Articles de revues sur le sujet « Coffee terroir »

The sensory profile from the Coffea canephora stands out for being denser, less sweet, presenting less acidity, and having characteristics of a marked aroma of roasted cereals. Coffee is essentially a terroir product, that is, directly influenced by environmental aspects, both natural and anthropic, in this sense, it has been argued that Coffea canephora is linked to the context of inferior coffees in sensory terms by the terroir conditions. This study aimed to characterize and investigate the terroir in different areas of Conilon coffee production, with the application of different fermentation methods, and to observe their possible gains and losses in the sensory quality of Coffea canephora. Cherry coffee samples were collected in six municipalities in the state of Espírito Santo, Brazil, which has an altitude variation from 376 m to 866 m. The study showed that the local characteristics of altitude and temperature directly influence the sensory quality, as well as demonstrated that natural fermentation in a specific altitude zone delivered good results, fixing the terroir factor. Finally, it was demonstrated that induced fermentation helps to improve sensory quality for higher altitude areas, indicating the possibility of reformulating the terroir of Conilon coffee production.

The terroir of coffee is defined as the unique sensory experience derived from a single origin roasted coffee that embodies its source. Environmental conditions such as temperature, altitude, shade cover, rainfall, and agronomy are considered the major parameters that define coffee terroir. However, many other parameters such as post-harvest processing, roasting, grinding, and brewing can combine to influence the perception of terroir. In this review, we discuss the contribution of these parameters and their influence on coffee terroir. Assessment of terroir requires defined sensory descriptors, as provided by the World Coffee Research Lexicon, and standardized roast level, grind size, and brew method. The choice of the post-harvest processing method is often environmentally dependent, suggesting that an inclusion into the coffee terroir definition is warranted. Coffee terroir is often not intentionally created but results from the contributions of the Coffea species and variety planted, environmental and agricultural parameters, and both the harvest and post-harvest method used. The unique combination of these parameters gives the consumer a unique cup of coffee, reminiscent of the place the coffee was produced.

Abstract. Notions of terroir and their conceptualization through agri-environmental sciences have become popular in many parts of world. Originally developed for wine, terroir now encompasses many other crops including fruits, vegetables, cheese, olive oil, coffee, cacao and other crops, linking the uniqueness and quality of both beverages and foods to the environment where they are produced, giving the consumer a sense of place. Climate, geology, geomorphology, and soil are the main environmental factors which compose the terroir effect at different scales. Often considered immutable at the cultural scale, the natural components of terroir are actually a set of processes, which together create a delicate equilibrium and regulation of its effect on products in both space and time. Due to both a greater need to better understand regional to site variations in crop production and the growth in spatial analytic technologies, the study of terroir has shifted from a largely descriptive regional science to a more applied, technical research field. Furthermore, the explosion of spatial data availability and sensing technologies has made the within-field scale of study more valuable to the individual grower. The result has been greater adoption but also issues associated with both the spatial and temporal scales required for practical applications, as well as the relevant approaches for data synthesis. Moreover, as soil microbial communities are known to be of vital importance for terrestrial processes by driving the major soil geochemical cycles and supporting healthy plant growth, an intensive investigation of the microbial organization and their function is also required. Our objective is to present an overview of existing data and modelling approaches for terroir functional modelling, footprinting and zoning at local and regional scales. This review will focus on three main areas of recent terroir research: (1) quantifying the influences of terroir components on plant growth, fruit composition and quality, mostly examining climate-soil-water relationships and/or using new tools to unravel the biogeochemical cycles of both macro- and micronutrients, the functional diversity of terroirs and the chemical signature of products for authentification (the metagenomic approach and the regional fingerprinting); (2) terroir zoning at different scales: mapping terroirs and using remote and proxy sensing technologies to monitor soil quality and manage the crop system for a better food quality; and (3) terroir sustainability assessment and new preservation practices.

Abstract. Notions of terroir and their conceptualization through agro-environmental sciences have become popular in many parts of world. Originally developed for wine, terroir now encompasses many other crops including fruits, vegetables, cheese, olive oil, coffee, cacao and other crops, linking the uniqueness and quality of both beverages and foods to the environment where they are produced, giving the consumer a sense of place. Climate, geology, geomorphology and soil are the main environmental factors which make up the terroir effect on different scales. Often considered immutable culturally, the natural components of terroir are actually a set of processes, which together create a delicate equilibrium and regulation of its effect on products in both space and time. Due to both a greater need to better understand regional-to-site variations in crop production and the growth in spatial analytic technologies, the study of terroir has shifted from a largely descriptive regional science to a more applied, technical research field. Furthermore, the explosion of spatial data availability and sensing technologies has made the within-field scale of study more valuable to the individual grower. The result has been greater adoption of these technologies but also issues associated with both the spatial and temporal scales required for practical applications, as well as the relevant approaches for data synthesis. Moreover, as soil microbial communities are known to be of vital importance for terrestrial processes by driving the major soil geochemical cycles and supporting healthy plant growth, an intensive investigation of the microbial organization and their function is also required. Our objective is to present an overview of existing data and modelling approaches for terroir functional modelling, footprinting and zoning on local and regional scales. This review will focus on two main areas of recent terroir research: (1) using new tools to unravel the biogeochemical cycles of both macro- and micronutrients, the biological and chemical signatures of terroirs (i.e. the metagenomic approach and regional fingerprinting); (2) terroir zoning on different scales: mapping terroirs and using remote- and proxy-sensing technologies to monitor soil quality and manage the crop system for better food quality. Both implementations of terroir chemical and biological footprinting and geospatial technologies are promising for the management of terroir units, particularly the remote and proxy data in conjunction with spatial statistics. Indeed, the managed zones will be updatable and the effects of viticultural and/or soil management practices might be easier to control. The prospect of facilitated terroir spatial monitoring makes it possible to address another great challenge in the years to come: the issue of terroir sustainability and the construction of efficient soil/viticultural management strategies that can be assessed and applied across numerous scales.

Land-use/land-cover change (LUCC) is a major cause of environmental transformation. Distant drivers, often associated with emerging markets for specific products, are now being considered one of the main factors of LUCC and are gaining attention in land change science. Consumers show an increasing interest in local and quality food, certified for its origin and its environmental production standards. A kind of agricultural product certification, Geographic Indication, identifies a product as originating from a specific region where a given quality, reputation or characteristic is attributed to its geographical origin. Sustainable land use is potentially an indirect effect of Geographic Indication, as it requires better land management in order to preserve the natural resources associated with the unique characteristics of the certified product. Located in the southern region of the state of Minas Gerais in Brazil is the region of Mantiqueira de Minas, considered one of the most important regions for the production of specialty coffees in Brazil. In 2011, the region’s tradition and reputation were recognized with a Geographic Indication, the second given for coffee regions in the country. To explore the full potential of this area for producing coffees with higher quality and meet the growing demand of this new international market, which aggregates value at specialty coffees, it became fundamental to understand the coffee environments of the region, the “terroirs” where these coffees are obtained. Geotechnology can give a significant contribution in filling this gap. This work is part of a research project that made a detailed characterization of the region’s coffee agroecosystems. Geotechnologies were employed to map the areas occupied by coffee plantations by using RapidEye satellite images and SPRING and ArcGIS software. All the segments of the environment were characterized and mapped in detail and the relations with coffee quality were evaluated. The results showed that coffee occupies approximately 8% of the region’s total area and is mostly distributed in the hilly areas with higher elevations. They also proved that specialty coffees are more likely to be obtained in altitudes above 1100 m, also being correlated to genotype and to the post-harvest methods employed. These results provide information that allows a better understanding of the factors involved in the expression of coffee quality. They also provide the scientific basis required for obtaining a new Geographic Indication for the Mantiqueira de Minas region, this time a Denomination of Origin (DO), which will certainly aggregate value to the specialty coffees produced in this unique region.

Land-use/land-cover change (LUCC) is a major cause of environmental transformation. Distant drivers, often associated with emerging markets for specific products, are now being considered one of the main factors of LUCC and are gaining attention in land change science. Consumers show an increasing interest in local and quality food, certified for its origin and its environmental production standards. A kind of agricultural product certification, Geographic Indication, identifies a product as originating from a specific region where a given quality, reputation or characteristic is attributed to its geographical origin. Sustainable land use is potentially an indirect effect of Geographic Indication, as it requires better land management in order to preserve the natural resources associated with the unique characteristics of the certified product. Located in the southern region of the state of Minas Gerais in Brazil is the region of Mantiqueira de Minas, considered one of the most important regions for the production of specialty coffees in Brazil. In 2011, the region’s tradition and reputation were recognized with a Geographic Indication, the second given for coffee regions in the country. To explore the full potential of this area for producing coffees with higher quality and meet the growing demand of this new international market, which aggregates value at specialty coffees, it became fundamental to understand the coffee environments of the region, the “terroirs” where these coffees are obtained. Geotechnology can give a significant contribution in filling this gap. This work is part of a research project that made a detailed characterization of the region’s coffee agroecosystems. Geotechnologies were employed to map the areas occupied by coffee plantations by using RapidEye satellite images and SPRING and ArcGIS software. All the segments of the environment were characterized and mapped in detail and the relations with coffee quality were evaluated. The results showed that coffee occupies approximately 8% of the region’s total area and is mostly distributed in the hilly areas with higher elevations. They also proved that specialty coffees are more likely to be obtained in altitudes above 1100 m, also being correlated to genotype and to the post-harvest methods employed. These results provide information that allows a better understanding of the factors involved in the expression of coffee quality. They also provide the scientific basis required for obtaining a new Geographic Indication for the Mantiqueira de Minas region, this time a Denomination of Origin (DO), which will certainly aggregate value to the specialty coffees produced in this unique region.

