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1

Noble, Kenneth. « “A More Meaningful Democracy than We Ourselves Possess” : Charles S. Johnson and the Education Mission to Japan, 1945–1952 ». History of Education Quarterly 54, no 4 (novembre 2014) : 405–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hoeq.12077.

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“Recommendations in the report,” stated Charles S. Johnson, “have implications for our own educational system, and perhaps for our own society.” Johnson, a sociologist and Fisk University's first African-American president, addressed the 1948 South Central Forum in Chicago discussing the fundamental inconsistencies existing between democracy recommended in occupied Japan's education system and the democracy practiced in America's education system. The report Johnson's speech refers to was the product of the Education Mission to Japan: a twenty-seven-member American committee selected for their expertise as educators and scholars. Charged with an advisory role to the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers (SCAP) and the Japanese Ministry of Education (JME), the committee's primary objective extended from SCAP's overall mission: to democratize and mollify postwar Japan. Johnson, a civil rights advocate and race relations scholar, was the sole African American and only nonwhite member of this committee.
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Huerta, Dolores, Robert Con Davis-Undiano, Cristóbal Salinas, Jr. et Kathleen Wong (Lau). « A Conversation with Dolores Huerta ». JCSCORE 2, no 2 (28 décembre 2018) : 134–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2642-2387.2016.2.2.134-147.

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Dolores Huerta did an interview on June 1, 2016 in San Francisco at The Hilton San Francisco Union Square. The interviewers were Robert Con Davis-Undiano, Cristóbal Salinas, Jr., and Kathleen Wong (Lau) - all members of the executive committee of the Southwest Center for Human Relations Studies, the parent organization for the National Conference on Race and Ethnicity in American Higher Education (NCORE).
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Duerme, Ryan, Alan Dorsinville, Natasha McIntosh-Beckles et Stacey Wright-Woolcock. « Rationale for the Design and Implementation of Interventions Addressing Institutional Racism at a Local Public Health Department ». Ethnicity & ; Disease 31, Suppl (20 mai 2021) : 365–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.18865/ed.31.s1.365.

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Purpose: The Bureau of Communicable Disease (BCD) at the New York City De­partment of Health and Mental Hygiene developed and implemented a multi-level intervention to: 1) establish bureau-wide race consciousness; 2) provide opportunities to examine the contemporary manifesta­tions of racism impacting institutions and communities; 3) develop praxis applying a racial equity and social justice lens to communicable disease surveillance; and 4) center the experiences of Black, Indigenous, People of Color (BIPOC) staff.Methods: A staff committee designed and implemented a multipronged initiative grounded in Public Health Critical Race (PHCR) praxis. The findings from a qualita­tive report focused on the experiences of POC staff formed the basis of the initiative.Results: Three major themes were identi­fied in the report (Microaggressions Report) as fac­tors that resulted in institutional inequities within the workplace: race-based biases in promotion of staff; lack of opportunity shar­ing for professional growth; and dominant power relations silencing the voices of POC staff. Based on findings from the Microag­gressions Report, BCD designed and implemented seven interventions including: 1) Racial Identity Caucusing; 2) Multimedia Learning; 3) All-staff Workshops; 4) Social Breakout Committee; 5) Surveillance and Data Equity; 6) Core Values Development; and 7) Committee for Hiring, Retention and Promotion.Conclusion: We describe the rationale, de­sign, and implementation of a multipronged intervention at a local health department as a strategy to address institutional racism. The creation of a Microaggressions Report and the PHCR methodology framed our ongoing effort to improve workplace culture and promote equitable opportunities for POC staff.Ethn Dis. 2021;31(Suppl 1):365-374; doi:10.18865/ed.31.S1.365
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Lovelace, H. Timothy. « Making the World in Atlanta's Image : The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, Morris Abram, and the Legislative History of the United Nations Race Convention ». Law and History Review 32, no 2 (mai 2014) : 385–429. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248013000667.

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Atlanta's human rights community was buzzing, because the United Nations (U.N.) was coming to town. On Sunday, January 19, 1964, the front page of theAtlanta Daily World, the city's oldest black newspaper and the South's only black daily, announced, “United Nations Rights Panel to Visit Atlanta.” The U.N. Sub-Commission on the Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities (Sub-Commission), theDaily Worldexplained, was a fourteen nation “body that surveys the worldwide problems of discrimination.” The Sub-Commission had been invited to Atlanta by Morris Abram, a former Atlanta attorney and the lone United States member of the Sub-Commission, to study first-hand the city's well-publicized, efforts to improve in race relations. Sunday morning'sDaily Worldalso noted that the U.N. delegation “composed of experts, mostly lawyers and jurists” was in the midst of drafting a global treaty designed to end racial discrimination, and the local paper highlighted Abram's role as the primary drafter of the race accord. “Mr. Abram, as the U.S. expert on the subcommission has proposed a sweeping eight-point treaty,” the article reported. According to theDaily World, the pending race treaty—the treaty that would ultimately become the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD or Convention)—would address “segregation, hate groups and discrimination in public accommodations.”
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Duesterberg, Luann M. « Theorizing Race in the Context of Learning to Teach ». Teachers College Record : The Voice of Scholarship in Education 100, no 4 (janvier 1999) : 751–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146819910000403.

