defined by P. Krugman or J. Brander) to its practical interpretation and application in the defence and security industry. The first chapter explains the strategic trade policy using the Brander Spencer analysis. The topic of the second chapter is strategic industries and this chapter answers the question whether the defence and security industry is a strategic industry or not. The third chapter analyses the possibilities of the support of DSI and compares approaches of different EU member states. The last chapter is devoted to the solution of this problem. The main contribution of this thesis is a new interpretation of the strategic trade policy, analysis of the importance of the defence and security industry and its support and suggestion of practical measures for Czech companies and for the Czech Ministry of Defence.

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Robert, Emilie. « L’Etat de droit et la lutte contre le terrorisme dans l’Union européenne : Mesures européennes de lutte contre le terrorisme suite aux attentats du 11 septembre 2001 ». Thesis, Lille 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LIL20001/document.

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La lutte contre le terrorisme, ainsi que ses conséquences sur la sphère des droits de l'Homme, n'est pas un thème nouveau en Europe. Cependant, depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001 perpétrés sur le sol des Etats-Unis, «confirmés» par ceux de Madrid en 2004 et Londres en 2005, elle n'a jamais incarné une telle priorité. La majeure partie des mesures prises par l'Union européenne tombe sous le titre de la coopération en matière pénale, c’est-à-dire sousl’ex-troisième Pilier, parmi lesquelles la décision-cadre sur la lutte contre le terrorisme, la décision-cadre sur le mandat d'arrêt européen et les accords entre l'Union européenne et les Etats-Unis d'Amérique sur l'extradition et l'assistance juridique mutuelle. Sur base des mesures européennes, certains Etats, historiquement non concernés par ce phénomène, ont été pressés à adopter des mesures anti-terroristes alors que d’autres y ont vu une légitimation pour renforcer leur corpus juridique déjà existant. Quel est l'impact des mesures européennes et de celles prises par les Etats sur le délicat équilibre entre la sécurité et la liberté ? En d'autres termes, quel est le rôle de l'Etat de droit : une limitation à ces mesures ou, un principe visant au renforcement du combat contre le terrorisme?
The fight against terrorism, as well as its consequences in the field of Human Rights, is not a new theme for Europe. However, since the terrorist attacks of September the 11th 2001 in the United States of America, “confirmed” by the ones of Madrid in 2004 and London in 2005, it has never embodied such a priority. The larger part of the measures taken by the European Union falls under the heading of cooperation in criminal matters, i.e. within the scope of the former Third Pillar, among which the framework decision on combating terrorism, the framework decision on the European arrest warrant and the agreements between the European Union and the United States of America on extradition and mutual legal assistance. On basis of the European measures, some States, not historically concerned by terrorism, have been compelled to carry out counter-terrorism measures whereas, others have seen a legitimation to reinforce their existing body of law. What is the impact of the European measures and the ones taken by States on the delicate balance between security and liberty? In other words, what is the role of the Rule of Law: a limitation to those measures or, a principle aiming to the strengthening of the fight against terrorism?

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Bachoué-Pedrouzo, Géraldine. « Le contrôle juridictionnel de la coopération intergouvernementale dans l'Union européenne. Contribution au processus de juridictionnalisation de l’Union ». Thesis, Pau, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PAUU2008/document.

