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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Coalition governments – South America »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Coalition governments – South America"

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Mesquita Ceia, Eleonora. « Populist Constitutionalism in Brazil and Peru : Historical and Contextual Issues ». Lentera Hukum 9, no 1 (30 avril 2022) : 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/ejlh.v9i1.28489.

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Given populism's common practice in South America, the region provides a crucial case to identify populism as a prevalent strategy by different ideologies. The link between populism and constitutionalism is paramount because populist governments typically use constituent power and constitutional identity to reach political goals. This study aimed to provide a comparative constitutional analysis of the recent development of populism in Brazil and Peru. The first was the rhetoric and practices of Jair Bolsonaro's government in Brazil, whereas the second was Pedro Castillo's government in Peru regarding constitutional reforms and human rights issues. This comparison justified that Brazil and Peru are presidential republics where harsh political polarization shakes their societies. Bolsonaro and Castillo have anti-corruption discourses and support a new constituent process but present antagonistic economic views. This study was comparative in nature that used a qualitative approach, sourced from bibliographic and documentary research that included specialized literature on South American populism and constitutionalism and the government's plans and legislation. This study showed that both governments have difficulties executing their respective agendas on customs and constituent referendums due to governability problems and important features of the constitutional design, such as eternity clauses, judicial review, and constitutional rigidity. It concluded that the populist strategies of Bolsonaro and Castillo are different. Bolsonarism is antiliberal and promotes human rights regression, whereas Castillo's populism is conservative but democratic. In common, both face the coalitional presidentialism and constitutional protection mechanisms as constraints to putting their political goals entirely into practice. KEYWORDS: Authoritarianism, Constitutionalism, Fundamental Rights, Populism.
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Garcia, Antonio. « The South African Air Force in Korea : an evaluation of 2 Squadron's first combat engagement, 19 November until 2 December 1950 ». Historia 66, no 2 (1 novembre 2021) : 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-8392/2021/v66n2a2.

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South African participation in the Korean War (1950-1953) in direct support of an international military offensive led by the United States of America demonstrated the National Party administration's commitment to opposing Communism. This article details how the deployment of South African Air Force 2 Squadron achieved the strategic objectives of the South African government in supporting the anti-communist United States-led United Nations coalition in the Korean War. It evaluates the performance of South Africa's Air Force in their first operational test since the Second World War. The combat operations discussed under the scope of this article include the first tactical engagement of 2 Squadron in support of the initial advance (19 November to 21 December) 1950 and then later, the retreat of the United Nations force.
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Bocking, Paul. « The Trinational Coalition in Defense of Public Education and the Challenges of International Teacher Solidarity ». Labor Studies Journal 45, no 1 (2 février 2020) : 114–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x20901649.

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The ascendance of economic globalization, epitomized for the United States, Canada, and Mexico by the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), has been paralleled by the increasingly transnational scale of education policy. While national and regional governments remain the employers of public school teachers, the policies articulated by supranational institutions including the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) are ever more influential. Teacher internationalism has become increasingly significant for its capacity to both articulate shared analyses of the predominantly neoliberal character of global education policy and coordinate cross-border solidarity. The Trinational Coalition in Defense of Public Education emerged in the context of the end of Cold War labor politics and the signing of NAFTA in 1994. It has become an enduring network of established and dissident teachers’ unions and movements in Mexico, Canada, and the United States. This article assesses how the Trinational has confronted critical issues for labor internationalism. These include navigating national and international union tensions, facilitating grassroots cross-border radical unionist networks, horizontal power relations in North-South alliances, moving beyond rhetorical declarations to practical action, and the long-term sustainability of international solidarity.
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Lazzari, Eduardo. « Policy drift in ideologically heterogeneous governments : tax policy in Latin America ». Revista de Administração Pública 56, no 1 (février 2022) : 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220210132.