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Given the context of schools and society, in which the meanings of race so deeply impact social arrangements and social interactions, it is imperative for preservice teachers and teacher educators to engage in efforts to theorize race and understand how constructions of race affect our actions and decisions. Requiring that student teachers be committed to teaching every child in their classrooms demands that preservice teachers think through how they understand themselves and others through race in a society in which race is both the vehicle through which oppression is accomplished and the vehicle through which groups rally to combat that oppression. Thinking through race is complicated by the various theoretical conceptions of race that have grounded race relations in this country for the last 300 years. Arguing that race is neither purely ideological nor purely essential but grounded in sociohistorical ideologies and performances, this author uses this conceptualization of race both to interpret the practices of student teachers and to ground her own practice as a teacher educator.
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Jones, Branwen Gruffydd. « Race in the Ontology of International Order ». Political Studies 56, no 4 (décembre 2008) : 907–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2007.00710.x.

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The current world order is characterised by profound global inequality, depicted through reference to the developed and developing world. The racialised character of global inequalities in power is rarely acknowledged, however. Explicit racial discourse has been removed from the institutional form of the modern world order, and this apparent transcendence of race is mirrored in the lack of attention to race within mainstream scholarship in International Relations (IR). This is in part because of the empiricist assumptions underlying much IR scholarship, which reflect the non-racialised appearance of the modern world order. While the question of race has been exposed by critical strands of IR scholarship, such critiques have focused largely on discursive dimensions of race. This article argues that critical analysis of global racism and racial oppression must go beyond the limits of discursive critique. It is necessary to grasp the non-discursive dimensions of racial power, in order to explain the reproduction of racial inequality by an international order formally committed to racial equality. This, in turn, requires an expanded theory of social ontology. Critical realism develops a theory of social ontology which provides a basis for differentiating between various dimensions of racial oppression. The critical realist theory of social ontology highlights the significance of the relations structuring societal interaction with nature, which are fundamental in determining distributions of social power within society. A survey of the long global history of colonialism reveals that the relations structuring societal interaction with nature on a global scale have been built upon a basis of racialised dispossession. The article argues that the racialised structures of social power produced through centuries of colonial dispossession remain entrenched, despite the formal transcendence of racism in modern institutions of international order. Thus a realist ontology provides the basis for revealing the endurance of race in the structures of international order.
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Haniffa, Mohamed Ali, Ayu Nor Azilah Mohamad et Hafizah Hajimia. « ″NEGOTIATION AND UNDERSTANDING″ : RACIAL COMPROMISE AFTER JAPANESE OCCUPATION IN MALAYA ». International Journal of Law, Government and Communication 8, no 32 (1 juin 2023) : 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631/ijlgc.832005.

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This paper discusses the negotiation and understanding efforts undertaken by the Malay Rulers, British administration and the Chinese community in restoring racial harmony after the Japanese occupation in Malaya. The official British intervention policy in Malaya since 1874, the Japanese occupation and the communist oppression have triggered dissatisfaction among the racial groups, resulting in inter-racial clash. This article provides an overview of the British administration, the Japanese occupation and the communists. The discussion was also focused on the process of negotiation and understanding following the outbreak of inter-racial clashes after the Japanese occupation. Various efforts were made by the Sultan, the Malay rulers, and intellectuals to restore inter-racial relations. The Race Relation's Committee, which was formed, played an important role in quelling hostilities between Malays and Chinese and restoring harmony. The discussion in this article is based on library research methods involving records from the British Colonial Office, archival files and secondary sources. The research findings indicates that the racial compromise was successful in restoring racial harmony in Malaya after World War II. This effort is also significant as a pioneer towards national independence.
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Robidoux, Michael A. « Narratives of Race Relations in Southern Alberta : An Examination of Conflicting Sporting Practices ». Sociology of Sport Journal 21, no 3 (septembre 2004) : 287–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.21.3.287.