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> Coffee is the second most traded commodity in the world and its production has implications in both international and domestic economy. It is an important commercial crop of India and hence, reliable acreage and production estimation is most essential for taking up policy decisions. The coffee growing regions in India are mainly confined to the traditional South Indian states (Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil Nadu) and partly in non-traditional regions (Andhra Pradesh and Odisha) while to a smaller extent in North-Eastern states. Interpretation and mapping of coffee plantations using satellite data is quite challenging due to the diverse and complex cultivation practices. In the present study, multi-resolution and multi-source data was utilized for mapping of coffee plantations in the country. Temporal LISS-III (24.0&amp;thinsp;m) data was used for characterizing the phenology of coffee and other competing plantation crops for selection of optimal high resolution satellite (HRS) datasets. Accordingly, Cartosat-1 (2.5&amp;thinsp;m) and Resourcesat LISS-IV multispectral (5.0&amp;thinsp;m) datasets corresponding to February-April months were utilized. The spectral signature of coffee plantations is determined by the age category of coffee plantations, varietal difference, density &amp; composition of shade trees along with terrain features like slope and aspect. The plantations manifested in different tones of red and mottled texture on the multispectral image. Object oriented classification approach showed encouraging results in homogenous &amp;amp; contiguous areas but showed poor mapping accuracy in heterogeneous regions due to complex spectral signature and varying texture. Thus, a combination of digital and visual interpretation techniques were used for mapping of coffee plantations depending on the suitability. Feature space optimization function was used for selection of object parameters and 14 image features consisting of mean spectral values, standard deviation, NDVI, geometry and contextual parameters were used for classification of coffee plantations using Support Vector Machine (SVM). In case of small holdings and heterogeneous areas, interactive visual interpretation of HRS data at 1&amp;thinsp;:&amp;thinsp;5,000 scale using tone, texture, shape and terrain characteristics was carried out for mapping of coffee plantations with the help of ground truth and field experience of Liaison Officials of Coffee Board. Post-interpretation field verification/validation of the interpreted maps was carried out for the accuracy assessment and the overall mapping accuracy of better than 90.0 per cent was achieved in the study. Total area under coffee plantations was about 4.41 lakh ha (excluding N-E states). This is the first study in the country to generate coffee map at national level for creation of baseline geospatial database which could be updated periodically. Suitability analysis using pedo-climatic and terrain parameters is being carried to promote the coffee cultivation in the non-traditional regions. Further research efforts are necessary for varietal discrimination and modelling of pests and diseases which is critical input for production estimation.</p>

The implantation of coffee crop plantations requires cartographic data for dimensioning areas and planning the planting line. Digital terrain models (DTMs) obtained from remotely piloted aircraft (RPA) can contribute to efficient data collection for topography making this technique applicable to precision coffee projects. Aiming to achieve efficiency in the collection, processing and photogrammetric products quality, flight configurations and image processing were evaluated. Two hundred sixty-five points obtained by Global Navigation Satellite System (GNSS) receivers characterized the topographic surface. Then eighteen flight missions were carried out by RPA in the configurations of altitude above ground level (AGL) and frontal and lateral image overlay. In addition, different point cloud formats evaluated the image processing (time) efficiency in DTM. Flights performed at 120 m AGL and 80 × 80% overlap showed higher assertiveness and efficiency in generation DTMs. The 90 m AGL flight showed great terrain detail, causing significant surface differences concerning the topography obtained by GNSS. An increase in image overlap requires longer processing times, not contributing linearly to the geometric quality of orthomosaic. Slope ranges up to 20% are considered reliable for precision coffee growing projects; above 20% overestimates the slope values of the land. Changes in flight settings and image processing are satisfactory for precision coffee projects. Image overlap reduction was significant in reducing the processing time without influencing the quality of the DTMs. In addition, image processing performed in shallow point clouds did not interfere with the DTMs quality.

The research evaluates the sensorial quality of processed and dried coffee beans in different ways. Two types of processing were performed: dry and wet; And seven drying methods: drying in the terrier, and mechanical drying with heated air at 50ºC until coffee reaches 30% water content, followed by drying with air heated to 35ºC until reaching 11% water content; drying in fixed-layer dryers with heated air at 45 ° C until the coffee reaches 30% water content, followed by drying with heated air at 35 ° C until reaching 11% water content; and drying in fixed layer dryers with heated air at 40 ° C until coffee reaches 30% water content, followed by drying with heated air at 35 ° C until reaching 11% water content; drying in fixed layer dryers with heated air at 35 ° C until the coffee reaches 30% water content, followed by drying with heated air at 50 ° C until reaching 11% water content; drying in fixed-layer dryers with heated air at 35 ° C until the coffee reaches 30% water content, followed by drying with heated air at 45 ° C until reaching 11% water content; drying in fixed-layer dryers with heated air at 35 ° C until the coffee reaches 30% water content, followed by drying with heated air at 40 ° C until reaching 11% water content. The mechanical drying system consisted of three dryers of fixed layer, allowing the control of temperature and drying flow. The cafes were tasted according to the evaluation system proposed by the American Specialty Coffee Association (SCAA). Analyzes of the physical-chemical composition and physiological quality of the grains were carried out, involving: acidity grease, potassium leaching, electrical conductivity, color and germination. The results show that the pulped coffee is more tolerant to drying than the natural coffee, regardless of how it was dried.

This research aims to locate a set of points of B&B accommodations on a coffee cultivation area by using GPS positioning and GIS spatial analysis for responding to Porter's concept of industry cluster and to analyze the locational factors of B&B accommodation. Due to the coffee attractiveness, the B&B lodging establishments have sprung up in the area like mushrooms to service more and more tourists for the past 20 years. The spatial cluster of B&B establishments is displayed by specifying a set of GPS positioning points on different GIS raster surfaces to process point density analysis, buffer analysis and terrain analysis. To explore the locational characteristic of B&B establishments, overlay analysis is processed to examine the terrain, landscape, accessibility and tourist attractiveness factors. Instead of focusing on innovation atmosphere, knowledge intensive and technology transfer of new industry cluster factors, this research emphasizes traditional cluster concept of geography proximity on the benefits of agriculture and tourism linkage to available of tourist foods.

As one of three major beverages in the world, coffee ranks first in terms of production, consumption, and economic output. However, little is known about the habitat of Arabica coffee and the key environmental factors that influence its ecological distribution. Based on climatic, topographic, and soil data, the Arabica coffee planting regions with different levels of ecological suitability in different periods, and environmental factors that have the largest impact on ecological suitability were simulated using the MaxEnt model. The results showed that the ecologically suitable regions were mainly determined by climatic (max temperature of warmest month and annual precipitation) factors, followed by terrain (slope, altitude, and aspect) and soil (silt) factors. Under the current scenario, the most suitable and suitable regions accounted for 4.68% and 14.29% of the entire area, respectively, mainly in the western, southeastern, southern, and southwestern parts of Yunnan. The highly suitable regions shrank by 0.59 × 104–2.16 × 104 km2 under SSPs245 in 2061–2080 and SSPs585 in 2021–2040 and 2041–2060. By contrast, the highly suitable regions increased by 0.33 × 104–9.65 × 104 km2 under other scenarios. The suitable regions migrated towards higher-altitude and higher-latitude regions. Predicting the potential distribution of Arabica coffee based on a species distribution model (MaxEnt) can inform the implementation of long-term plantation development plans to mitigate the effects of climate change on the distribution of Arabica coffee.

The cultivation of coffee plants is closely related to many problems. These challenges are discussed from non-physical and physical aspects in this study, including farmer expertise, land area, capital, and income, as well as physical characteristics based on climate, soil conditions, and terrain. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method. Data was obtained by interviewing informants, taking notes, and collecting secondary information on topography, rainfall, soil type, temperature, and altitude. The findings show that physical and non-physical factors, as well as skills, land area, capital, and income, have a significant impact on coffee growth. These physical elements include topography, soil, and climate. Farmer productivity is affected by the small size of the cultivated land.

This article presents the application of the Internet of things (IoT), as a technological tool for the development of a wireless sensor network with the aim of monitoring and controlling a series of environmental variables affecting the cultivation of coffee and its final quality. The logical and physical design of the network and its devices was carried out, the sensors network was configured in a given field and the information of certain environmental variables was collected to be compared with a series of parameters already established. This procedure will allow the coffee growers to observe the behavior of these variables over time and set the generation of alerts or warnings when these measures are outside the established ranges. The study determined that the management of coffee cultivation is quite complex due to the large number of varieties found, the terrain and environmental variables affecting the production process and the final quality of the grain. It was also determined that the development and implementation of wireless sensor networks is possible today due to factors such as the reduction of device costs and the use of open source software, avoiding additional licensing values. Finally, based on the parameters analyzed, it was possible to establish that one of the main problems in coffee crops is the intense humidity that, in practice, can affect the performance of the sensors and their measurements.

Avaliar a qualidade do café conilon (Coffea Canephora Pierre) depois da secagem em terreiro híbrido e de concreto, processado por via seca para as condições climáticas do Estado de Rondônia, foi o principal objetivo deste trabalho. O café foi colhido, manualmente, pelo sistema de derriça no pano, com teor de água de aproximadamente 50% (b.u.), separado por diferença de massa específica em três grupos: cerejas, boia e café mistura. Posteriormente, cada um dos grupos foi dividido em dois lotes e submetidos à secagem em terreiro híbrido e terreiro de concreto. A análise sensorial foi realizada pela degustação por especialista e a qualidade química do produto foi avaliada por meio das análises da acidez titulável, sólidos solúveis totais e condutividade elétrica. Conclui-se que o tempo necessário para que os cafés boia, mistura e cereja atingissem o teor de água de 9,5 ± 0,5 (%b.u.) foi de 168 horas no terreiro de concreto e no terreiro híbrido foi de 48, 54 e 60 horas, respectivamente. O café submetido à secagem em terreiro de concreto obteve melhor qualidade em comparação ao café secado em terreiro híbrido, decorrente da taxa de remoção de água mais lenta, em média 3,1 vezes menor que no terreiro híbrido, e em função das condições climáticas favoráveis à secagem em terreiro de concreto.