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Abstract The relation between taxation and partisanship is a widely studied topic in Political Science. However, previous works have provided conflicting findings without clarifying which parties are most prone to progressive taxation. These studies also did not consider one distinctive feature of Latin American politics: coalition governments. Using the level of direct tax collection as a proxy for progressive taxation and panel data of Latin American countries since 1990, we investigate how progressive taxes vary across a scale of ideology observed in the executive branch along with the ideological heterogeneity of its coalition. The results show that ideologically heterogeneous governments present a policy drift, as the policies being enacted depart from parties’ original preferences. Homogeneous left-wing governments collect more direct taxes than ideologically heterogeneous coalitions led by governments with the same ideology. The same dynamic is observed with homogeneous right-wing governments, which collect more indirect taxes in ideologically homogeneous coalitions. These results create new paths of research highlighting the need to include the government’s composition in the analysis to understand policy design and the need to unravel the mechanism through which policy drift occurs in ideologically heterogeneous governments.
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García, Ana Isabel López. « Legislative Coalition Size and Antigovernment Protests in Latin America ». Journal of Politics in Latin America 9, no 3 (décembre 2017) : 91–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1700900304.

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This work examines whether the size, as well as the composition, of legislative coalitions is an additional factor that affects the incidence of protests against national governments in Latin America. Based on aggregate data for 18 democracies from 1980 to 2014, the analysis reveals that the relationship between the size of legislative coalitions in the lower house of national assemblies and the odds of antigovernment protests is U-shaped. Specifically, the odds of antigovernment protests occurring decrease until the president has a coalition comprising 50–55 percent of the national assembly; once this threshold is passed, the odds of protests taking place increase as the coalition grows. This result holds after controlling for the party composition of the governing coalition and other factors previously linked to the occurrence of antigovernment protests. The evidence thus indicates that both minority and supermajority scenarios can be socially destabilizing for Latin American democracies.
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Ariotti, Margaret H., et Sona N. Golder. « Partisan Portfolio Allocation in African Democracies ». Comparative Political Studies 51, no 3 (15 juin 2017) : 341–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414017710256.

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What determines partisan portfolio allocation in African democracies? Despite the vast literature on government formation in Europe and Latin America, there have been no studies of partisan portfolio allocation in Africa. Although coalition governments are increasingly common in Africa, most studies focus on national leaders, and, thus, we know little about how ministerial posts are divided among cabinet parties. Using an original dataset of coalition governments in Africa from 1990 to 2014, we show that existing theories of partisan portfolio allocation can be successfully applied to African democracies. We find that African parties receive ministerial portfolios in rough proportion to their size, that formateur parties in Africa receive more ministerial portfolios than their European counterparts, and that the “formateur bonus” is greater in Africa’s presidential democracies than in its parliamentary ones. Our analyses suggest that scholars can benefit from paying more attention to both coalition governments and legislatures in their analyses of African politics.
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Pashkov, V. « National models of policy in the sphere of the higher education in a democracy ». National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no 1(45) (14 décembre 2020) : 32–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2020.1(45).226486.

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The article analyzes the main national models of university policy in the world's leading democracies, identifies differences in the mechanisms and styles of educational policy, the reasons for different approaches to policy-making in a democratic system.It was found that in a democratic regime, the state retains the role of administrator of the education system, but through increased publicity and pluralism, governments seek to involve stakeholders in the policy-making process by forming coalitions with them. Educational coalitions allow the government to articulate the interests of some internal and external groups in the higher education system, to attract resources and support from these groups to implement its own concept of reforming.However, the composition of educational coalitions, the mechanisms of their formation vary from country to country, due to differences in administrative systems, ideological orientations, political culture and historical traditions. It is determined that the system of higher education is characterized by a stable configuration of external and internal groups, from which certain coalitions are formed. Internal groups consist of the academic community (teachers), academic management, students; external groups – the state, local authorities and the market (employers).The article analyzes the specifics and differences of the French, British, German, American and Asian (Japan, South Korea) models of educational policy. The British and American models are based on market mechanisms under the general coordination of the state. In the United States, university policy is also marked by the existence of two political courses in the educational sphere - the regional authorities and the federal center.The French model is based on the centralized administration of the education system by the government and the polarization of internal groups. The German model relies on close cooperation and coordination of federal and regional educational policies while limiting market mechanisms. The Asian model is characterized by corporate principles of educational policy formation and co-optation of group interests
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Chapman, Jessica M. « The Sect Crisis of 1955 and the American Commitment to Ngôô Đình Diệm ». Journal of Vietnamese Studies 5, no 1 (2010) : 37–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2010.5.1.37.