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In March 2001 a minor hockey league in southern Alberta (Foothills Hockey) voted in favor of banning a local First Nations Hockey Association (Kainai Minor Hockey) from league play as a result of various violations committed by officials, players, and parents over the course of the season. Since that time hockey and recreation officials from Kainai have been attempting to get Kanai Minor Hockey reinstated into the league but have, up until this point, been unsuccessful. This article explores the exclusionary practices that led to the removal of Kainai from organized youth hockey and examines the racialized discourse that permeates First Nations–Euro-Canadian relations in southern Alberta. The article attempts to communicate these meanings in the same way the author encountered them, as unfiltered personal reactions reflecting how First Nations and their neighbors perceive and talk about each other.
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Poli dos Santos, Kwame Yonatan. « The Clinical Space as a Quilombo ». Psychoanalysis and History 24, no 3 (décembre 2022) : 353–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/pah.2022.0442.

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This is an account of the Brazilian collective Margens Clínicas (Clinical Margins), committed to thinking about the interfaces between psychological suffering and the pathologies of social structure, and working to create clinical/psychoanalytic methods aiming at repairing the damage done by state violence. The author discusses the Brazilian colonial-slavery matrix and its psychic and social forms. He further elaborates on a clinical ‘device’ called aquilombamento nas margens, which aims at a psychosocial intervention and addresses the intersection between race relations and mental health.
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Kamaeva (Bureeva), Elena V. « Protest Sentiments of Estonian Students in 1967-1968 : on the Documents of the Komsomol Central Committee ». RUDN Journal of Russian History 21, no 2 (2 juin 2022) : 204–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2022-21-2-204-217.

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The article examines the little-studied topic of the evolution of the protest sentiments of the Estonian students in the 1960s, which found expression in student processions in Tallinn and Tartu in October 1968. A wide range of archival documents allows tracing the origins and dynamics of this phenomenon, as well as the perception of these events by the Soviet party leadership and the Central Committee of the Komsomol. It is noted that the data from archival sources and contemporary works by Estonian authors contradict each other with regard to the measures (reaction) taken by the Soviet leadership. The Student days in Tallinn and Tartu, planned as days of student solidarity, turned into mass marches and riots of a national and anti-Soviet character. The article concludes that the active protest of the Estonian students was caused by a whole range of reasons, among which are clear nationalist trends that intensified in the 1960s, the active penetration of Western European culture and ideology through travel contacts, communication with relatives living abroad, and international youth festivals. It was Estonia that in the 1960s was visited by the largest number of foreign tourists. Estonian Student construction brigades traveled to Eastern European countries, mainly to Czechoslovakia. The stirring up of Estonian students was influenced by the mass unrest of European students, which foreign authors call the “phenomenon of 1968.” The students of European countries advocated lowering the voting age, actively sought participation in political processes, protested against the large financial expenditures of their governments aimed at an arms race to the detriment of other sectors of the economy. Similar ideas were voiced by Estonian students at Komsomol meetings and scientific conferences. They also wished to create their own student organizations, independent of the Komsomol and Soviet ideology.
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Mainwaring, Jacqueline, et Rodnita Davis. « Cultural Humility and Allyship : Enhancing Nursing Education ». International Journal for Human Caring 26, no 4 (1 décembre 2022) : 248–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.20467/ijhc-2021-0001.

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As nurse educators navigate the realities of racial injustice and deeply polarizing issues in the United States, we must reflect on our own biases, educate ourselves on the impact of inequities, and thoughtfully use our faculty privilege to create change. Purposefully adjusting admissions procedures, hiring diverse faculty, and embedding cultural sensitivity in the curriculum are stepping stones to shaping the future of nursing. Impacting race relations by developing cultural humility and collegial allyship begins with humble inquiry. This article recounts a dialogue and presents the personal reflection of two peers committed to the critical work of diversity, equity, and inclusion.
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Prince, Alexandra. « ‘Driven Insane by Eddyism’ : Christian Science, Popular Psychopathology, and a Turn-of-the-Century Contest over Faith and Madness ». Religion and American Culture 31, no 3 (2021) : 379–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rac.2021.17.

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ABSTRACTAt the turn of the twentieth century, Christian Scientists contended with ongoing allegations that their faith was more of a mental pathology than a religion. This article analyzes how the Church of Christ, Scientist, in particular its public relations branch the Committee on Publication, systematically contended with popular portrayals of Christian Science as a source or indicator of insanity. Two highly profiled court cases, both predicated on the purported insanity of a Christian Science woman and her attendant inability to manage her business affairs, are explored for their cultural effect on the promotion of the causal association between Christian Science and madness. This study employs newspaper clippings collected and archived by the Church's Committee on Publication as well as court records to argue for the salience of the insanity charge in shaping the early history of Christian Science and its public perception. As a religious tradition premised on divine healing and health, popular psychopathological interpretations of Christian Science were particularly subversive and functioned not only to discredit and undermine the religion's claims to healing but to forward societal fears that Christian Science study posed a unique threat to women's health. This examination draws attention to a dynamic historical exchange between the press and a new religious movement, as well as the polyvalent gendered presumptions embedded in popular charges of insanity in association with religion.
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Younis, Musab. « Race, the World and Time : Haiti, Liberia and Ethiopia (1914–1945) ». Millennium : Journal of International Studies 46, no 3 (27 mai 2018) : 352–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0305829818773088.

