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1
Halicki, Eric. « Prosodic vowel lengthening in a spontaneous speech corpus of Vimeu Picard ». Lingua Posnaniensis 57, no 1 (1 juin 2015) : 77–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/linpo-2015-0004.
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Abstract The goal of this paper is to present findings about vowel lengthening at morpho-syntactically defined prosodic boundaries. The data come from a corpus of spontaneous speech from Vimeu Picard, a Gallo- Romance language. A total of 10 672 vowel durations are measured, and 5336 vowel ratios are calculated, providing data for the prosodic word, clitic group, phonological phrase, intonational phrase, and the utterance. A general increase in vowel duration is observed as one ascends the prosodic hierarchy, without adjusting for rate of speech. Significant differences in vowel ratio are found between the clitic group and all other phrases, the prosodic word and the intonational phrase, the phonological phrase and the intonational phrase, and the intonational phrase and the utterance. Contrary to what was expected, vowel ratios at the utterance edge were found to be significantly shorter than vowel ratios at the intonational phrase edge. This may be because pauses are greater for the utterance than for the intonational phrase.
2
Iskandar, Denni, Mulyadi et Iskandar Abdul Samad. « Morphosyntax Analysis of Acehnese Clitic ». Advances in Language and Literary Studies 9, no 4 (31 août 2018) : 212. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.9n.4p.212.
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Clitic has challenged many grammatical theories because it is a combination between syntax and morphology. At most theory, clitization is considered as a phenomenon of phrase because the clan of its form is similar to affixes attached to whole phrase. Some experts claim that clitic is one form that is difficult to identify and classify. This qualitative research investigates the clitic of Acehnese in the perspective of morphosyntax. This research found that Acehnese consists of proclitic and enclitic. The function is to emphasize the topic being talked by the subject. In general, Acehnese clitic is a relatively complex personal pronoun because Acehnese’s pronominal system is identical with the content of morality (politeness and friendship). Each personal pronoun has its own proclitic and enclitic including the adjustment of clitic for variant personal pronouns which refers to the level of politeness. In addition to personal pronoun, the clitic in Acehnese is also used to refer to noun or nounphrase either to animals, plants, or other types of nouns.
3
Cyrino, Sonia Maria Lazzarini. « On romance syntactic complex predicates : why Brazilian Portuguese is different ». Estudos da Língua(gem) 8, no 1 (30 juin 2010) : 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.22481/el.v8i1.1120.
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I analyze clitic climbing as the effect of Romance syntactic complex predicate formation: the non-finite verb phrase moves to the specifier of the upper V. This movement forms a complex predicate so as to allow for a configuration where clitics can climb. Crucial for this movement is the presence of a defective C-T. The lack of clitic climbing in Brazilian Portuguese is but one consequence of a non-defective C-T system in these structures. As a consequence, we have the possibility for certain constructions to occur in the language; in fact, they are presented as additional evidence for the proposal.KEYWORDS: Clitic climbing. Syntactic complex predicates. ECM. Inflected infinitives. Brazilian Portuguese. Principles & Parameters Theory.
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Aoun, Joseph, et Elabbas Benmamoun. « Minimality, Reconstruction, and PF Movement ». Linguistic Inquiry 29, no 4 (octobre 1998) : 569–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438998553888.
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We investigate the interaction of clitic left-dislocation (CLLD), wh-interrogatives, and topicalization in Lebanese Arabic. A wh-phrase or a topicalized phrase can be fronted across a CLLDed element derived by movement but not across a base-generated one. A CLLDed element cannot be fronted across another CLLDed element, a wh-phrase, or a topicalized phrase. These interception effects are accounted for only if Minimality is construed as a constraint on derivations rather than representations and if fronting of the CLLDed elements is seen to apply in the PF component. It is thus suggested that the mapping between overt Syntax and the Articulatory-Perceptual level is not trivial.
5
Fresina, Claudio. « L'auxiliation en Italien ». Lingvisticæ Investigationes. International Journal of Linguistics and Language Resources 21, no 1 (1 janvier 1997) : 97–138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.21.1.05fre.
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This article is based on the results of a study dealing with the various classes of Italian verbs (modals, aspectuels, verbs of movement, progressives, avere da + infinitive) that attract the clitic pronouns from their base position. Their "climbing" is accounted for by excluding any sentence boundary in the domain of the clitic movement. Since this is exactly the traditional structure of the verb-auxiliary relationship, the following hypothesis is made: the verb phrases of a single sentence comprise, in addition to the main verb, an indefinite number of complementary verbs (the ones listed above plus the temporal/aspectual and passive auxiliaries). As a result, their distribution becomes unpredictable and is complicated further by the possible reiteration of certain verbs in the phrase. An account for this on the basis of structural rules is thus quite difficult. Therefore, it is proposed that the complementary verbs are freely generated in the base through a recurrent rule associated with some strategies of meaning interpretation.
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Chapman, Cassandra. « Investigating clitic doubling in Laurentian French : An experimental approach ». Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 59, no 2 (juillet 2014) : 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100000256.