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Le contrôle juridictionnel de la coopération intergouvernementale dans l'Union européenne a longtemps fait difficulté. Initialement, la mise à l'écart du juge a conditionné le recours à cette coopération organisée "dans" l'Union. Pourtant, chaque avancée des traités a entraîné un progrès du juge de l'Union et, dès l'origine, la coopération a donné lieu à la formation d'une jurisprudence significative. La coopération intergouvernementale dans l'Union constitue un terrain privilégié d'investigation, susceptible de contribuer à enrichir l'étude d'un processus, celui de la juridictionnalisation de l'Union. Loin de stériliser cette hypothèse, le traité de Lisbonne l'a confirmée et valorisée. L'analyse de la jurisprudence révèle l'existence d'un modèle de contrôle juridictionnel de la coopération intergouvernementale dans l'Union. Celui-ci repose sur le principe d'un contrôle. Forme d'aboutissement du processus, dont elle permet de saisir l'implantation et la portée, l'admission du principe au niveau constitutionnel marque aussi une nouvelle étape dans ce processus. Le juge de l'Union progresse au sein d'un système de contrôle, composé du juge national et de la Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme. Les interactions entre juges sont essentielles pour comprendre l'évolution de l'office du juge de l'Union. S'il est classique d'attendre d'un juge constitutionnel qu'il régule le système institutionnel et qu'il assure la protection des droits fondamentaux, les exigences matérielles et opérationnelles de l'action intergouvernementale contribuent au déploiement d'une fonction juridictionnelle ordinaire. Ces deux axes de travail, principe et fonctions, jettent un éclairage d'ensemble sur le modèle en construction et permettent d'appréhender dans toute sa complétude le processus de juridictionnalisation de la coopération intergouvernementale dans l'Union
During a long time, the judicial control of the intergovernmental cooperation in the European Union remained a difficulty. Initially, the sideline of the judge conditioned the use of this cooperation, organised “in” the European Union. However, each step forward of the Treaties led to a progress of the judge of the Union and, from the very beginning, cooperation has resulted in the creation of a significant jurisprudence. Indeed, intergovernmental cooperation in the European Union constitutes a privileged field for investigation, which may contribute to enrich the study of a process, the process of judicialization of the European Union. Away from sterilizing this hypothesis, it was eventually confirmed and valued by the Lisbon Treaty. The analyse of the jurisprudence concerning the common foreign and security policy and the police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters reveals the existence of a model of judicial control over the intergovernmental cooperation in the European Union. This model is based on the principle of control. The admission of the principle, at the constitutional level, is a form of outcome of the process; it allows understanding the establishment and the extent of the process, as well as it materializes a new step in this process. The European judge evolves in a system of control, constituted by the national Court and the European Court of Human Rights. The judges’ interactions are essential in order to understand the evolution of the role of the European Union judge. Although it appears classical to expect from a constitutional judge that he rules the institutional system and that he ensures the protection of fundamental rights, the intergovernmental action material and operational requirements contribute to the deployment of an ordinary judicial function. These two axes of research, principle and functions, project a comprehensive highlight on the model under construction, and allow apprehending, in its entirety, the process of judicialization of the intergovernmental cooperation in the European Union

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Neacsa, Vasile I. « The black sea economic cooperation as an element of regional stability and security ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211093.

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Sanyal, Joyobroto. « Foreign policy-making beyond the state : 'theory' and practice of foreign policy-making in the European Union with particular reference to its common foreign and security policy ». Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150945.

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DAHL, Martin. « The progress and the paralysis of European foreign policy : a learning model for the common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of the European Union in internationals relations ». Doctoral thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5159.

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Defence date: 22 November 2001
Examining Board: Richard Breen, EUI (supervisor) ; Prof. Gerald Schneider, University of Konstanz (co-supervisor) ; Prof. Jan Zielonka, EUI ; Prof. Roy Ginsberg, Skidmore College
First made available online on 25 April 2018
This project was formally initiated in September 1997, two and a half months after the Treaty of Amsterdam had been agreed by the EU Heads o f State and Government. The Treaty marked a turning point o f the institutional basis o f European foreign policy. Title V o f the Treaty on European Union was amended, introducing Common Strategies, a new post as High Representative for the CFSP, a Policy Planning and Early Warning Unit, incorporating the Petersberg tasks into the Treaty, opening up for a common defence, the integration o f the Western European Union into the EU, constructive abstention and on some issues also qualified majority voting. Crucial political progress has also taken place in the course o f the last decade or two regarding the creation o f the Common European Security and Defence Policy, the EU’s unity o f voice in most international organisations, the increasing use o f economic sanctions, and the rapprochement o f Member State positions in the question of the Middle East Peace Process. The gradual progress o f European foreign policy however stands in sharp contrast with the general perception o f the actual capabilities o f European foreign policy since the beginning of the European Political Cooperation in 1970. The disaster evolving for the European Union’s foreign policy ambitions in the Western Balkans throughout the 1990s and the institutional unanimity voting system are only two o f many more illustrations o f this contrasting paralysis. The image o f European foreign policy viewed by this project was thus initially one reflecting the paradox o f simultaneous presence o f progress and paralysis of European foreign policy, cutting across variables and time. Following this image was always the audio o f voices discussing the degree to which EU, Europeans, the West, and the leaders o f our time have been able to learn any lessons from their past failures (or in theory also successes). Not many events were allowed to pass, without hearing the choir o f voices claiming what we have or should have learned from Bosnia, Kosovo, Chechnya, or any other crisis or conflict intervention. Characteristically, these learning claims were formulated in an implicit way and against a seemingly dubious background, assuming everyone to be perfectly aware o f the theoretical or practical justifications for the ability of actors to learn in international relations. As the concept o f learning continued to re-emerge in this relatively vaguely defined manner, the idea thus came to dedicate this project to examine whether learning may explain the image o f the dichotomy o f progress and paralysis o f European foreign policy, what the conditions are for learning to take place, and which lessons may be learned from the past regarding European foreign policy in international relations in theory and in practice.