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This article explores the role played by time in the maintenance of global racial difference with reference to the precarious sovereignties of Haiti, Liberia and Ethiopia during the interwar period. It suggests that the experiences of these states, understood through the discourses which sought to both support and undermine them, point to a shift away from juridical division in global order and towards a hierarchy framed in terms of racialised temporalities. While postcolonial scholarship can help us to understand this shift, it has not fully comprehended the interpenetration of multiple forms of temporality in the service of colonial and racial ordering. For interwar intellectuals and activists committed to pan-African liberation, the desire for a new world order free from racialised stratification meant an engagement with sites of black sovereignty that was, by necessity, ambivalent and strategic in its approach to the politics of time.
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A, Ancy Liyana, et Anu Baisel. « Exploring The Convergence of Social Disparities and Interracial Relationships in Sue Monk Kidd’s The Invention of Wings ». Studies in Media and Communication 11, no 4 (18 avril 2023) : 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v11i4.6087.

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Slavery is one of the most significant social disparities in human history. It is defined as the practice of owning and exploiting another individual as property or inferior. It is characterized by enforced labor and restraints on freedom. Specifically, slavery was a system that allowed the enslavers who possessed the power to force the enslaved people to work and limit their lives and liberty. In the United States, slavery was solely based on the race and identity of one group of people. However, given their race and skin color, many Black people in America were forced into slavery. Since enslavers considered enslaved people their property, they considered them insignificant. Therefore, this study's primary purpose is to determine how whites dominated Blacks and controlled enslaved people through slavery. Further, it analyses how the interracial bond promotes racial equality in one of Kidd’s novels, The Invention of Wings. Despite initially holding racist views, Sarah, the white protagonist in the novel, develops a close bond with Handful, a Black character. Through this relationship, Sarah gained a deeper understanding of the struggles faced by Black people and eventually became an abolitionist, committed to gradually freeing them from slavery. In addition, this study also explores how the Black characters in the novel fight tirelessly to attain their independence without losing their faith. Hence, the study results in greater insight into Sarah's Interracial relationship with Handful, including how they got inspired and influenced by each other, thus diminishing discrimination between the two races.
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Pressman, Jeremy. « “Gender Imbalance in Expert Testimony at U.S. Senate Hearings” : The Forum ». Forum 18, no 2 (29 septembre 2020) : 197–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2020-2006.

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AbstractHow much gender diversity is there among experts in the United States? This study focuses on witnesses who testified before four US Senate committees: Agriculture; Commerce, Science & Transportation; Foreign Relations; and Health, Education, Labor & Pensions. Across the 9072 witnesses (2003–15), women comprised 23.7% of witnesses. In terms of panels, 49.8% were male-only, 5.8% were female-only, and 44.4% were mixed gender. Although the overall numbers remain significantly low proportionate to the female share of the US population, there was an incremental increase in the proportion of women testifying and of mixed gender panels. Non-governmental organizations had the highest share of female witnesses. The percentage of female witnesses does vary with which party controls the Senate, with the average female share higher under Democratic control. These findings raise questions for further study about what factors influence the selection of witnesses for US Senate hearings and whether a similar lack of diversity exists in other identity categories such as race and ethnicity. The effort could also be extended to other committees in the Senate, as well as to the US House.
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Thomas, Cyril, Pascal Charroin et Bastien Soule. « Les relations franco-kényanes dans les courses de fond : Un processus postcolonial singulier (1960–2019) ». STADION 44, no 1 (2020) : 204–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0172-4029-2020-1-204.

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At the Mexico City Olympics, Kenya won eight medals in athletics. This performance enabled this State, whose independence dated back just four years, to display its identity to the eyes of the world. Kenyan athletics, mainly in middle- and long-distance events, continued to assert itself until it dominated the medal ranking in the 2015 World Championships. However, even if it is a vehicle for emancipation and identity-building, Kenyan athletics is also dependent on external influences. Therefore, even though France and Kenya never had colonial links, they have built interdependent relationships in athletics during the post-colonial era. The purpose of this study is to understand the particular postcolonial process around which these relationships were built, in the absence of colonial ties. We have chosen to conduct this study based on the investigation of minutes of the French Athletics Federation (FFA) committees and the journal L’Athlétisme, the official FFA review. We conducted semi-structured interviews with Kenyan and French athletics actors (athletes, managers, race organizers, and federal officials). These data reveal a continuing domination of Kenya, by France, in athletics. This relationship of domination marks a survival of the colonial order. However, Kenyan athletes’ domination, especially in marathons, contributes to the vulnerability of French performances. The singularity of the postcolonial process studied lies as much in the absence of colonial ties between France and Kenya as in the transformation of a relationship of domination specific to the colonial period.
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Oppong, Seth. « RACIAL STEREOTYPING OF HOMO SAPIENS AFRICANUS : A REVIEW OF ITS MYTH AND IMPACT ON DEVELOPMENTAL CAPACITY ». Africanus : Journal of Development Studies 45, no 2 (7 juin 2016) : 49–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0304-615x/619.