Objetivou-se com o presente trabalho estudar a cinética da secagem de quatro clones de café da espécie Coffea canephora submetidos à secagem em terreiro de chão batido, bem como ajustar diferentes modelos matemáticos aos valores experimentais selecionando aquele que melhor representa o fenômeno em estudo. Foram utilizados frutos de café dos clones: Cpafro 194, Cpafro 193, Cpafro 167 e Cpafro180, colhidos com os teores de água iniciais de 1,20; 1,32; 1,51 e 1,46 (decimal base seca (b.s.)), respectivamente. A secagem prosseguiu em terreiro de chão batido até que o produto atingisse o teor de água de 0,137; 0,133; 0,142 e 0,140 (decimal b.s.) respectivamente para os clones Cpafro 194, Cpafro 193, Cpafro 167 e Cpafro 180. Aos dados experimentais foram ajustados dez modelos matemáticos citados na literatura específica e utilizados para representação do processo de secagem de produtos agrícolas. Baseando-se em parâmetros estatísticos, conclui-se que os modelos Verma, Dois Termos e Aproximação da Difusão foram adequados para representação da secagem dos quatro clones de café analisados, e além destes, para o clone Cpafro 167, os modelos Thompson, Page, Newton, Logarítmico, Henderson e Pabis e Exponencial de Dois Termos também se mostraram satisfatórios na descrição do fenômeno; já o tempo necessário para a secagem em terreiro de chão batido dos clones de café Cpafro 194, Cpafro 193, Cpafro 167 e Cpafro 180 foi de 189,5 h.

A manutenção da integridade das membranas celulares, entre outros eventos, é um forte indicativo de que a qualidade do café foi preservada na pós-colheita. Objetivou-se neste trabalho, analisar o efeito de diferentes métodos de secagem na manutenção da integridade da parede celular e da membrana plasmática de café natural e café despolpado, buscando determinar as condições e o momento em que ocorrem as rupturas microscópicas. Os cafés foram submetidos a um período de pré-secagem em terreiro. Após este, uma parcela de cada tipo de café foi desidratada no terreiro e, outra, à temperatura de 40ºC e 60ºC em secadores de camada fixa, monitorando-se a temperatura e o teor de água até 11% (bu). Nesse período, grãos foram aleatoriamente amostrados e fragmentos do endosperma preparados para a microscopia eletrônica de varredura, registrando-se diversas eletromicrografias, avaliando-se as alterações na membrana plasmática da célula do endosperma dos grãos de cafés em função do teor de água e tempo de secagem. O citoplasma das células a 11% (bu) de teor de água não foi comprometido na secagem em terreiro e a 40°C; na secagem a 60°C, observou-se comprometimento nas estruturas celulares nos cafés com teor de água de 20% (bu).

In Western populations, the caffeine intake of young adults has received significant attention in the research literature; our knowledge in other societies remained limited. The objective of this research is to quantify the amount of ingested caffeine and how this is related to measures of physical and mental health in a Bahraini population. A semi-quantitative food frequency questionnaire was used to estimate caffeine intake from coffee, tea, cocoa, soft drinks, energy drinks, chocolates, and over-the-counter medications. Associations between caffeine intake, demographic variables and 25 symptoms measured using the Hopkins Symptoms Checklist-25 were examined. A convenience sample of university students in Bahrain (n = 727) was surveyed. Caffeine, in any form, was consumed by 98% of students. Mean daily caffeine consumption was 268 mg/day, with males consuming more than females. Coffee was the main source of caffeine intake, followed by black tea and energy drinks. Participants consuming 400 mg/day or more showed a statistically and significantly twice as high risk for five symptoms, these were: headaches, spells of terror or panic, feeling trapped or caught, worrying too much about things, and having feelings of worthlessness. The prevalence of caffeine intake among university students in Bahrain is high. The overall mean intake of caffeine from all sources by university students was within levels considered to be acceptable by many dietary recommendations. High caffeine intake was associated with an anxiogenic effect in the surveyed students.

Mechanized operations on terrain slopes can still lead to considerable errors in the alignment and distribution of plants. Knowing slope interference in semi-mechanized planting quality can contribute to precision improvement in decision making, mainly in regions with high slope. This study evaluates the quality of semi-mechanized coffee planting in different land slopes using a remotely piloted aircraft (RPA) and statistical process control (SPC). In a commercial coffee plantation, aerial images were collected by a remotely piloted aircraft (RPA) and subsequently transformed into a digital elevation model (DEM) and a slope map. Slope data were subjected to variance analysis and statistical process control (SPC). Dependent variables analyzed were variations in distance between planting lines and between plants in line. The distribution of plants on all the slopes evaluated was below expected; the most impacted was the slope between 20–25%, implementing 7.8% fewer plants than projected. Inferences about the spacing between plants in the planting row showed that in slopes between 30–40%, the spacing was 0.53 m and between 0 and 15% was 0.55 m. This denotes the compensation of the speed of the operation on different slopes. The spacing between the planting lines had unusual variations on steep slopes. The SCP quality graphics are of lower quality in operations between 30–40%, as they have an average spacing of 3.65 m and discrepant points in the graphics. Spacing variations were observed in all slopes as shown in the SCP charts, and possible causes and implications for future management were discussed, contributing to improvements in the culture installation stage.

Context: The collection and storage of data on environmental variables in a coffee crop, through wireless sensor networks allow the transformation of said data and the application of a supervised learning model to establish its behavior. Method: For the present work, an architecture of 3 wireless sensor nodes was developed. Each node consists of a Lucy3 programmable card, to which the temperature, environmental humidity, and soil moisture sensors were connected. The measurement terrain is located in El Cortijo coffee farm. Measurements were made over a period of two weeks, three hours a day, sending the information from the nodes described above to a gateway that then transmitted the information to a base station. Finally, the data was loaded on an online platform for transformation and predictive analytics through a supervised learning model. Results: The tests allowed demonstrating the effectiveness of the design of the wireless network in the collection and transmission of data. It was later found that the application of the supervised learning model through the analysis of classification with decision trees allowed predicting the behavior of the variables, which were evaluated in specific time frames and conditions. Conclusions: By applying predictive models, the conditions of the crop can be improved, allowing the yield of the analyzed variables to be optimized, thus minimizing the loss of resources and improving the efficiency of processes such as sowing and harvesting the grain.

Diversos fatores podem interferir na qualidade do café, especialmente aqueles relacionados às etapas pós-colheita de processamento e secagem. Algumas espécies de fungos podem se associar a grãos de café durante a pós-colheita, podendo ocasionar alterações indesejáveis. O objetivo deste estudo foi avaliar a influência dos processamentos via seca (natural), seco em terreiro de terra, e via úmida (despolpado), seco em terreiro de cimento, tradicionalmente empregados na região sudoeste da Bahia, na incidência de fungos em grãos de café beneficiados produzidos na safra 2007/2008. O experimento consistiu de 4 tratamentos: a) café natural de Barra do Choça; b) café natural de Encruzilhada; c) café despolpado de Barra do Choça e d) café despolpado de Encruzilhada; e 5 repetições. Foram coletadas 20 amostras de grãos de café oriundas de diferentes propriedades cafeeiras nestes municípios. Os resultados obtidos foram avaliados pelo teste de médias t de Bonferroni a 5% de probabilidade. Houve diferença estatística significativa entre os tratamentos analisados para a infestação fúngica. Os gêneros detectados foram: Aspergillus, Penicillium e Fusarium, sendo que o gênero Aspergillus foi o de maior incidência, no qual foram identificadas oito espécies: Aspergillus ochraceus, A. niger, A. flavus, A. foetidus, A. tubingensis, A. auricomus, A. sojae e A. oryzae. Foi detectada a maior incidência de fungos em grãos de café oriundos de processamento natural do que de processamento despolpado.

Abstract Resulting from cross-breeding a horse and a donkey, the mule influenced southeast Brazil’s economic development perhaps more so than any other domesticated animal; the mule served as the key transport vehicle during both Brazil’s 18th century gold era and 19th century coffee era. In enabling mining and agriculture products to traverse mountainous terrain to reach port cities near São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, the mule played a central role in the region’s economic and ecological history. Although the mule has not been southeast Brazil’s primary transport method since the train’s arrival in the 1870s, rural and urban dwellers still employ the mule over short distances near two protected landmasses despite declining generational interest and use. More recently, with increasing leisure use as a companion animal, the mule stimulates tourism and local economic patterns via large gatherings while serving as a cultural symbol of Brazil’s patrimony.

A incidência de ocratoxina A foi estudada em café mistura, bóia e varrição secas em três tipos de terreiro: terra, cimento e asfalto. Foram analisadas 238 amostras coletadas em 11 municípios da região sul do Estado de Minas Gerais, sendo 35 bóia, 97 - mistura e 106 varrição. Das amostras analisadas, em 40% não foi detectada a presença de ocratoxina A, em 31%, foram detectadas a presença de ocratoxina A em níveis que variaram de 0,1 a 5,0 µg/Kg de café. Estes resultados demonstram que 169 amostras (71%) analisadas estariam dentro dos limites em estudo da Legislação Européia que regulamenta a concentração máxima de ocratoxina A em grãos de café torrado. As espécies de Aspergillus identificadas como produtoras de ocratoxina A foram Aspergillus ochraceus, A. sclerotiorum e A. sulphureus. Os níveis de contaminação de ocratoxina A em grãos de café foram maiores na fração varrição e nas frações bóia e mistura, secas em terreiro de terra. Os resultados deste estudo concluem que o terreiro de terra aumenta o risco de contaminação com ocratoxina A em grãos de café. A fração varrição devido aos riscos de exposição a ocratoxina A, deve ser reduzida através da adoção de boas práticas agrícolas e não ser utilizada para fins de consumo humano e animal.