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The sect crisis represented a critical turning point in South Vietnam. This article examines the spring 1955 clash between Prime Minister Ngôô Đình Diệm and his challengers among the Hóóa Hảo, Cao Đàai, and Bíính Xuyêên politico-religious sects in light of French and American involvement. Overlapping domestic and international dynamics combined to produce several results: Ngôô Đình Diệm defeated the sect coalition, Washington pledged unconditional support for the prime minister, French clout in South Vietnam diminished, and the Sàài Gòòn government renewed its commitment to eradicate the influence of Chief of State Bảo Đại and remaining sect rebels over South Vietnamese politics.
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Kim, Jinwung. « Participating in Nation-Building : The Role of the “Military Government Police” in South Korean Politics, 1946-1948 ». Journal of American-East Asian Relations 17, no 2 (2010) : 174–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656110x531989.

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AbstractThis study analyzes the role of the “military government police” in South Korean politics during American military occupation, 1946-48. It stresses that the Korean National Police (KNP), many of whose members had served in the police under the Japanese, was not a mere instrument of the United States Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK) but functioned as an active participant in the creation of a rightist regime in southern Korea. More specifically, the police were the undisputed “vanguard” of the rightist Syngman Rhee-Korean Democratic Party (KDP) coalition. The police force also functioned as the “big brother” of the rightist youth organizations which shared values and ideology with them. Finally, the police served as the “midwife” in the creation of the Rhee regime in the Republic of Korea. In sum, the KNP was an important political player actively taking part in the political process during U.S. military occupation.
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BETHELL, LESLIE. « Brazil and ‘Latin America’ ». Journal of Latin American Studies 42, no 3 (août 2010) : 457–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1000088x.

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AbstractThis essay, part history of ideas and part history of international relations, examines Brazil's relationship with Latin America in historical perspective. For more than a century after independence, neither Spanish American intellectuals nor Spanish American governments considered Brazil part of ‘América Latina’. For their part, Brazilian intellectuals and Brazilian governments only had eyes for Europe and increasingly, after 1889, the United States, except for a strong interest in the Río de la Plata. When, especially during the Cold War, the United States, and by extension the rest of the world, began to regard and treat Brazil as part of ‘Latin America’, Brazilian governments and Brazilian intellectuals, apart from some on the Left, still did not think of Brazil as an integral part of the region. Since the end of the Cold War, however, Brazil has for the first time pursued a policy of engagement with its neighbours – in South America.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Coalition governments – South America"

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Moncada, Samuel. « Entrepreneurs and governments in Venezuela 1944-1958 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.284278.

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Zucco, Cesar. « The political economy of ordinary politics in Latin America ». Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1467893851&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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DEHEZA, Grace Ivana. « Gobiernos de coalicion en el sistema presidencial : America del Sur ». Doctoral thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5247.

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Defence date: 14 March 1997
Examining board: Prof. Stefano Bartolini (IUE) ; Prof. Jean Blondel (IUE - supervisor) ; Prof. Maurizio Cotta (Universidad de Siena) ; Prof. Scott Mainwaring (Universidad de Notre Dame) ; Prof. Dieter Nohlen (Universidad de Heidelberg)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Livres sur le sujet "Coalition governments – South America"

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1940-, Gilberg Trond, dir. Coalition strategies of Marxist parties. Durham [N.C.] : Duke University Press, 1989.

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Gold, Susan Dudley. Governments of the western hemisphere. New York : Twenty-First Century Books, 1997.

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Informal coalitions and policymaking in Latin America. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon : Routledge, 2009.

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Active faith : How Christians are changing the soul of American politics. New York : Free Press, 1996.

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Oceania. Oceanographic research, South Pacific Region : Agreement between the United States of America and other governments, signed at Washington September 10, 1990 with annex. Washington, D.C : Dept. of State, 1993.

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Renegotiating the South Pacific Tuna Treaty : Closing loopholes and protecting U.S. interests : hearing before the Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific, and the Global Environment of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Eleventh Congress, second session, September 22, 2010. Washington : U.S. G.P.O., 2010.

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Breaux, Jarred. Laotian Civil War : The Intransigence of General Phoumi Nosavan and American Intervention in the Fall Of 1960. Lulu Press, Inc., 2009.

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Masina, Mzwandile. Future Realities of Coalition Governments in South Africa : Reflections on Coalition Governments in the Metros : 2016-2021. Masina, Mzwandile, 2021.

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Freudenreich, Johannes. Electoral Rationale of Coalition Formation : The Case of Latin America. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Incorporated, 2017.