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Generally, negatives stereotypes have been shown to have negative impact on performance members of a social group that is the target of the stereotype (Schmader, Johns and Forbes 2008; Steele and Aronson, 1995). It is against the background of this evidence that this paper argues that the negative stereotypes of perceived lower intelligence held against Africans has similar impact on the general development of the continent. This paper seeks to challenge this stereotype by tracing the source of this negative stereotype to David Hume and Immanuel Kant and showing the initial errors they committed which have influenced social science knowledge about race relations. Hume and Kant argue that Africans are naturally inferior to white or are less intelligent and support their thesis with their contrived evidence that there has never been any civilized nation other than those developed by white people nor any African scholars of eminence. Drawing on Anton Wilhelm Amo’s negligence-ignorance thesis, this paper shows the Hume-Kantian argument and the supporting evidence to be fallacious.Â
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Mason, Anthony. « The Rights of Indigenous Peoples in Lands Once Part of the Old Dominions of the Crown ». International and Comparative Law Quarterly 46, no 4 (octobre 1997) : 812–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300061224.

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Of all the rights of indigenous people, none is more central to the survival of their culture than the claim to their ancestral lands. The resolution of their claims to ancestral lands is one of the fundamental issues of our time—indeed of all time. Often called a human rights issue—a description apt to reinforce the strong moral foundations of the claims of the indigenous peoples—it is an issue which we cannot ignore. Throughout the world people of all races and all colours have a powerful emotional attachment to their ancestral lands. That attachment is the very core of a people's culture and is vital to the survival of the culture. As the UN Human Rights Committee has recognised, in the context of the exercise of cultural rights protected by Article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, “culture manifests itself in many forms, including a particular way of life associated with the use of land resources”.
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Thornberry, Patrick. « Forms of Hate Speech and the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) ». Religion & ; Human Rights 5, no 2-3 (2010) : 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187103210x528138.

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AbstractIn this article, issues are raised concerning freedom of expression and forms of hate speech including advocacy of religious hatred in light of proposals to combat defamation of religions. In particular, it is asked whether parallels can be drawn between freedom of expression and protection from forms of hate speech in the area of race and ethnicity, and expression and protection in the field of religion. The present article offers a brief summary of relevant ICERD (‘the Convention’)<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN1">2</xref> principles and practice. The sketch of principles revolves around key areas of the Convention: the concept of discrimination including the ‘grounds’ of prohibited discrimination and how they relate to religious groups; the Convention’s stance on hate speech and rights to freedom of thought, conscience and religion<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN2">3</xref> and freedom of opinion and expression.<xref ref-type="fn" rid="FN3">4</xref> The concluding section reflects on the concept of defamation of religions, the boundaries of ICERD in its current interpretation, and the idea of ICERD as a model for wider exercises in standard setting. The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination (CERD) has the longest practice of any treaty body in the fields within its mandate and has developed a distinctive discourse in key areas. ‘Hate speech’ in the present article is used as shorthand for a range of international provisions protecting individuals and groups from discrimination and other assaults on their dignity and does not imply a special definition beyond the examples cited.
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Knight, W. Andy. « The Development of the Responsibility to Protect – From Evolving Norm to Practice ». Global Responsibility to Protect 3, no 1 (2011) : 3–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598411x549468.