O Brasil é referência no setor cafeeiro, com elevada contribuição do estado do Espírito Santo (ES), que se destaca como principal produtor de conilon (Coffea canephora) no país. Após o beneficiamento, o café é caracterizado de acordo com sua qualidade, que é influenciada por diversos fatores e interfere diretamente na possibilidade de agregação de valor ao produto. Grande parte dos fatores determinantes da qualidade está associada aos processos de colheita, processamento, secagem e armazenamento. Desse modo, objetivou-se com o presente trabalho avaliar a relação entre os principais métodos de secagem utilizados para o café conilon cultivado em diferentes altitudes e sua qualidade final. Foram utilizadas amostras de grãos secos em terreiro comum (TC), terreiro de cimento suspenso coberto com estufa (TS) e secador rotativo pelo método direto (S). A análise sensorial foi realizada através de degustação por julgadores especializados e a qualidade química foi avaliada por meio das análises de umidade, pH, acidez total titulável e condutividade elétrica. As amostras apresentaram diferença significativa entre os diferentes métodos de secagem utilizados para todos os parâmetros avaliados. Não foi possível identificar um único método de secagem que promovesse amostras com parâmetros superiores de qualidade, indicando, portanto, que o uso de matéria prima de boa qualidade, aliado a manejo e processamento pós-colheita adequados, proporcionam produtos finais dentro dos padrões de qualidade, independentemente do método de secagem utilizado.

Cafés (Coffea arabica. L) da cultivar Catuaí vermelho foram colhidos em 1º/7/1998 na região de Carmo do Rio Claro no Estado de Minas Gerais, onde se utilizaram frutos de um mesmo talhão contendo, em média, 53,89% de cereja, 23,14% seco/passa e 22,96% de frutos verdes. Após colhidos, os frutos foram separados em lotes com 180 litros de frutos para cada tempo de espera e divididos em três repetições com 60 litros de frutos cada uma; esses frutos foram ensacados em sacos de polietileno trançado e dispostos no terreiro por diferentes tempos, variando em 0,1,2,3,4,5,6 e 7 dias, após os quais se procedeu à secagem no próprio terreiro até os grãos atingirem de 11 a 13% de umidade. Em seguida, retirou-se uma quantidade suficiente de amostra para análises químicas e microbiológicas. A composição microbiana, com a elevação no tempo de espera para secagem, caracterizou-se por um aumento na infecção por Fusarium sp, Aspergillus niger e Aspergillus ochraceus nos frutos antes da secagem, diminuição da infecção por Cladosporium sp nos frutos e grãos, Penicillium sp e Fusarium sp nos grãos, com Penicillium sp, Aspergillus niger e Aspergillus ochraceus não mostrando variação definida nos grãos, porém, com valores elevados em ambos. Considerando-se os níveis de ochratoxina A, não foi detectada presença em nenhum dos tempos de espera para secagem analisados.

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> Urban areas are characterized by a complex topography of buildings, terrain, vegetation and temporary structures, which, depending on their extent, geometry, geographic location and daytime, cast shadow on their surroundings. Given the importance of sunlight for various groups of interest and tasks, we argue that a comprehensive, accessible, usable and intuitive way of predicting its availability for specific usage contexts is surprisingly lacking. In our research, we are investigating how to improve the visual communication of urban solar conditions for various real-world usage scenarios like having a coffee in the sun, parking a car in the shade, or taking a photograph of a particular building in a favorable light. All of these activities take place over a period of time, not in a temporal instant, causing solar shadows to move. Hence, a static representation of the light situation at a distinct point in time, such as offered by available 3D urban maps or GIS systems, is often not sufficient for planning above mentioned recreational or professional activities.</p><p>This factor is incorporated in our system by integrating shadow motion into a shadow map that covers arbitrary timeframes within a given day (Figure 1). Shadows are accumulated by projecting shadow maps from astronomically precise sun positions spanning over the defined timeframe. The number of sampling points directly influences the quality and speed of the rendering. All provided figures currently sample and integrate nine different sun positions.</p><p>Using our system, questions in a manner of “Given a specific point in space, at which time will this point be in sun/shade again” can be answered. E.g., one would like to spend time in the sun at a specific Viennese “Kaffeehaus” (coffee place), from which time on (and for how long) will this space be sunlit (Figure 2). In the future, this process might even be automated.</p>

Remote sensing data and geographic information systems are widely used for land suitability analysis for crops such as coffee and corn. This study aims to analyze and map suitable land for the plant known locally as ciplukan (Physalis angulata L.). As the cultivation of this plant is expected to be developed by the Institute of Technology of Sumatra, analysis of this type is needed. The parameters used in this study were slope, land use, rainfall and soil type. Information extraction from remote sensing data was carried out via visual interpretation of aerial photography used to create land-cover maps. Shuttle RADAR Topographic Mission (SRTM) data was converted from digital surface model (DSM) to digital terrain model (DTM) to provide elevation information. Land suitability analysis was performed using a scoring method and overlay analysis. The results obtained from the analysis identified several classes of land suitability for Physalis angulata L., categorized as suitable, less suitable, and not suitable. The less suitable class, scored at 9 to 11, comprised a total area of 180.96 ha, while the suitable area, scored at 12, comprised a total area of 49.1 ha.

Com o objetivo de avaliar a influência da colheita na qualidade do café, foram estudados seis diferentes sistemas. O experimento foi conduzido na fazenda Rancho Fundo, município de Campos Gerais, MG, no Departamento de Ciência dos Alimentos da UFLA e no Centro Tecnológico do Sul de Minas da EPAMIG. Em uma lavoura da cultivar Acaiá Cerrado, foram sorteadas, ao acaso, dezoito parcelas com trinta metros de comprimento. A colheita foi realizada quando a lavoura apresentava aproximadamente 20% de frutos verdes. Um terço do café derriçado de cada parcela era formado pela mistura de frutos provenientes da lavoura. O restante do café foi lavado e separado em frutos-bóia e verde/cereja. Os diferentes tipos de café foram colocados no terreiro de secagem até atingirem o teor de água de 11% (b.u.). Após a secagem, o café foi beneficiado e submetido às seguintes avaliações: polifenóis, açúcares totais, redutores e não-redutores, sólidos solúveis totais, acidez titulável total e prova de xícara. Analisando os resultados obtidos, apesar de terem sido observadas diferenças significativas entre os valores médios de polifenóis, açúcares, sólidos solúveis e acidez titulável para os diferentes sistemas de colheita, não foi possível estabelecer uma associação definida entre sistema de colheita e composição química. Não foi possível também distinguir, a partir da prova de xícara, diferenças na qualidade do café em função do sistema de colheita, pois, todas as amostras analisadas apresentaram bebida classificada como mole, apenas mole e dura.

O café (Coffea arabica L.) é um importante produto de exportação brasileira, por fazer parte do hábito alimentar da população de diversos países. Sua produção vem passando por transformações tecnológicas que têm como objetivo agregar valores qualitativos ao produto destinado tanto para mercado interno como externo. A exportação do café e de produtos alimentícios deve se adequar aos programas de qualidade estabelecidos por acordos políticos internacionais. Assim sendo, objetivou-se, nesse estudo, verificar a influência do método de preparo via úmida com tipos distintos de secagens, na obtenção do café cereja descascado, sobre a composição, físico-química e química do café. Houve influência da forma, preparo e tipo de secagem sobre as principais características estudadas. O café cereja descascado apresentou diferenças nos principais indicadores químicos físico-químicos e com uma superioridade para esse método de preparo com secagem exclusiva no terreiro, em diversos aspectos. Houve redução na condutividade elétrica, lixiviação de potássio e aumento da atividade da polifenoloxidase.

O objetivo deste estudo foi avaliar a influência do cultivo de café em diferentes altitudes associado ao tipo de processamento dos frutos na diversidade e densidade da população de leveduras e na qualidade química e sensorial da bebida final. O experimento foi conduzido na Fazenda Segredo, no município de Cristais, Minas Gerais, com amostras de café colhidas em talhões da variedade Mundo Novo. Após a colheita das amostras, foi realizada a separação dos grãos de café em cereja e os tratamentos de seca natural em terreiro e fermentação anaeróbica em tambores por 36 horas. O delineamento experimental utilizado foi em blocos casualizados, em esquema fatorial 3x2, com três repetições por tratamento. A densidade de leveduras foi medida por meio da técnica de diluição seriada e a diversidade dada pelo Índice de Shannon-Wiener (H’). A classificação dos grãos seguiu o Regulamento Técnico de Identidade e Qualidade para a Classificação do Café Beneficiado Cru e a análise sensorial feita segundo a metodologia Specialty Coffee Association (SCA), por juízes certificados pela mesma. A cultura do café na altitude de 845 metros associada ao processo de fermentação anaeróbica apresentou a maior taxa de densidade e diversidade de leveduras no grão e as características sensoriais distintas, resultando em uma bebida de sabor diferenciado.

The distribution and abundance patterns of Malabar Grey Hornbill Ocyceros griseus and Great Hornbill Buceros bicornis were studied in one undisturbed and one heavily altered rainforest landscape in the southern Western Ghats, India. The Agasthyamalai hills (Kalakad-Mundanthurai Tiger Reserve, KMTR) contained over 400 km2 of continuous rainforest, whereas the Anamalai hills (now Indira Gandhi Wildlife Sanctuary, IGWS) contained fragments of rainforest in a matrix of tea and coffee plantations. A comparison of point-count and line transect census techniques for Malabar Grey Hornbill at one site indicated much higher density estimates in point-counts (118.4/km2) than in line transects (51.5/km2), probably due to cumulative count over time in the former technique. Although line transects appeared more suitable for long-term monitoring of hornbill populations, point-counts may be useful for large-scale surveys, especially where forests are fragmented and terrain is unsuitable for line transects. A standard fixed radius point-count method was used to sample different altitude zones (600–1,500 m) in the undisturbed site (342 point-counts) and fragments ranging in size from 0.5 to 2,500 ha in the Anamalais (389 point-counts). In the fragmented landscape, Malabar Grey Hornbill was found in higher altitudes than in KMTR, extending to nearly all the disturbed fragments at mid-elevations (1,000–1,200 m). Great Hornbill persisted in the fragmented landscape using all three large fragments (> 200 ha). It was also recorded in four of five medium-sized fragments (25–200 ha) and one of five small fragments (< 25 ha), which was adjacent to shade coffee plantations. Abundance of Malabar Grey Hornbill declined with altitude and increased with food-tree species richness. Great Hornbill abundance increased with food-tree species richness, suggesting that maintenance of high diversity of hornbill food species in fragments is important for their persistence. It is likely that the smaller and less specialized Malabar Grey Hornbill will survive in disturbed and fragmented forest landscapes, while Great Hornbill is more vulnerable to habitat alteration. Protection and restoration of rainforest fragments and food-tree resources, besides protection of existing large fragments, will aid the conservation of hornbills in the region.