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Coalition Country : South Africa after the ANC. NB Publishers Limited, 2018.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Coalition governments – South America"

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Philip, George. « Military Governments : Continuity and Change in Twentieth-Century South America ». Dans The Soldier and the State in South America, 71–86. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333977972_5.

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Bull, Benedicte. « Social Movements and the ‘Pink Tide’ Governments in Latin America : Transformation, Inclusion and Rejection ». Dans Democratization in the Global South, 75–99. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230370043_4.

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Olfos, Raimundo, Masami Isoda et Soledad Estrella. « Multiplication of Whole Numbers in the Curriculum : Singapore, Japan, Portugal, the USA, Mexico, Brazil, and Chile ». Dans Teaching Multiplication with Lesson Study, 25–35. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-28561-6_2.

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AbstractThis chapter shows how the teaching of multiplication is structured in national curriculum standards (programs) around the world. (The documents are distributed by national governments via the web. Those documents are written in different formats and depths. For understanding the descriptions of the standards, we also refer to national authorized textbooks for confirmation of meanings.) The countries chosen for comparison in this case are two countries in Asia, one in Europe, two in North America, and two in South America: Singapore, Japan, Portugal, the USA (where the Common Core State Standards (2010) are not national but are agreed on by most of the states), Mexico, Brazil, and Chile, from the viewpoint of their influences on Ibero-American countries. (The National Council of Teachers of Mathematics (NCTM) standards (published in 2000) and the Japanese and Singapore textbooks have been influential in Latin America. Additionally, Portugal was selected to be compared with Brazil). To distinguish between each country’s standard and the general standards described here, the national curriculum standards are just called the “program.” The comparison shows the differences in the programs for multiplication in these countries in relation to the sequence of the description and the way of explanation. The role of this chapter in Part I of this book is to provide the introductory questions that will be discussed in Chaps. 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7 to explain the features of the Japanese approach. (As is discussed in Chap. 1, the Japanese approach includes the Japanese curriculum, textbooks, and methods of teaching which can be used for designing classes, as has been explored in Chile (see (Estrella, Mena, Olfos, Lesson Study in Chile: a very promising but still uncertain path. In Quaresma, Winsløw, Clivaz, da Ponte, Ní Shúilleabháin, Takahashi (eds), Mathematics lesson study around the world: Theoretical and methodological issues. Cham: Springer, pp. 105–122, 2018). The comparison focuses on multiplication of whole numbers. In multiplication, all of these countries seem to have similar goals—namely, for their students to grasp the meaning of multiplication and develop fluency in calculation. However, are they the same? By using the newest editions of each country’s curriculum standards, comparisons are done on the basis of the manner of writing, with assigned grades for the range of numbers, meanings, expression, tables, and multidigit multiplication. The relationship with other specific content such as division, the use of calculators, the treatment of multiples, and mixed arithmetic operations are beyond the scope of this comparison. Those are mentioned only if there is a need to show diversity.
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Durán-Martínez, Angélica. « South America ». Dans Transforming the War on Drugs, 133–60. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197604359.003.0006.

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Chapter 5 focuses on South America, the region where global cocaine flows originate, and where reform and debates about new domestic drug policies are likely to emerge. Despite the consensus on the need for change, this chapter argues there is little consensus on what this change entails, and that most governments still support the legal cornerstones of the International Drug Control Regime. The chapter contends that three factors influence the region’s endorsement for change: first, evolving US foreign policy; second, growing violence in the region; and third, changes in supply chain networks of cocaine. These have made intraregional and domestic markets more prominent, encouraging governments to recognize that drug policies have generated new problems. The chapter concludes by assessing the possibilities and obstacles for drug policy reform in the region.
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« Actual state of the different Governments in South America ». Dans The Woodbine Parish Report on the Revolutions in South America (1822), 139–44. Liverpool University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv2x1nq6b.17.

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Hardoy, Jorgelina, et David Satterthwaite. « Environmental Impacts of Urbanism ». Dans The Physical Geography of South America. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195313413.003.0029.