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AbstractWhy does the genocidal mentality persist? Is there hope that humankind can curb or end the shocking mass atrocities that have plagued our globe over the last century and during the beginning of this century? These questions are addressed in this essay through an examination of the evolution of the normative narrative that resulted in the eventual emergence of the concept of 'responsibility to protect' (R2P or RtoP). The evolution of this narrative includes the genocide convention, the promulgation and promotion of universal human rights, the recognition that war crimes and other crimes against humanity are the gravest of all crimes and ought to be punished, the utilisation of humanitarian intervention as a means of curbing egregious mass atrocities, the imposition of punitive and smart sanctions to stem genocidal practices, the codification of international criminal law, enforcement measures through Chapter VII of the UN Charter, the introduction of ad hoc criminal tribunals and the establishment of a permanent international criminal court through the Rome Statute to punish individuals who commitment core crimes, the advocacy of norm entrepreneurs, and the conceptual work of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) that eventually led to the embrace of the R2P norm by the international community. rough that evolving narrative the level of consciousness of people and their state leaders has been raised in regards to the need to see and treat all people on our planet – regardless of race, ethnicity, religion, or social standing – with human dignity, and to focus on 'putting people first' when it comes to security. It is argued in this essay that R2P builds upon the foundation of this narrative a new normative architecture designed to address the most egregious of crimes (core crimes) committed against innocent people. Despite efforts to derail its implementation, the R2P norm may eventually turn words into deeds, and promise into practice if it is allowed to become more robust.
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Lum, Grande. « The Community Relations Service's Work in Preventing and Responding to Unfounded Racially and Religiously Motivated Violence after 9/11 ». Texas A&M Journal of Property Law 5, no 2 (décembre 2018) : 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/jpl.v5.i2.2.

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On the morning of September 11, 2001, New York City-based Community Relations Service (“CRS”) Regional Director Reinaldo Rivera was at a New Jersey summit on racial profiling. At 8:46 a.m., an American Airlines 767 crashed into the North Tower of New York City’s World Trade Center. Because Rivera was with the New Jersey state attorney general, he quickly learned of the attack. Rivera immediately called his staff members, who at that moment were traveling to Long Island, New York, for an unrelated case. Getting into Manhattan had already become difficult, so Rivera instructed his conciliators to remain on standby. At 9:03 a.m., another 767, United Airlines Flight 175, flew into the World Trade Center’s South Tower. September 11 initiated a new, fraught-filled era for the United States. For CRS, an agency within the United States Department of Justice, it was the beginning of a long-term immersion into conflict issues that involved discrimination and violence against those whose appearance led them to be targets of anti-terrorist hysteria or mis- placed backlash. Appropriately, in the days following 9/11, the federal government, including the Federal Bureau of Investigation (“FBI”), concentrated on ferreting out the culprits of the heinous acts. However, the FBI discovered that Middle Eastern terrorists were responsible for the tragedies, and communities around the nation saw a surge of violence against people who appeared to be of Middle Eastern descent, requiring a response to protect those who were unfairly targeted. These outbreaks began as soon as September 12. Police in Illinois stopped 300 people from marching on a Chicago-area mosque. In Gary, Indiana, a masked gunman shot twenty-one times at a Yemeni- American gas station attendant. In Texas, a mosque was hit by six bullets. On September 15, a man who had been reported by an Applebee’s waiter as saying that he wanted to “shoot some rag heads” shot a Chevron gas station owner Balbir Singh Sodhi, a Sikh-American. The man, Frank Roque, shot through his car window, and five bullets hit Sodhi, killing him instantly. Roque drove to a home he previously owned and had sold to an Afghan-American couple and fired on it. He then shot a Lebanese-American man. According to a police report, Roque said in reference to the 9/11 tragedy, “I [cannot] take this anymore. They killed my brothers and sisters.” Former Transportation Secretary Norman Mineta said, reflecting ten years later on the hate crimes that followed the attack on the World Trade Center, “The tragedy of September 11th should be remembered in the sense of making sure that we [do not] let our emotions run away in terms of trying to show our commitment and conviction about patriotism [and] loyalty.” The events created a new chapter in American race relations, one in which racial tensions and fear were higher than ever for Arabs, Muslims, South Asians, Sikhs, and others who could be targeted in anti-Islamic hysteria because of their physical appearance or dress. In 2011, a CBS–New York Times poll found that 78% agreed that Muslims, Arab-Americans, and immigrants from the Middle East are singled out unfairly by people in this country. Shortly after the September 11 attacks, this number stood at 90%. The same poll also found that one in three Americans think Muslim-Americans are more sympathetic to terrorists than other Americans. To address these misconceptions in the years following 9/11, CRS has done a significant amount of outreach, dispute resolution, and training to mitigate unfounded backlash against Arabs, Muslims, and Sikhs. Under CRS Director Freeman, the agency produced Sikh and Muslim cultural-competency trainings and two training videos: On Common Ground, which provides background on Sikhism and concerns about safety held by Sikhs in America; and The First Three to Five Seconds, which provides background on Muslims and information on their interactions with law enforcement. In 2009, President Obamas signed the Matthew Shepard-James Byrd Junior Hate Crimes Prevention Act. The Act explicitly gave CRS jurisdiction to respond to and prevent hate crimes. For the first time, CRS jurisdiction expanded beyond race. Specifically, CRS was now authorized to work on issues of religion, gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, and disability in addition to race, color, and national origin. When I became CRS Director in 2012, following the continued incidents of unfounded violence and prejudice against those perceived as sharing heritage with Middle Eastern terrorists, I directed the agency to update the trainings and launched an initiative for regional offices to conduct these Sikh and Muslim cultural-competency trainings. In the years following 9/11, controversy has continued over racial profiling of Arab, Muslim, and Sikh individuals. Owing to the nature of the attack, one particular area of ongoing concern is access to airplane flights. Director of Transportation Mineta recalled how the racial profiling he witnessed echoed his own experience as a Japanese-American citizen: [T]here were a lot of people saying, “[We are] not [going to] let Middle Easterners or Muslims on the planes.” And I thought about my own experience [during World War II] because people [could not] make the distinction between the people who were flying the airplanes that attacked Pearl Harbor and the people who were living in Washington, Oregon, and California, who looked like the people flying the airplanes. In response to this problem, CRS trained thousands of law enforcement and Transit Security Association employees on cultural professionalism in working with Arab, Muslim, and Sikh individuals. The work of addressing the profiling and mistreatment of Arab-Americans, Muslims, and Sikhs also spiked after the 2013 bombing of the Boston Marathon. CRS conciliators again reached out to leaders throughout the country at mosques and gurdwaras to confront safety and security issues regarding houses of worship and concerns about backlash violence based on faith, nationality, and race. Since 9/11, CRS’s work on racial profiling continues to respond to increasing conflicts and tensions both within the United States and around the globe. In the wake of the 9/11 tragedy, CRS adjusted its priorities and reallocated resources in the wake of the September 11 tragedy to address the needs of targeted communities and further intercultural understanding. CRS did so by increasing the religious awareness training provided to law enforcement and other agencies, and it committed more resources to working with Muslim and Sikh faith and advocacy organizations and people. This work was not originally envisioned when the 1964 Civil Rights Act created CRS. How- ever, this new focus reflects how the model of the African-American civil rights movement has inspired other efforts to attain equality and justice for minority groups in the United States. Just as the tragedy in Selma helped lead to the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act, the Oak Creek tragedy helped lead the FBI to update its hate crime categories. Former FBI Director James Comey articulated this idea best in his speech to the Anti-Defamation League, stating “do a better job of tracking and reporting hate crime to fully understand what is happening in our communities and how to stop it.” The Community Relations Service has evolved over time since its 1964 origins, and a substantial component has been the work in response to post 9/11 unfounded racial and religious violence.
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Edmonds-Mitchell, Donna. « Race Relations ». Radical Philosophy Review 1, no 2 (1998) : 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/radphilrev19981216.