Com este trabalho, buscou-se caracterizar a composição química e físico-química dos grãos crus de 16 cultivares de café Coffea arabica L., com o intuito de avaliar novos materiais desenvolvidos com resistência à ferrugem (Hemileia vastatrix Berg. et Br.) em comparação aos tradicionais. Desta forma, frutos provenientes do ensaio de melhoramento genético do MAPA/PROCAFÉ, localizado na Fazenda Experimental de Varginha em MG foram colhidos e transportados imediatamente para o Pólo de Tecnologia em Pós-Colheita do Café da UFLA, onde foram lavados, descascados e secados em terreiro de concreto. Após o beneficiamento, os grãos foram acondicionados em latas de alumínio e armazenados a 15ºC. Os frutos avaliados correspondiam às cultivares 'Acaiá', 'Acauã', 'Bourbon Amarelo', 'Canário', 'Catuaí Amarelo', 'Catuaí Vermelho', 'Catucaí Amarelo', 'Catucaí Vermelho', 'Icatu Amarelo', 'Icatu Vermelho' 'Mundo Novo', 'Palma', 'Rubi', 'Sabiá 398', 'Siriema' e 'Topázio', do ano safra 2002. Os grãos crus foram moídos em moinho de bola com nitrogênio líquido. As análises realizadas foram: açúcares totais, redutores e não-redutores, extrato etéreo, polifenóis e cafeína. Diferenças foram consideradas significativas e as cultivares apresentaram variações para os teores de todos os compostos avaliados, indicando haver uma influência do genótipo sobre esses constituintes.

El Oriente de Caldas está conformado por los municipios de Manzanares, Marquetalia, Marulanda, Pensilvania, Samaná y Victoria, que en conjunto representan el 22% del área cafetera del departamento. Con el fin de evaluar la calidad del café en esta zona, se tomaron 310 muestras de café de 65 fincas cafeteras. Las fincas seleccionadas tenían un área promedio de café de 2,02 ha, y altitudes superiores a los 1.800 m, en el 39% de los casos. El objetivo de este trabajo fue evaluar la calidad física, sensorial SCA (Specialty Coffee Association) y química del café, determinando el contenido de cafeína, trigonelina, lípidos y sacarosa, mediante la tecnología NIRS. El valor de almendra sana en promedio fue de 76,92%. El 75,16% de las muestras no presentaron defectos sensoriales. Los defectos que se presentaron fueron: fermento (8,06%), inmaduro (7,74%), terroso (5,81%) y reposo (2,58%). Los valores de puntaje total en las muestras sin defecto estuvieron entre 80,69 y 82,07 puntos que, según la escala de la SCA, los clasifica como muy bueno. Las muestras de café del municipio de Victoria mostraron el contenido más bajo de cafeína (1,11%), mientras que el café de Marquetalia presentó el contenido más alto de sacarosa (6,90%). El análisis de componentes principales con todas las variables evaluadas clasificó tres grupos de municipios según la calidad del café. El grupo 1 conformado por Marulanda, Pensilvania, Samaná y Marquetalia, el grupo 2 por Victoria y el grupo 3 conformado por el municipio de Manzanares.

Conduziu-se este trabalho, com o objetivo de avaliar o efeito de diferentes temperaturas e períodos de pré-secagem em terreiro na composição química e qualidade da bebida do café ½cereja descascada½. Foram usadas temperaturas na massa de 40°C, 50°C e 60°C com fluxo de ar de 20m³ m-1 m2. Após a secagem, foram retirados os defeitos visíveis das amostras de café. Para avaliação da qualidade, foram realizadas as seguintes análises: análise sensorial, açúcares totais, açúcares redutores e não redutores, condutividade elétrica, lixiviação de potássio e acidez graxa. Verificou-se que menores temperaturas de secagem e um maior período de pré-secagem contribuíram para obtenção de uma bebida de melhor qualidade. Os açúcares não redutores diminuíram com o aumento da temperatura e com o aumento da pré-secagem, enquanto que elevaram-se os valores de açúcares redutores. A condutividade elétrica, lixiviação de potássio e acidez graxa aumentaram significativamente com a elevação da temperatura e a lixiviação de potássio reduziu com o aumento do período de pré-secagem. O teste de acidez graxa mostrou-se sensível a temperatura de secagem.

Abstract: The elaboration of IT led Cloud calculating technology crop as a new prototype in furnishing the services to its druggies on rented base at any time or place. Considering the inflexibility of cloud services, innumerous associations switched their businesses to the cloud technology by setting up more data centers. Nonetheless, it has come obligatory to give profitable prosecution of tasks and applicable resource application. A many approaches were outlined in literature to enhance performance, job scheduling, storehouse coffers, QoS and cargo distribution. Cargo balancing conception permits data centers to fore stall over-loading or under- lading in virtual machines that as similar is an issue in cloud computing sphere. Accordingly, it bear the experimenters to layout and apply a proper cargo balancer for cloud terrain. The separate study represents a view of problems and pitfalls faced by the current cargo balancing ways and make the experimenters find more effective algorithms. cargo unbalancing problem is a multi-variant, multi-constraint problem that degrades performance and effectiveness of computing coffers. cargo balancing ways feed the result for cargo unbalancing situation for two undesirable angles- overfilling and under- lading. In disdain of the significance of cargo balancing ways to the stylish of our knowledge, there's no comprehensive, expansive, methodical and hierarchical bracket about the being cargo balancing ways. Further, the factors that beget cargo unbalancing problem are neither studied nor considered in the literature. Keywords: Cloud computing, Taxonomy, Classification, Cloud service consumer, Cloud service provider, Quality of Service, Load unbalancing, Load balancing.

O processamento do café por via úmida, além de aumentar a eficiência para se obter cafés de melhor qualidade, diminui consideravelmente os custos de secagem e ainda, reduz o espaço ocupado no terreiro. Porém, esse tipo de processamento gera grandes quantidades de águas residuárias, que devem sofrer algum tipo de tratamento antes de serem lançadas em corpos hídricos. Nesta pesquisa, objetivou-se monitorar a Lagoa de Estabilização integrante desse sistema, avaliar a sua eficiência na remoção da carga orgânica afluente e desenvolver um modelo de ajuste para descrever a autodepuração ocorrida. Para esta pesquisa, foram considerados 300,200 litros de frutos do cafeeiro, da espécie Coffea arabica L., processados, por via úmida. A carga média diária foi de 136 kgDQO d-1, encaminhada para um sistema piloto de tratamento de água residuária do processamento do café. O monitoramento foi realizado por meio de análises químicas e físico-químicas e o modelo de ajuste foi desenvolvido a partir do cálculo do balanço hídrico, das equações de estimativa teórica de remoção de DQO e das análises de DQO realizadas. O efluente da lagoa de estabilização apresentou concentração inicial de DQO de 7,100 mg L-1 e final de 100 mg L-1. Ficou constatado que a lagoa foi a unidade de tratamento que reduziu em cerca de 80% a concentração de matéria orgânica afluente. O modelo de ajuste desenvolvido apresentou coeficiente de ajuste satisfatório (r² = 0,8015).

Le cacao représente 10 à 15% du Produit Intérieur Brut (PIB) de la Côte d’Ivoire, avec près de 40% de ses recettes d’exportation. Il est la principale source de revenus de près de 800 000 ménages de producteurs. Cependant, le secteur cacaoyer ivoirien est confronté à de nombreux problèmes qui constituent des pesanteurs à son bon développement. Cet article, mené à l’échelle du territoire de la sous-préfecture de Soubré (sud-ouest de la Côte d’Ivoire), analyse la traite cacaoyère et sa pesanteur majeure qu’est l’insécurité causée par les actes criminels. Il s’appuie sur une recherche documentaire et une enquête de terrain auprès divers acteurs de la traite cacaoyère. Au total, 229 individus engagés dans la traite (producteurs, responsables de coopératives, forces de sécurité, responsable du Conseil café-cacao, transporteurs, etc.) ont été interrogés. Il est fondé sur une théorisation de l’environnement sécuritaire de la traite cacaoyère pour aboutir à trois principaux résultats. Ces résultats indiquent d’abord que la traite cacaoyère cristallise essentiellement deux types de flux, impulsés par les activités des acteurs. Ensuite, des facteurs divers concourant à l’installation d’une atmosphère d’insécurité. Enfin, d’une campagne à l’autre, les actes d’infractions connaissent une évolution en fonction de l’intensité des activités commerciales autour de la production du cacao. Cocoa accounts for 10 to 15 per cent of Côte d'Ivoire's Gross Domestic Product (GDP), with nearly 40 per cent of its export earnings. This crop is the main source of income for nearly 800,000 producer households. However, the Ivorian cocoa sector faces many problems that constitute burdens to its good development. This article, conducted throughout the territory of the sub-prefecture of Soubre (south-west of Côte d'Ivoire), analyses the cocoa trade and its major gravity, which is the insecurity caused by criminal acts. It is based on documentary research and a field survey of actors in the cocoa trade. In sum, 229 persons involved in trafficking (producers, cooperative leaders, security forces, head of the coffee-cocoa council, transporters) were interviewed. It is based on a theorization of the security environment of the cocoa trade to lead to three main results. These results first indicate that cocoa milking essentially crystallizes two types of flows, driven by the activities of the actors. Then, various factors contributing to the installation of an atmosphere of insecurity. Finally, from one campaign to another, the acts of infringements evolve according to the intensity of the commercial activities around the production of cocoa.