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This chapter describes the environmental impacts of urbanization in South America, and the difficulties that governments have had in managing them. The discussion focuses initially on the rapid urbanization of the continent and its environmental implications and then reviews the quality of the urban environment within the homes and neighbourhoods in which the urban population lives, in the workplace, and in the wider city (the ambient environment). The environmental impacts of these urban areas on their surroundings are then described and their wider and more diffuse impacts considered, including an evaluation of global climate change. Lastly, some of the new directions taken by governments in the region toward addressing these problems are noted. Table 20.1 provides a summary of the main city-related environmental problems in terms of their spatial context and the nature of the hazard or problem. The urban environment is taken to mean the physical environment in urban areas, with its complex mix of natural elements (including air, water, land, climate, flora, and fauna) and the built environment, in other words a physical environment constructed or modified for human habitation and activity encompassing buildings, infrastructure, and urban open spaces (Haughton and Hunter, 1994; OECD, 1990). Its quality is much influenced by: (1) its geographical setting; (2) the scale and nature of human activities and structures within it; (3) the wastes and emissions these activities create and their environmental impacts; and (4) the competence and accountability of the institutions elected, appointed, or delegated to manage it. In summarizing the environmental impacts of urbanization, this chapter concentrates on some of the region’s most serious urban problems. However, it should always be remembered that this is also a region with rich and varied urban cultures. South America has some of the world’s finest historic cities—for instance the historic centers of Cusco, Quito, and Salvador de Bahía. The urban cultures have evolved from a long history, including a rich pre- Colombian urban history in many places (Hardoy, 2000). The cities are widely known outside South America through the literature they have inspired—for instance, for the English-speaking world, the works of Garcia Marquez, Amado, and Vargas Llosa. Its cities are also known for the art, music, and dance that they incubated and inspired.
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Villagrán, Carlos Arturo. « Central America ». Dans The Oxford Handbook of International Law and the Americas, C38.S1—C38.N163. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197661062.013.38.

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Abstract This chapter shows the different and unique story of Central America’s interaction with international law. This region is usually neglected by scholarship, even from other Latin American scholars. Yet, the subregion has witnessed a close interaction between geopolitics, domestic, and international law. In fact, it has served as a privileged vantage point for debates around non-intervention, uti possidetis, recognition of governments, inter alia. Therefore, this chapter shows that, in contrast to Mexico and South America, foreign intervention in domestic affairs has a long story in the subregion’s state-building efforts. In fact, a central trait that still lingers in the region is the widespread use of anti-corruption missions. These sort of arrangements, however, have also been prone to abuse—as can be seen clearly in the context of Cold War interventions. Nonetheless, they offer a pioneering example of early mechanisms for international dispute settlement.
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Woo, Susie. « Transpacific Adoption ». Dans Pacific America. University of Hawai'i Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.21313/hawaii/9780824855765.003.0011.

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As one of America’s forgotten wars, the Korean War remains in the shadows of American memory. This chapter recounts one of the profound social and cultural outcomes of the war--Korean transnational adoptions. It traces the work of U.S. missionaries that established initial points of contact between average Americans and Korean children-in-need during and after the war, sentimental and material connections that set the stage for transnational adoptions. In the 1950s, missionary appeals to rescue Korean children and mixed-race GI babies incited Americans to push for the legal adoption of children from Korea, pressure that ultimately led both the U.S. and South Korean governments to establish permanent adoption legislation. To date, over 100,000 Korean adoptees have entered the United States. This essay investigates the origins of Korean transnational adoptions and the racial legacies left in its wake on both sides of the Pacific.
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Ramirez, Rafael Salvador Espinosa. « Integration and Foreign Investment in Latin America ». Dans Advances in Finance, Accounting, and Economics, 105–24. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-6224-7.ch006.

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The processes of economic integration in Latin American economies have logic that goes beyond the simple interest of trade creation. The governments focus on the benefit produced by Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) as one of the most important reasons to formalize trade agreements. FDI differs in the way in which this investment relates with the local producer sector and the strategy trade policy followed by local governments. In this sense Latin American economies may receive horizontal or vertical FDI, and this chapter aims to examine the impact of strategic trade policies on the inflows of FDI into two Latin American regions: North Region and South Region. These investment flows come from three economic zones: Asia, America, and European Union. To this end, the gravity equation to compare the weight of variables such as distance, infrastructure, trade openness, and cultural affinity as independent variables and FDI as the dependent variable is estimated. The results obtained show that the strategy trade policy followed in the North Region in the form of trade liberalization, and the strategy trade policy followed in the South Region in the form of a relative closeness with the custom union plus the proposed trade agreements with other regions encouraged inflows of FDI in both regions during the analyzed period. While the gravity hypothesis holds on the South Region, in the North Region it does not hold. In the North Region, vertical FDI is received, and in the South Region it is horizontal FDI.
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Ramirez, Rafael Salvador Espinosa. « Integration and Foreign Investment in Latin America ». Dans International Business, 267–87. IGI Global, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-9814-7.ch013.