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Trovato, Frank, et H. L. Kitano. « Race Relations ». Teaching Sociology 15, no 2 (avril 1987) : 228. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1318051.

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EWART, J. A. D. « Race relations ». Nature 328, no 6130 (août 1987) : 470. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/328470c0.

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Glasgow, Joshua, Julie Shulman et Enrique Covarrubias. « The Ordinary Conception of Race in the United States and Its Relation to Racial Attitudes : A New Approach ». Journal of Cognition and Culture 9, no 1-2 (2009) : 15–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853709x414610.

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AbstractMany hold that ordinary race-thinking in the USA is committed to the 'one-drop rule', that race is ordinarily represented in terms of essences, and that race is ordinarily represented as a biological (phenotype- and/or ancestry-based, non-social) kind. This study investigated the extent to which ordinary race-thinking subscribes to these commitments. It also investigated the relationship between different conceptions of race and racial attitudes. Participants included 449 USA adults who completed an Internet survey. Unlike previous research, conceptions of race were assessed using concrete vignettes. Results indicate widespread rejection of the one-drop rule, as well as the use of a complex combination of ancestral, phenotypic, and social (and, therefore, non-essentialist) criteria for racial classification. No relationship was found between racial attitudes and essentialism, the one-drop rule, or social race-thinking; however, ancestry-based and phenotype-based classification criteria were associated with racial attitudes. These results suggest a complicated relationship between conceptions of race and racial attitudes.
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&NA;, &NA;. « PUBLIC RELATIONS COMMITTEE ». Journal of Wound, Ostomy and Continence Nursing 13, no 6 (novembre 1986) : 30A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00152192-198611000-00022.

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Bryant, Ruth. « PUBLIC RELATIONS COMMITTEE ». Journal of Wound, Ostomy and Continence Nursing 15, no 2 (mars 1988) : 43A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00152192-198803000-00010.

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Connor, Geri. « Public Relations Committee ». Neurology Report 17, no 3 (1993) : 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01253086-199317030-00008.

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Connor, Geri. « Public Relations Committee ». Neurology Report 17, no 4 (1993) : 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01253086-199317040-00006.