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YAO, CHANG HSIEN, et 張顯耀. « The Research for the Intention of European Union''''s Common Foreign And Security Policy ». Thesis, 1994. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/00706172576279291211.

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碩士
淡江大學
歐洲研究所
82
In this thesis, the research mainly focused on the skeleton of the European Union - the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Forasmuch as the scope is too wide to study specifically, this research will compare the procedure and effect of the CFSP with EU''''s action in the Yougoslavia Conflict. The score discussions of this thesis include: 1.The background for the establishment of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. In accordance with the viewpoint of European Integration, this will include the demands for European security, direction for political integration, extention of the structure of the European Political Cooperation, etc.. 2.Operational basis for EU''''s CFSP. Includes its policy target, scope, responsible organization, decision-making procedure, etc.. 3.Discuss the background of the Yougoslavia conflict and its possible influence. 4.Analysis EU''''s CFSP intention in Yougoslavia conflict. This is the spot of this thesis. Firstly, analysis EU''''s policy and attitude toward district conflict. Secondly, discuss EU''''s action in Yougoslavia conflict. Thirdly, Analysis the interest conflicts between EU members in Yougoslavia Conflict. 5.Evaluate and predict EU''''s Common Foreign and Security Policy. EU''''s CFSP action in Yougoslavia conflict reflects its intention to prove its capablility of solving district conflict. The inconsistency of its policy, the contradict attitude of its members, along with other defects, however, have exposed EU''''s weakness in adopting the Common Foreign and Security Policy.

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Lin, Jeng, et 林錚. « Germany-China Relation under the Framework of European Union Common Foreign and Security Policy ». Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/93608533941474953175.

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碩士
淡江大學
歐洲研究所碩士班
102
Common Security and Foreign Policy of the European Union so far is still dominated by nation-states, especially in the security and military affairs, the position of major Member States such Britain, France and Germany, have absolute impact on the EU decision-making process. Over the years, the relationship between the EU and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has been continually wavering affected by the United States and international situations. For some key international issues, the EU Member States the might show different position due to their national interests resulting in the lack of a common China Policy for the EU. This paper will firstly review the relations between the EU and China from political and economic aspects on two theoretical bases, New Realism and Neo-liberalism. Then, to analyze the barriers and challenges encountered in the bi-lateral interaction over these years. Secondly, the paper will review the relations be-tween Germany and China in different periods of German government, and discuss how Germany interacts with China under the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy. Last but not the least, the paper will assay the impact of the "special partner-ship relations” between Germany and China during Merkel government on the EU’s China Policy.

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GEGOUT, Catherine. « An evaluation of the making and functioning of the European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) system ». Doctoral thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5120.

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KLEIMANN, David. « The transformation of EU external economic governance : law, practice, and institutional change in common commercial policy after Lisbon ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/49330.