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The processes of economic integration in Latin American economies have logic that goes beyond the simple interest of trade creation. The governments focus on the benefit produced by Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) as one of the most important reasons to formalize trade agreements. FDI differs in the way in which this investment relates with the local producer sector and the strategy trade policy followed by local governments. In this sense Latin American economies may receive horizontal or vertical FDI, and this chapter aims to examine the impact of strategic trade policies on the inflows of FDI into two Latin American regions: North Region and South Region. These investment flows come from three economic zones: Asia, America, and European Union. To this end, the gravity equation to compare the weight of variables such as distance, infrastructure, trade openness, and cultural affinity as independent variables and FDI as the dependent variable is estimated. The results obtained show that the strategy trade policy followed in the North Region in the form of trade liberalization, and the strategy trade policy followed in the South Region in the form of a relative closeness with the custom union plus the proposed trade agreements with other regions encouraged inflows of FDI in both regions during the analyzed period. While the gravity hypothesis holds on the South Region, in the North Region it does not hold. In the North Region, vertical FDI is received, and in the South Region it is horizontal FDI.
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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Coalition governments – South America"

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Marfella, Giorgio. « Seeds of Concrete Progress : Grain Elevators and Technology Transfer between America and Australia ». Dans The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online : SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4000pi5hk.

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Modern concrete silos and grain elevators are a persistent source of interest and fascination for architects, industrial archaeologists, painters, photographers, and artists. The legacy of the Australian examples of the early 1900s is appreciated primarily by a popular culture that allocates value to these structures on aesthetic grounds. Several aspects of construction history associated with this early modern form of civil engineering have been less explored. In the 1920s and 1930s, concrete grain elevator stations blossomed along the railway networks of the Australian Wheat Belts, marking with their vertical presence the landscapes of many rural towns in New South Wales, Queensland, Victoria, and Western Australia. The Australian reception of this industrial building type of American origin reflects the modern nation-building aspirations of State Governments of the early 1900s. The development of fast-tracked, self-climbing methods for constructing concrete silos, a technology also imported from America, illustrates the critical role of concrete in that effort of nation-building. The rural and urban proliferation of concrete silos in Australia also helped establish a confident local concrete industry that began thriving with automatic systems of movable formwork, mastering and ultimately transferring these construction methods to multi-storey buildings after WWII. Although there is an evident link between grain elevators and the historiographical propaganda of heroic modernism, that nexus should not induce to interpret old concrete silos as a vestige of modern aesthetics. As catalysts of technical and economic development in Australia, Australian wheat silos also bear important significance due to the international technology transfer and local repercussions of their fast-tracked concrete construction methods.
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Honajzrová Banús, Shirley Consuelo. « COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF VAT REFUNDS SYSTEMS TO FOREIGN TOURISTS IN ARGENTINA, COLOMBIA, ECUADOR, AND URUGUAY. THE CASE OF THE TAX-FREE SHOPPING ». Dans 4th International Scientific Conference – EMAN 2020 – Economics and Management : How to Cope With Disrupted Times. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/eman.s.p.2020.127.

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The presented contribution focuses on describing the Value Added Tax refund to foreign tourists, specifically the Tax-Free Shopping incentive, that increases tourists’ propensity to buy retail goods where shopping can even sometimes be the primary reason for traveling. To have a practical analysis and comparison, four economies from South America were chosen. Colombia and Ecuador whose tax-refund system is entirely operated by the State and Argentina and Uruguay whose governments have decided to outsource their VAT refund service to tourists having private companies operate them. Adding to this, an evaluation of the main characteristics of these countries regarding the competitiveness of their tourism sector was gathered with data obtained from the Travel & Tourism Competitiveness Index (TTCI) Report (2019). The findings of this research provide a benchmark to tourism policymakers interested in assessing changes overtime on this type of incentive.
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Silvestru, Ramona camelia, Lavinia Nemes et Catalin ionut Silvestru. « CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES IN KNOWLEDGE SHARING IN E-LEARNING PROGRAMS FOR PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION ». Dans eLSE 2014. Editura Universitatii Nationale de Aparare "Carol I", 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-14-212.