Rowosari has a beautiful landscape and natural layout. In the north, east and south, a row of circular pine hills forms a horseshoe. On the east side, back to the pine hill is Raung Mountain, which is almost always covered of clouds, rises to an altitude of 3,344 masl which makes it become the second highest mountain in East Java after Semeru Mount. The volcano located in the Ijen mountain complex area stuck its feet in three districts of Besuki, Jember, Bondowoso and Banyuwangi. However, at one settlement point, namely the Karang tengah village, which is part of the Barat Sawah village, residential settlements are concentrated in area of 1,728 hectares. The location of these settlements go north from the village road, surrounded by stretches of fields and small rivers. There are two entrances to this settlement, west and east. There are 56 heads of families living here with 51 houses. Houses are lined up and stretched, following the taneyan lanjhang-pattern which consists of a collection of houses inhabited by several families. Between settlements and fields restricted with rivers and plants. The contrasting picture between the abundance of natural resources and the social conditions of the Rowosari community raises the general question of this study: why does the agriculture area and the wealth of natural resources not correlate with the population welfare? What happens in the relationship between humans and their homeland? Because the analysis of production relations in the agricultural sector is the backbone of the socio-economic structure of rural society, the analysis is the main theme in this study. What happened in the village, especially in the West field of Rowosari Village, actually it can be solved, for example by institutionalizing savings and loans cooperatives, processing agriculture by using organic farming systems, and developing village tourism by utilizing village potential. Nature tourism: panoramic views of mountains, waterfalls, panoramic views of fields and rivers flowing with clear water, become the main attraction to be developed as a village tour. Livestock and fisheries can also be developed because there are abundant river and green food sources. Village funds can be used for that. The priority of village development should be based on analyzing data from participatory mapping, not by a handful of village government elites. Priority of the programs should be directed by building food security, creating jobs towards village economic sovereignty. actually the land in the forested area could be managed by the community. However, the land management rights given to Chinese ethnic who managed it for cash crops such as sengon and coffee. Village people only become wage laborers to care for, to fertilize and to harvest the results. because of the difficult terrain to reach the location, the villagers were finally reluctant to manage the land with little wage and erratic work. They are forced to look for work outside the village. There must be good faith and political decisions by the village government, for example by making regulations regarding the prohibition of selling agricultural land to people outside the village, so that the land does not turn into housing or become an asset for investment which certainly has no commitment to agricultural development. In addition, villages must develop BUMDES as an economic effort by opening jobs to improve the community welfare, especially for those who do not have job and agricultural land. Management of zakat, infaq, shodaqoh from rich people, if managed properly, can become business capital or help alleviate for those who really need, this could prevent villagers from migrating to the city. Because, if many villagers migrate to the city, when they return, they will bring the culture of the city that is not in line with the values and norms of the village.

With its origin-centric value proposition, the specialty coffee industry seeks to educate consumers about the value of the origin of coffee and how the relationship with farmers ensures quality and makes coffee a premium product. While the industry has widely used stories and visual cues to communicate this added value, research studying whether and how these efforts influence consumers' experiences is scarce. Through three experiments, we explored the effect of images that evoke the terroir of coffee on the perception of premiumness. Our results revealed that online images that resembled the broad origin of coffee (i.e., a farm) could influence premiumness expectations of coffee (Experiment 1). Similarly, a virtual reality environment that depicted this broad origin (vs. a control but not a city atmosphere) could enhance the perception of coffee premiumness for non-expert consumers (Experiment 2) and the enjoyment of the experience for coffee professionals (Experiment 3). Importantly, we found that congruence between the coffee and the virtual reality (VR) atmospheres mediated how much non-experts enjoyed the experience (Experiment 2). VR atmospheres also influenced expectations of sweetness and acidity for non-experts (Experiment 2). These findings serve as a steppingstone for further exploration of the effects of congruence between visual cues and product/brand attributes on premiumness expectations and perception, and more generally on consumer experience. From a practical standpoint, this study provides insights into key aspects for the development of immersive virtual product experiences.

On April 13, 2019, Professor Gérard Seguin passed away at the age of 82. Professor Seguin was a creative and enlightened researcher and a much respected professor in soil and terroir sciences at Bordeaux University. Encouraged by his mentor, the late Emile Peynaud, he developed a whole new field of research on the influence of soil and climate on vine development, grape composition and wine quality, referred to as “terroir”. As early as 1969 he published a paper in which restricted but regular water supply to the vines was shown to be a key factor in wine quality, a result which has been confirmed by many researchers ever since (Seguin, 1969). In this study, the water uptake of the vines was quantified with a neutron moisture probe, a highly innovative technique for that time. Unfortunately, this ground-breaking paper came out in a period when most European researchers published in their own language. Only in 1986 Seguin published a review paper about the effect of terroir in viticulture in English (Seguin, 1986). Seguin was also convinced that high terroir expression is only possible when grapes ripen at the end of the growing season, in relatively cool conditions (van Leeuwen and Seguin, 2006). This concept is gaining importance as the climate warms up. Seguin was one of the first researchers to study terroir on a scientific basis and certainly the very first to understand that its effect can only be understood by a multi-disciplinary approach, considering interactions between the climate and the vine and the soil and the vine. After his retirement in 1998, he was happy to see that terroir is gaining international recognition as an important aspect in winegrowing, as shown by terroir conferences organized all around the world, in Davis California in 2006, in Oregon in 2016 and one scheduled in Adelaide in 2020.Gérard Seguin was also a highly respected professor, unanimously appreciated by his students. He took his teaching mission very seriously, spending hours on fine tuning his lectures. He was able to explain complex issues in soil science in a perfectly clear way. He was close to his students and always ready to take their defense. In the management of his lab, he left as much freedom as necessary to his staff and doctoral students to develop innovative research, but he imposed everyone to be present at the coffee break of 9 am. This was not only a moment to discuss private matters and share impressions about last night’s good bottles, but also a place where many good research ideas emerged. This is certainly a point to consider in our ever busier schedules, where time for social interactions is more and more limited. We are sad to say farewell to Professor Seguin but we are grateful for his tremendous legacy.