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Tuttle, Kathy. « Public Relations Committee ». American Journal of Infection Control 15, no 4 (août 1987) : A32—A33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0196-6553(87)90156-8.

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Lindfors, Bernth. « The Lost Life of Ira Daniel Aldridge (Part 2) ». Text Matters, no 3 (1 novembre 2013) : 235–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/texmat-2013-0037.

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The sons of famous men sometimes fail to succeed in life, particularly if they suffer parental neglect in their childhood and youth. Ira Daniel Aldridge is a case in point—a promising lad who in his formative years lacked sustained contact with his father, a celebrated touring black actor whose peripatetic career in the British Isles and later on the European continent kept him away from home for long periods. When the boy rebelled as a teenager, his father sent him abroad, forcing him to make his own way in the world. Ira Daniel settled in Australia, married, and had children, but he found it difficult to support a family. Eventually he turned to crime and wound up spending many years in prison. The son of an absent father, he too became an absent father to his own sons, who also suffered as a consequence. Ira Daniel’s story is not just a case study of a failed father-son relationship. It also presents us with an example of the hardships faced by migrants who move from one society to another in which they must struggle to fit in and survive. This is especially difficult for migrants who look different from most of those in the community they are entering, so this is a tale about strained race relations too. And it takes place in a penal colony where punishments were severe, even for those who committed petty offences. Ira Daniel tried at first to make an honest living, but finally, in desperation, he broke the law and ended up incarcerated in brutal conditions. He was a victim of his environment but also of his own inability to cope with the pressures of settling in a foreign land. Displacement drove him to fail.
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Chakravarti, Aravinda. « Kinship : Race relations ». Nature 457, no 7228 (janvier 2009) : 380–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/457380a.

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Lyon, E. Stina. « Researching Race Relations ». Acta Sociologica 47, no 3 (septembre 2004) : 203–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001699304046245.

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Hughes, Rhidian. « Race Relations Acts ». British Journal of Healthcare Assistants 3, no 8 (août 2009) : 387. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/bjha.2009.3.8.43670.

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Alex-Assensoh, Yvette. « Urban Race Relations ». Urban Affairs Review 32, no 3 (janvier 1997) : 420–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107808749703200306.

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Adam, Heribert, et Jay A. Sigler. « International Handbook on Race and Race Relations. » Contemporary Sociology 18, no 1 (janvier 1989) : 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2071911.

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Not applicable. « Publisher/Vendor Relations Committee ». Issues in Science and Technology Librarianship, no 8 (15 décembre 1993) : 107–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/istl1739.

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Rolstad, Bonnie Sue. « PUBLIC RELATIONS COMMITTEE REPORT ». Journal of Wound, Ostomy and Continence Nursing 14, no 3 (mai 1987) : 40A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00152192-198705000-00025.

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Bryant, Ruth. « PUBLIC RELATIONS COMMITTEE REPORT ». Journal of Wound, Ostomy and Continence Nursing 14, no 6 (novembre 1987) : 35A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00152192-198711000-00011.

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LaMothe, Michael. « Public Relations Committee Report ». Cardiopulmonary Physical Therapy Journal 11, no 1 (1999) : 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01823246-199911010-00017.

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Madras, Diane. « Public Relations Committee Report ». Cardiopulmonary Physical Therapy Journal 13, no 4 (décembre 2002) : 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01823246-200213040-00013.

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Brandman, Wailua. « Media Relations Committee Formed ». Journal of the American Psychiatric Nurses Association 9, no 1 (février 2003) : 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1067/mpn.2003.6.

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Connor, Geri. « Public Relations Committee Report ». Neurology Report 17, no 1 (1993) : 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01253086-199317010-00004.

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Connor, Geri. « Public Relations Committee Report ». Neurology Report 18, no 3 (1994) : 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01253086-199418030-00005.

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Patel, Rupal. « Public Relations Committee Update ». Neurology Report 24, no 5 (2000) : 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01253086-200024050-00009.

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Niles, Judith. « Bookdealer/library relations committee ». Library Acquisitions : Practice & ; Theory 10, no 2 (janvier 1986) : 153–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0364-6408(86)90055-4.

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Solomos, John, E. E. Cashmore, B. Troyna et D. G. Barker. « Introduction to Race Relations ». British Journal of Sociology 36, no 1 (mars 1985) : 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/590419.

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Denney, David, Elaine Genders et Elaine Player. « Race Relations in Prisons ». British Journal of Sociology 41, no 4 (décembre 1990) : 578. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/590674.

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Banton, Michael. « The Race Relations Problematic ». British Journal of Sociology 42, no 1 (mars 1991) : 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/590837.

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Furedi, Frank, et Robert Miles. « Racism after 'Race Relations' ». British Journal of Sociology 46, no 3 (septembre 1995) : 550. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/591870.

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