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Defence date: 13 December 2017
Examining Board: Professor Marise Cremona, European University Institute; Professor Petros Mavroidis, Columbia University; Professor Marco Bronckers, Leiden University; Professor Pieter-Jan Kuijper, University of Amsterdam
The Laeken Council Declaration of 2001 committed the European Community to a constitutional reform that aimed at enhancing the legitimacy of EU governance through “more democracy, transparency, and efficiency”. In the area of Common Commercial Policy (CCP), the coming into force of the Treaty of Lisbon on December 1, 2009, responded to the Laeken Declaration with the most extensive reform in history and substantially amended applicable provisions on decisionmaking, scope of EU exclusive competence, objectives, and principles. Against the benchmark set out by the Laeken Council objectives, this study examines the law, practice, and quality of institutional change in CCP governance after Lisbon. To this end, the study advances a twofold comparative institutional analysis that is based on a transaction-cost approach to the understanding of legal, political, and informal institutions that govern the CCP and EU external economic relations more broadly. The study finds that the reallocation of horizontal competences among EU institutions through the empowerment of the European Parliament has generally decreased the process efficiency of the CCP. At the same time, it has markedly decreased the cost of political participation for public and private stakeholders and introduced increasingly effective democratic control to the now bicameral system that governs the CCP in the Lisbon era. Parliamentary involvement, moreover, has radically enhanced process and substantive transparency and opened a space for public deliberation of external economic policy. Opinion 2/15 of the Court of Justice of the European Union has, secondly, confirmed the Treaty-induced tectonic shifts in the allocation of vertical competences. It is argued that the Court’s Opinion sets incentives for a fundamental change of the institutional practice that governs the conclusion of EU external economic agreements. Ending the tradition of ‘mixed’ agreements in favor of ‘EUonly’ treaty conclusion would further approximate the achievement of all three Laeken Council objectives and render EU external economic governance more efficient, effective, representative, and legitimate. In order to fully employ the democratic potential of ‘EU-only’ CCP governance, however, such practice will require the reinforcement of national parliamentary engagement in that process.
The following chapters of this PhD thesis draws upon an earlier published versions: -- Chapter III 'EU External Economic Integration : Core Concepts, Multi-Level Games, and the 'Global Europe' Strategy' as an e-book 'EU preferential trade agreements : commerce, foreign policy and development aspects', Florence : European University Institute, 2013 -- Chapter IV 'The Lisbon Treaty reform of EU common commercial policy : law, practice, and political institutions' as an article 'Taking stock : EU common commercial policy in the Lisbon era' (2011) in the journal 'Aussenwirtschaft' and as a CEPS Working Document, 2011/345 -- Chapter V 'Opinion 2/15 : litigating institutional change in post-Lisbon external economic governance' as an EUI RSCAS WP 2017/23 'Reading opinion 2/15 : standards of analysis, the Court's discretion, and the legal view of the Advocate General' -- Chapter VI 'The 'Wallonian saga' and Opinion 2/15 : the case for 'EU-only' external economic agreements' as an EUI RSCAS WP 2016/58 'The signing, provisional application, and conclusion of trade and investment agreements in the EU : the case of CETA and Opinion 2/15' -- The Epilogue 'After 'the end of history' : reforming EU trade defence in the shadow of WTO law' as an EUI RSCAS WP 2016/37 'The vulnerability of EU anti-dumping measures against China after December 11, 2016'

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Bono, Giovanna. « The European Convention and Common Foreign and Security Policy : more defence, less scrutiny ? » 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2333.

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By adopting a multilevel approach to understanding decisions taken in security and defence policies by European member states, the paper argues that the development of the European Security and Defence Policy, the proliferation of ad-hoc coalitions of the willing, and the subcontracting of security tasks from the UN has worsened the challenge of parliamentary accountability in foreign, security and defence policies. The paper evaluates how the European Convention has sought to bridge the parliamentary accountability gap in Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and in European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). The outcomes of the Convention on the future of Europe are not meeting its initial ambition to put foreign, security and defence policy among the priorities for the European Union¿s constitutional design. CFSP will become more integrated, on an intergovernmental rather than supranational model and under the large states¿ control. The major innovation is the creation of the position of Foreign Affairs Minister whose autonomy remains still uncertain, especially in his/her relationship with the President of the European Council. ESDP¿s operational capabilities and scope are both extended while coalitions of the willing are institutionalised and a defence core group could emerge. The contrast remains between a slower integration of CFSP and a faster progress of ESDP. Given the significance of proposals in ESDP, the new powers proposed by the European Convention to be given to national parliaments and the European Parliament in this policy area are too weak to close the existing parliamentary accountability gap.

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Lagarto, Beatriz Moura. « A European Union of security and defense : seizing the moment ». Master's thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.14/28272.