Introduction In December 2010, Nespresso, the world’s leading brand of premium-portioned coffee, opened a flagship “boutique” in Sydney’s Pitt Street Mall. This was Nespresso’s fifth boutique opening of 2010, after Brussels, Miami, Soho, and Munich. The Sydney debut coincided with the mall’s upmarket redevelopment, which explains Nespresso’s arrival in the city: strategic geographic expansion is key to the brand’s growth. Rather than panoramic ubiquity, a retail option favoured by brands like McDonalds, KFC and Starbucks, Nespresso opts for iconic, prestigious locations. This strategy has been highly successful: since 2000 Nespresso has recorded year-on-year per annum growth of 30 per cent. This has been achieved, moreover, despite a global financial downturn and an international coffee market replete with brand variety. In turn, Nespresso marks an evolution in the coffee market over the last decade. The Nespresso Story Founded in 1986, Nespresso is the fasting growing brand in the Nestlé Group. Its headquarters are in Lausanne, Switzerland, with over 7,000 employees worldwide. In 2012, Nespresso had 270 boutiques in 50 countries. The brand’s growth strategy involves three main components: premium coffee capsules, “mated” with specially designed machines, and accompanied by exceptional customer service through the Nespresso Club. Each component requires some explanation. Nespresso offers 16 varieties of Grand Crus coffee: 7 espresso blends, 3 pure origin espressos, 3 lungos (for larger cups), and 3 decaffeinated coffees. Each 5.5 grams of portioned coffee is cased in a hermetically sealed aluminium capsule, or pod, designed to preserve the complex, volatile aromas (between 800 and 900 per pod), and prevent oxidation. These capsules are designed to be used exclusively with Nespresso-branded machines, which are equipped with a patented high-pressure extraction system designed for optimum release of the coffee. These machines, of which there are 28 models, are developed with 6 machine partners, and Antoine Cahen, from Ateliers du Nord in Lausanne, designs most of them. For its consumers, members of the Nespresso Club, the capsules and machines guarantee perfect espresso coffee every time, within seconds and with minimum effort—what Nespresso calls the “ultimate coffee experience.” The Nespresso Club promotes this experience as an everyday luxury, whereby café-quality coffee can be enjoyed in the privacy and comfort of Club members’ homes. This domestic focus is a relatively recent turn in its history. Nestlé patented some of its pod technology in 1976; the compatible machines, initially made in Switzerland by Turmix, were developed a decade later. Nespresso S. A. was set up as a subsidiary unit within the Nestlé Group with a view to target the office and fine restaurant sector. It was first test-marketed in Japan in 1986, and rolled out the same year in Switzerland, France and Italy. However, by 1988, low sales prompted Nespresso’s newly appointed CEO, Jean-Paul Gillard, to rethink the brand’s focus. Gillard subsequently repositioned Nespresso’s target market away from the commercial sector towards high-income households and individuals, and introduced a mail-order distribution system; these elements became the hallmarks of the Nespresso Club (Markides 55). The Nespresso Club was designed to give members who had purchased Nespresso machines 24-hour customer service, by mail, phone, fax, and email. By the end of 1997 there were some 250,000 Club members worldwide. The boom in domestic, user-friendly espresso machines from the early 1990s helped Nespresso’s growth in this period. The cumulative efforts by the main manufacturers—Krups, Bosch, Braun, Saeco and DeLonghi—lowered the machines’ average price to around US $100 (Purpura, “Espresso” 88; Purpura, “New” 116). This paralleled consumers’ growing sophistication, as they became increasingly familiar with café-quality espresso, cappuccino and latté—for reasons to be detailed below. Nespresso was primed to exploit this cultural shift in the market and forge a charismatic point of difference: an aspirational, luxury option within an increasingly accessible and familiar field. Between 2006 and 2008, Nespresso sales more than doubled, prompting a second production factory to supplement the original plant in Avenches (Simonian). In 2008, Nespresso grew 20 times faster than the global coffee market (Reguly B1). As Nespresso sales exceeded $1.3 billion AU in 2009, with 4.8 billion capsules shipped out annually and 5 million Club members worldwide, it became Nestlé’s fastest growing division (Canning 28). According to Nespresso’s Oceania market director, Renaud Tinel, the brand now represents 8 per cent of the total coffee market; of Nespresso specifically, he reports that 10,000 cups (using one capsule per cup) were consumed worldwide each minute in 2009, and that increased to 12,300 cups per minute in 2010 (O’Brien 16). Given such growth in such a brief period, the atypical dynamic between the boutique, the Club and the Nespresso brand warrants closer consideration. Nespresso opened its first boutique in Paris in 2000, on the Avenue des Champs-Élysées. It was a symbolic choice and signalled the brand’s preference for glamorous precincts in cosmopolitan cities. This has become the design template for all Nespresso boutiques, what the company calls “brand embassies” in its press releases. More like art gallery-style emporiums than retail spaces, these boutiques perform three main functions: they showcase Nespresso coffees, machines and accessories (all elegantly displayed); they enable Club members to stock up on capsules; and they offer excellent customer service, which invariably equates to detailed production information. The brand’s revenue model reflects the boutique’s role in the broader business strategy: 50 per cent of Nespresso’s business is generated online, 30 per cent through the boutiques, and 20 per cent through call centres. Whatever floor space these boutiques dedicate to coffee consumption is—compared to the emphasis on exhibition and ambience—minimal and marginal. In turn, this tightly monitored, self-focused model inverts the conventional function of most commercial coffee sites. For several hundred years, the café has fostered a convivial atmosphere, served consumers’ social inclinations, and overwhelmingly encouraged diverse, eclectic clientele. The Nespresso boutique is the antithesis to this, and instead actively limits interaction: the Club “community” does not meet as a community, and is united only in atomised allegiance to the Nespresso brand. In this regard, Nespresso stands in stark contrast to another coffee brand that has been highly successful in recent years—Starbucks. Starbucks famously recreates the aesthetics, rhetoric and atmosphere of the café as a “third place”—a term popularised by urban sociologist Ray Oldenburg to describe non-work, non-domestic spaces where patrons converge for respite or recreation. These liminal spaces (cafés, parks, hair salons, book stores and such locations) might be private, commercial sites, yet they provide opportunities for chance encounters, even therapeutic interactions. In this way, they aid sociability and civic life (Kleinman 193). Long before the term “third place” was coined, coffee houses were deemed exemplars of egalitarian social space. As Rudolf P. Gaudio notes, the early coffee houses of Western Europe, in Oxford and London in the mid-1600s, “were characterized as places where commoners and aristocrats could meet and socialize without regard to rank” (670). From this sanguine perspective, they both informed and animated the modern public sphere. That is, and following Habermas, as a place where a mixed cohort of individuals could meet and discuss matters of public importance, and where politics intersected society, the eighteenth-century British coffee house both typified and strengthened the public sphere (Karababa and Ger 746). Moreover, and even from their early Ottoman origins (Karababa and Ger), there has been an historical correlation between the coffee house and the cosmopolitan, with the latter at least partly defined in terms of demographic breadth (Luckins). Ironically, and insofar as Nespresso appeals to coffee-literate consumers, the brand owes much to Starbucks. In the two decades preceding Nespresso’s arrival, Starbucks played a significant role in refining coffee literacy around the world, gauging mass-market trends, and stirring consumer consciousness. For Nespresso, this constituted major preparatory phenomena, as its strategy (and success) since the early 2000s presupposed the coffee market that Starbucks had helped to create. According to Nespresso’s chief executive Richard Giradot, central to Nespresso’s expansion is a focus on particular cities and their coffee culture (Canning 28). In turn, it pays to take stock of how such cities developed a coffee culture amenable to Nespresso—and therein lays the brand’s debt to Starbucks. Until the last few years, and before celebrity ambassador George Clooney was enlisted in 2005, Nespresso’s marketing was driven primarily by Club members’ recommendations. At the same time, though, Nespresso insisted that Club members were coffee connoisseurs, whose knowledge and enjoyment of coffee exceeded conventional coffee offerings. In 2000, Henk Kwakman, one of Nestlé’s Coffee Specialists, explained the need for portioned coffee in terms of guaranteed perfection, one that demanding consumers would expect. “In general”, he reasoned, “people who really like espresso coffee are very much more quality driven. When you consider such an intense taste experience, the quality is very important. If the espresso is slightly off quality, the connoisseur notices this immediately” (quoted in Butler 50). What matters here is how this corps of connoisseurs grew to a scale big enough to sustain and strengthen the Nespresso system, in the absence of a robust marketing or educative drive by Nespresso (until very recently). Put simply, the brand’s ascent was aided by Starbucks, specifically by the latter’s success in changing the mainstream coffee market during the 1990s. In establishing such a strong transnational presence, Starbucks challenged smaller, competing brands to define themselves with more clarity and conviction. Indeed, working with data that identified just 200 freestanding coffee houses in the US prior to 1990 compared to 14,000 in 2003, Kjeldgaard and Ostberg go so far as to state that: “Put bluntly, in the US there was no local coffee consumptionscape prior to Starbucks” (Kjeldgaard and Ostberg 176). Starbucks effectively redefined the coffee world for mainstream consumers in ways that were directly beneficial for Nespresso. Starbucks: Coffee as Ambience, Experience, and Cultural Capital While visitors to Nespresso boutiques can sample the coffee, with highly trained baristas and staff on site to explain the Nespresso system, in the main there are few concessions to the conventional café experience. Primarily, these boutiques function as material spaces for existing Club members to stock up on capsules, and therefore they complement the Nespresso system with a suitably streamlined space: efficient, stylish and conspicuously upmarket. Outside at least one Sydney boutique for instance (Bondi Junction, in the fashionable eastern suburbs), visitors enter through a club-style cordon, something usually associated with exclusive bars or hotels. This demarcates the boutique from neighbouring coffee chains, and signals Nespresso’s claim to more privileged patrons. This strategy though, the cultivation of a particular customer through aesthetic design and subtle flattery, is not unique. For decades, Starbucks also contrived a “special” coffee experience. Moreover, while the Starbucks model strikes a very different sensorial chord to that of Nespresso (in terms of décor, target consumer and so on) it effectively groomed and prepped everyday coffee drinkers to a level of relative self-sufficiency and expertise—and therein is the link between Starbucks’s mass-marketed approach and Nespresso’s timely arrival. Starbucks opened its first store in 1971, in Seattle. Three partners founded it: Jerry Baldwin and Zev Siegl, both teachers, and Gordon Bowker, a writer. In 1982, as they opened their sixth Seattle store, they were joined by Howard Schultz. Schultz’s trip to Italy the following year led to an entrepreneurial epiphany to which he now attributes Starbucks’s success. Inspired by how cafés in Italy, particularly the espresso bars in Milan, were vibrant social hubs, Schultz returned to the US with a newfound sensitivity to ambience and attitude. In 1987, Schultz bought Starbucks outright and stated his business philosophy thus: “We aren’t in the coffee business, serving people. We are in the people business, serving coffee” (quoted in Ruzich 432). This was articulated most clearly in how Schultz structured Starbucks as the ultimate “third place”, a welcoming amalgam of aromas, music, furniture, textures, literature and free WiFi. This transformed the café experience twofold. First, sensory overload masked the dull homogeny of a global chain with an air of warm, comforting domesticity—an inviting, everyday “home away from home.” To this end, in 1994, Schultz enlisted interior design “mastermind” Wright Massey; with his team of 45 designers, Massey created the chain’s decor blueprint, an “oasis for contemplation” (quoted in Scerri 60). At the same time though, and second, Starbucks promoted a revisionist, airbrushed version of how the coffee was produced. Patrons could see and smell the freshly roasted beans, and read about their places of origin in the free pamphlets. In this way, Starbucks merged the exotic and the cosmopolitan. The global supply chain underwent an image makeover, helped by a “new” vocabulary that familiarised its coffee drinkers with the diversity and complexity of coffee, and such terms as aroma, acidity, body and flavour. This strategy had a decisive impact on the coffee market, first