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The G20 Moscow summit from 2013 highlighted the fact that human resource development remained a major priority for developing countries, especially low-income countries, with important impact on the priorities of other low income countries. When discussing about the current global economic development, about increasing economic competitiveness and reducing economic risks of global crises, we take also into consideration the role that governments and their staff can play in ensuring the adequate implementation of the various policy measures. In order for the government staff to perform at high levels of competence both in high and low income countries, especially in G20 members (Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Turkey, the United Kingdom, the United States of America plus the European Union member states), we consider that continuous education / lifelong learning would be crucial in providing an enabling environment, with e-learning holding a key position, as it enables people, civil servants to deal with future challenges raised by knowledge and information society. In the framework of the technological, normative and procedural evolutions that influence how the staff from public administrations works and possible openness towards e-learning programs, while aware of the various pedagogic, administrative and economic factors that provide incentives as well as drawbacks in using e-learning in providing training to civil servants, we are interested in analyzing e-learning programs developed and used for public administration staff from several G20 states. Our analysis will be focused on assessing the dimensions of the e-learning systems, variety of courses via e-learning platforms, methodologies used in e-learning, possible limitations and challenges in providing e-learning programs to civil servants in several G20 states. The analysis will be conducted using public information available from national agencies with responsibilities in providing such trainings in various G20 states. Our recommendations are oriented towards stimulating the development of an enabling environment for improving inter-agencies and ministerial coordination by intervening at the levels of human resources from the government levels. In this respect, we promote a wider usage of electronic means in lifelong learning for the staff from public administrations and the sharing of information by electronic means aimed at ensuring further human resource development from the public administration. Moreover, we strongly consider that continuous human resource development in the public administration apparatus from the G20 states and knowledge sharing would provide adequate framework for ensuring that government priorities and policy coordination in order to achieve global economic stability, sustainable growth could be achieved, while also contributing to the development of knowledge and information society and economy.
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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Coalition governments – South America"

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Marcos Barba, Liliana, Hilde van Regenmortel et Ellen Ehmke. Shelter from the Storm : The global need for universal social protection in times of COVID-19. Oxfam, décembre 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2020.7048.

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As 2020 draws to a close, the economic devastation caused by the COVID-19 pandemic shows no sign of abating. Without urgent action, global poverty and inequality will deepen dramatically. Hundreds of millions of people have already lost their jobs, gone further into debt or skipped meals for months. Research by Oxfam and Development Pathways shows that over 2 billion people have had no support from their governments in their time of need. Our analysis shows that none of the social protection support to those who are unemployed, elderly people, children and families provided in low- and middle-income countries has been adequate to meet basic needs. 41% of that government support was only a one-off payment and almost all government support has now stopped. Decades of social policy focused on tiny levels of means-tested support have left most countries completely unprepared for the COVID-19 economic crisis. Yet, countries such as South Africa and Bolivia have shown that a universal approach to social protection is affordable, and that it has a profound impact on reducing inequality and protecting those who need it most. In addition to the full paper and executive summary, an Excel file with the data analysed by Oxfam and Development Pathways is available to download on this page, along with an annex on the crisis in Latin America and the Caribbean.
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Learning About Women and Urban Services in Latin America and the Caribbean. Population Council, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/pgy1986.1000.

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In 1978 when the Population Council formulated a program to learn more about low-income urban women’s access to services, the dearth of information was striking, particularly in contrast to the emerging body of information delineating access to credit, extension, membership in rural institutions, and representation in local governments. Access to services was much less well-defined owing to the diverse cultures that meet in the urban environment, the mobility of city life, and the fluidity of households. Urban development planners, researchers, and those involved in community action projects in a number of South American cities were approached to find out what they knew, and there was much interest on the part of urban planners in learning how their programs affected men and women differentially. The interest of these diverse groups called for a long-term approach. Three working groups on Women, Low-Income Households, and Urban Services evolved in Kingston, Jamaica; Lima, Peru; and Mexico City, Mexico. Much detail is provided in this volume on how these groups function and arrive at their priorities. Rather than confining this report to a lengthy internal document, this work was brought to the attention of a broader audience through summary articles.
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