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Nowadays, the European Union (EU) is facing a completely new security environment that is challenging its capacity to react. In the past, the EU has been shamed several times by the lack of a strong leadership and of strategic vision, which might be changing now. The European project is in a decisive moment, which is reflected in the presentation in June 2016 of “A Global Strategy on the Europeans Union’s Foreign and Security Policy” (EUGS). The EUGS marks the start of a new momentum in the history of European integration with key decisions being finally made. When comparing the last three years with what has been achieved since the 1950s, it is possible to state right away that a lot is indeed being done. However, history shows that integration/cooperation in foreign, security and defence policies has always been marked by great difficulties. It is the aim of this dissertation to study the development of a European Union of Security and Defence, understanding if the courses of action that are being taken will allow for the EU to close the gap between vision and action and finally meet its commitments
Nos dias de hoje, a União Europeia (UE) está a enfrentar um ambiente de segurança completamente novo que está a desafiar a sua capacidade para reagir. No passado, a UE foi acusada por diversas vezes pela sua falta de liderança forte e visão estratégica, o que poderá estar a mudar agora. O projeto Europeu está num momento decisivo, o que é refletido na apresentação da Estratégia Global para a Política Externa e de Segurança da União Europeia (EGUE) em junho de 2016. A EGUE marca o início de um novo momento na história de integração Europeia com decisões chave a serem finalmente tomadas. Ao comparar os últimos três anos com o que foi conseguido desde os anos 50, é possível dizer desde já que muito está a ser feito. No entanto, a história mostra-nos que integração/ cooperação em políticas externa, de segurança e defesa sempre foi marcado por grandes dificuldades. É o objetivo desta dissertação estudar o desenvolvimento the uma União Europeia de Segurança e Defesa, percebendo se os cursos de ação que estão a ser tomados permitirão à UE fechar o gap entre visão e ação e finalmente corresponder aos seus compromissos.

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HAGHIGHI, Sanam Salem. « Energy security. The external legal relations of the European Union with energy producing countries ». Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6359.

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Defence date: 16 June 2006
Examining board: Prof. Bruno de Witte (Supervisor, European University Institute) ; Prof. Marise Cremona (European University Institute) ; Prof. Giacomo Luciani, part time professor, EUI ; Prof. Thomas Wälde, University of Dundee
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
This dissertation offers the first comprehensive assessment of the various internal and external measures undertaken by the European Union to guarantee security of oil and gas supply. It sets out and analyzes in a coherent and thorough manner those aspects of EU external policy that are relevant in establishing a framework for guaranteeing energy security for the Union. What makes the book unique is that it is the first of its kind to bridge the gap between EU energy and EU external policy. The dissertation discusses EU policy towards the major oil and gas producing countries of Russia, the Mediterranean and the Persian Gulf at the bilateral as well as regional and multilateral level. It brings together not only the dimensions of trade and investment but also other important aspects of external policy, namely development and foreign policy. The author argues that the EU's energy security cannot be achieved through adopting a purely internal approach to energy issues, but that it is necessary to adopt a holistic approach to external policy, covering efficient economic relations as well as development co-operation and foreign policies towards energy producing countries. The dissertation will be a valuable resource for students of EU law, WTO law or international energy law, as well as scholars and practitioners dealing with energy issues.

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Yu, Hung-Lee, et 尤宏利. « A Study of "European Union´s Common Foreign and Security Policy" on the surrender of Member State´s Sovereignty ». Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/qrg455.

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碩士
國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
94
After the Treaties of Westphalia were signed up , a nation was considered a sovereign enity with thorough and exclusive control over its domestic affairs . However , the formation of European Union (EU) was a change to this . In the process of EU´s intergration , the nation in Europe realized that only through cooperation could any further European war be prevented and they hoped to achieve political intergration by means of economical intergration , thus letting Europe once again play a crucial role in the global political stage . EU´s "Common Foreign and Security Policy(CFSP)" was the result of each EU member state´s long-term negotiations and efforts . Owing to the effect of global economy , the concept of sovereignty tended to weaken step by step . When observing and researching the CFSP , which significantly stood for political integration in the process of EU´s integration . we might discover how each member state gave way to its political sovereignty in the process of the policy´s formation , and it was a significant breakthrough and aspect worthy of study as to European nations which used to claim traditional "sovereignty" .what´s important for us to observe in the future is whether EU´s nations will expand surrender of all sorts of sovereignty (including economy , politics and law ) by means of the integration´s deepening and expansion. As a matter of fact , judging from various examples of working mechanism on EU´s CFSP , we could understand each EU member state did not weaken its power without reservation on the contrary ,we could find out each member state contradicted each other between "nation´s interest" and "EU´s interest" , thus faling to achive efficiency and effect as expected in The process of its policy making , which led to several reforms on working mechanism in the past .This greatly reflected how each EU member state made efforts to compromise between "nation´s interest" and "EU´s interest" , and how each member state put aside its persistence in traditional sovereignty in order to pursue The new sovereignty in order to pursue The new sovereignty integrated under EU , hereby seeking after the greatest interest of the regional organization . Because EU will became a supernationalism international organization with sovereignty over economy , politics and law , whether it will successful integrate will be a model of regional organization . This thesis is specifically intended to study "the surrender of sovereignty" under EU´s CFSP.

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