in the US and then elsewhere: Starbucks oversaw a significant expansion in coffee consumption, both quantitatively and qualitatively. In the decades following the Second World War, coffee consumption in the US reached a plateau. Moreover, as Steven Topik points out, the rise of this type of coffee connoisseurship actually coincided with declining per capita consumption of coffee in the US—so the social status attributed to specialised knowledge of coffee “saved” the market: “Coffee’s rise as a sign of distinction and connoisseurship meant its appeal was no longer just its photoactive role as a stimulant nor the democratic sociability of the coffee shop” (Topik 100). Starbucks’s singular triumph was to not only convert non-coffee drinkers, but also train them to a level of relative sophistication. The average “cup o’ Joe” thus gave way to the latte, cappuccino, macchiato and more, and a world of coffee hitherto beyond (perhaps above) the average American consumer became both regular and routine. By 2003, Starbucks’s revenue was US $4.1 billion, and by 2012 there were almost 20,000 stores in 58 countries. As an idealised “third place,” Starbucks functioned as a welcoming haven that flattened out and muted the realities of global trade. The variety of beans on offer (Arabica, Latin American, speciality single origin and so on) bespoke a generous and bountiful modernity; while brochures schooled patrons in the nuances of terroir, an appreciation for origin and distinctiveness that encoded cultural capital. This positioned Starbucks within a happy narrative of the coffee economy, and drew patrons into this story by flattering their consumer choices. Against the generic sameness of supermarket options, Starbucks promised distinction, in Pierre Bourdieu’s sense of the term, and diversity in its coffee offerings. For Greg Dickinson, the Starbucks experience—the scent of the beans, the sound of the grinders, the taste of the coffees—negated the abstractions of postmodern, global trade: by sensory seduction, patrons connected with something real, authentic and material. At the same time, Starbucks professed commitment to the “triple bottom line” (Savitz), the corporate mantra that has morphed into virtual orthodoxy over the last fifteen years. This was hardly surprising; companies that trade in food staples typically grown in developing regions (coffee, tea, sugar, and coffee) felt the “political-aesthetic problematization of food” (Sassatelli and Davolio). This saw increasingly cognisant consumers trying to reconcile the pleasures of consumption with environmental and human responsibilities. The “triple bottom line” approach, which ostensibly promotes best business practice for people, profits and the planet, was folded into Starbucks’s marketing. The company heavily promoted its range of civic engagement, such as donations to nurses’ associations, literacy programs, clean water programs, and fair dealings with its coffee growers in developing societies (Simon). This bode well for its target market. As Constance M. Ruch has argued, Starbucks sought the burgeoning and lucrative “bobo” class, a term Ruch borrows from David Brooks. A portmanteau of “bourgeois bohemians,” “bobo” describes the educated elite that seeks the ambience and experience of a counter-cultural aesthetic, but without the political commitment. Until the last few years, it seemed Starbucks had successfully grafted this cultural zeitgeist onto its “third place.” Ironically, the scale and scope of the brand’s success has meant that Starbucks’s claim to an ethical agenda draws frequent and often fierce attack. As a global behemoth, Starbucks evolved into an iconic symbol of advanced consumer culture. For those critical of how such brands overwhelm smaller, more local competition, the brand is now synonymous for insidious, unstoppable retail spread. This in turn renders Starbucks vulnerable to protests that, despite its gestures towards sustainability (human and environmental), and by virtue of its size, ubiquity and ultimately conservative philosophy, it has lost whatever cachet or charm it supposedly once had. As Bryant Simon argues, in co-opting the language of ethical practice within an ultimately corporatist context, Starbucks only ever appealed to a modest form of altruism; not just in terms of the funds committed to worthy causes, but also to move thorny issues to “the most non-contentious middle-ground,” lest conservative customers felt alienated (Simon 162). Yet, having flagged itself as an ethical brand, Starbucks became an even bigger target for anti-corporatist sentiment, and the charge that, as a multinational giant, it remained complicit in (and one of the biggest benefactors of) a starkly inequitable and asymmetric global trade. It remains a major presence in the world coffee market, and arguably the most famous of the coffee chains. Over the last decade though, the speed and intensity with which Nespresso has grown, coupled with its atypical approach to consumer engagement, suggests that, in terms of brand equity, it now offers a more compelling point of difference than Starbucks. Brand “Me” Insofar as the Nespresso system depends on a consumer market versed in the intricacies of quality coffee, Starbucks can be at least partly credited for nurturing a more refined palate amongst everyday coffee drinkers. Yet while Starbucks courted the “average” consumer in its quest for market control, saturating the suburban landscape with thousands of virtually indistinguishable stores, Nespresso marks a very different sensibility. Put simply, Nespresso inverts the logic of a coffee house as a “third place,” and patrons are drawn not to socialise and relax but to pursue their own highly individualised interests. The difference with Starbucks could not be starker. One visitor to the Bloomingdale boutique (in New York’s fashionable Soho district) described it as having “the feel of Switzerland rather than Seattle. Instead of velvet sofas and comfy music, it has hard surfaces, bright colours and European hostesses” (Gapper 9). By creating a system that narrows the gap between production and consumption, to the point where Nespresso boutiques advertise the coffee brand but do not promote on-site coffee drinking, the boutiques are blithely indifferent to the historical, romanticised image of the coffee house as a meeting place. The result is a coffee experience that exploits the sophistication and vanity of aspirational consumers, but ignores the socialising scaffold by which coffee houses historically and perhaps naively made some claim to community building. If anything, Nespresso restricts patrons’ contemplative field: they consider only their relationships to the brand. In turn, Nespresso offers the ultimate expression of contemporary consumer capitalism, a hyper-individual experience for a hyper-modern age. By developing a global brand that is both luxurious and niche, Nespresso became “the Louis Vuitton of coffee” (Betts 14). Where Starbucks pursued retail ubiquity, Nespresso targets affluent, upmarket cities. As chief executive Richard Giradot put it, with no hint of embarrassment or apology: “If you take China, for example, we are not speaking about China, we are speaking about Shanghai, Hong Kong, Beijing because you will not sell our concept in the middle of nowhere in China” (quoted in Canning 28). For this reason, while Europe accounts for 90 per cent of Nespresso sales (Betts 15), its forays into the Americas, Asia and Australasia invariably spotlights cities that are already iconic or emerging economic hubs. The first boutique in Latin America, for instance, was opened in Jardins, a wealthy suburb in Sao Paulo, Brazil. In Nespresso, Nestlé has popularised a coffee experience neatly suited to contemporary consumer trends: Club members inhabit a branded world as hermetically sealed as the aluminium pods they purchase and consume. Besides the Club’s phone, fax and online distribution channels, pods can only be bought at the boutiques, which minimise even the potential for serendipitous mingling. The baristas are there primarily for product demonstrations, whilst highly trained staff recite the machines’ strengths (be they in design or utility), or information about the actual coffees. For Club members, the boutique service is merely the human extension of Nespresso’s online presence, whereby product information becomes increasingly tailored to increasingly individualised tastes. In the boutique, this emphasis on the individual is sold in terms of elegance, expedience and privilege. Nespresso boasts that over 70 per cent of its workforce is “customer facing,” sharing their passion and knowledge with Club members. Having already received and processed the product information (through the website, boutique staff, and promotional brochures), Club members need not do anything more than purchase their pods. In some of the more recently opened boutiques, such as in Paris-Madeleine, there is even an Exclusive Room where only Club members may enter—curious tourists (or potential members) are kept out. Club members though can select their preferred Grands Crus and checkout automatically, thanks to RFID (radio frequency identification) technology inserted in the capsule sleeves. So, where Starbucks exudes an inclusive, hearth-like hospitality, the Nespresso Club appears more like a pampered clique, albeit a growing one. As described in the Financial Times, “combine the reception desk of a designer hotel with an expensive fashion display and you get some idea what a Nespresso ‘coffee boutique’ is like” (Wiggins and Simonian 10). Conclusion Instead of sociability, Nespresso puts a premium on exclusivity and the knowledge gained through that exclusive experience. The more Club members know about the coffee, the faster and more individualised (and “therefore” better) the transaction they have with the Nespresso brand. This in turn confirms Zygmunt Bauman’s contention that, in a consumer society, being free to choose requires competence: “Freedom to choose does not mean that all choices are right—there are good and bad choices, better and worse choices. The kind of choice eventually made is the evidence of competence or its lack” (Bauman 43-44). Consumption here becomes an endless process of self-fashioning through commodities; a process Eva Illouz considers “all the more strenuous when the market recruits the consumer through the sysiphian exercise of his/her freedom to choose who he/she is” (Illouz 392). In a status-based setting, the more finely graded the differences between commodities (various places of origin, blends, intensities, and so on), the harder the consumer works to stay ahead—which means to be sufficiently informed. Consumers are locked in a game of constant reassurance, to show upward mobility to both themselves and society. For all that, and like Starbucks, Nespresso shows some signs of corporate social responsibility. In 2009, the company announced its “Ecolaboration” initiative, a series of eco-friendly targets for 2013. By then, Nespresso aims to: source 80 per cent of its coffee through Sustainable Quality Programs and Rainforest Alliance Certified farms; triple its capacity to recycle used capsules to 75 per cent; and reduce the overall carbon footprint required to produce each cup of Nespresso by 20 per cent (Nespresso). This information is conveyed through the brand’s website, press releases and brochures. However, since such endeavours are now de rigueur for many brands, it does not register as particularly innovative, progressive or challenging: it is an unexceptional (even expected) part of contemporary mainstream marketing. Indeed, the use of actor George Clooney as Nespresso’s brand ambassador since 2005 shows shrewd appraisal of consumers’ political and cultural sensibilities. As a celebrity who splits his time between Hollywood and Lake Como in Italy, Clooney embodies the glamorous, cosmopolitan lifestyle that Nespresso signifies. 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Unobtrusive observation in both urban and rural settings revealed that coffee shops sometimes function as information grounds, where both everyday life information sharing (e.g., current events, health and nutrition) and gossip, a special type of information sharing centered around family, friends, work colleagues and acquaintances, takes place.L’observation discrète aussi bien dans l’environnement urbain que rural ont révélé que les caféteries assument parfois la fonction de terrain d’information, où le partage de l’information quotidienne (par exemple : l’actualité, la santé et la nutrition) et des potins, un type spécifique de partage d’information centré sur la famille, les amis, les collègues de travail et les connaissances élémentaires, a lieu.

The Belawan watershed is located at Deli Serdang Regency and Medan City, with mountainous terrain (70.58%), hills (35.15%), and slopes (20.28%). This study aims to identify the risk of erosion of cropland, especially coffee, corn, and chocolate, to identify more appropriate erosion control measures to achieve regional protection objectives . The research was conducted in the upstream Belawan watershed in the Sibolangit, Bandar Baru, and Kutalimbaru regions from September 2020 to December 2020. The magnitude of the erosion hazard value is analysed using the USLE approach . The USLE method on the amount of erosion is determined by 5 (five) factors, these factors are the rainfall erosion factor (R); soil erodibility factor (K); vegetation factor (C); conservation factor (P) and topography factor (LS). The erosion rate valuefor land use types varies from 95.27 tons/Ha.yr to 232.43 tons/Ha.yr. The amount of erosion that can be tolerated in land use for coffee, corn, and cacao ranges from 19.94 tons/Ha.yr to 39.79 tons/Ha.yr. The risk level for erosion in coffee areas 4.83 and 10.86 with high criteria and very high criteria; in areas of corn event 6.29 and 8.38 with high criteria and in brown areas 5.24 and 3.88 with high criteria and medium criteria.