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Clitic doubling (CD) is a syntactic construction characterized by a clitic in the inflectional domain doubling a Determiner Phrase (DP) in the canonical object position. CD has been argued to occur in several Romance languages including Spanish (Jaeggli 1982, Hurtado 1984, Suñer 1988, Uriagereka 1995, among many others) and Romanian (Dobrovie-Sorin 1990). This phenomenon has also been well documented in Modern Greek (Philippaki-Warburton et al. 2004, Anagnostopoulou 2006, Tsakali 2008). For example, consider the following direct object CD constructions from Modern Greek (la), Romanian (lb), and Spanish (lc). We see that the DP in object position (sister to V) is doubled by a matching clitic in the inflectional domain.
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Ravinski, Christine. « Possessor Raising in Nuu-chah-nulth ». Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 52, no 1-2 (juillet 2007) : 167–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100004230.
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AbstractNuu-chah-nulth possessor raising is semantically unrestricted and affects only subjects: subject agreement matches the person and number of the possessor (rather than the possessed subject), and the possessive-marking clitic attaches to the head of the clause (rather than to the possessum). Nuu-chah-nulth possessor raising is analyzed as a syntactic dependency between the possessive clitic in the main clause and the base-generated possessor position within DP. A Possessive Phrase can appear in either the DP or the clausal domain, and the possessive clitic may be generated in either position. When the possessive clitic is generated in the main clause, a possessor may raise out of subject position via feature-driven movement; the Minimal Link Condition prevents such movement from occurring out of object position.
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WINTNER, SHULY. « Definiteness in the Hebrew noun phrase ». Journal of Linguistics 36, no 2 (juillet 2000) : 319–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700008173.
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This paper suggests an analysis of Modern Hebrew noun phrases in the framework of HPSG. It focuses on the peculiar properties of the definite article, including the requirement for definiteness agreement among various elements in the noun phrase, definiteness inheritance in construct-state nominals, the fact that the article does not combine with constructs and the similarities between construct-state nouns and adjectives. Central to our analysis is the assumption that the Hebrew definite article is an affix, rather than a clitic or a stand-alone word. Several arguments, from all levels of linguistic representation, are provided to justify this claim. Adopting the lexical hypothesis, we conclude that the article combines with nominals in the lexicon, and is no longer available for syntactic processes. This leads to an analysis of noun phrases as NPs, rather than as DPs; we show that such a view is compatible with accepted criteria for headedness. We provide an HPSG analysis that covers the above mentioned phenomena, correctly predicting the location of the definite article in constructs, accounting for definiteness agreement and definiteness inheritance constraints, and yielding similar structures for the two major ways of expressing genitive relations in Hebrew.
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PLUNKETT, BERNADETTE. « What's ‘what’ in French questions ». Journal of Linguistics 36, no 3 (novembre 2000) : 511–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700008379.
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The analysis of French ‘what’ questions poses a number of difficulties. These questions exhibit numerous peculiarities, especially when they involve a subject wh-phrase. It is argued that the anomalous paradigm derives from three independent factors. The first is linked to the general status of matrix subject wh-phrases and the position they occupy at the interface levels. The second relates to the status of que ‘what’ as a phonological clitic. The third is argued to derive from the difference between strong quoi ‘what’ and weak que with respect to specificity. Once the interaction of these factors is taken into account, the unusual paradigm is completely explained.
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Malho, Alexandra, Susana Correia et Sónia Frota. « Emergência de sândi consonântico em Português Europeu : uma abordagem prosódica ». Revista da Associação Portuguesa de Linguística, no 3 (29 septembre 2017) : 177–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.26334/2183-9077/rapln3ano2017a11.
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In European Portuguese, the domain for sandhi phenomena is the intonational phrase. Unlike the intonational phrase, the phonological phrase has been shown to be only relevant for rhythm and prominence-related phenomena (Frota, 2000, 2014). Fricative voicing between words (casa[ʒb]rancas, casa[ʃp]retas) and ressylabification before vowel-initial words (casa[zɐ]marelas) occur within the intonational phrase. In this study, we considered spontaneous productions of a Portuguese child (Luma), aged 2;04-4;00, to examine the acquisition of external consonantal sandhi. The data show that sandhi production varies according to the segmental (C#C, C#V, CFric, CVib, CLat) and prosodic context (clitic, prosodic word, position in prosodic structure). The data further confirm that sandhi occurs within the intonational phrase, supporting the analysis proposed for the adult grammar. This study contributes to the understanding of the relationship between the acquisition of the prosodic structure and the acquisition of sandhi phenomena.
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Yokoyama, Tomohiro. « Dissociating the Person Case Constraint from its “repair” ». Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 64, no 4 (12 septembre 2019) : 730–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2019.24.
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AbstractIn French ditransitive sentences, certain person combinations of the two internal arguments cannot be expressed with two co-occurring clitics (a phenomenon referred to as the Person Case Constraint or PCC). To fill the interpretational gap created by this restriction, there is an alternative construction characterized as a “repair”, where the goal is realized as an independent phrase. The fact that the double-clitic construction and the repair construction are in complementary distribution led to a proposal of an interface algorithm that provides a way to repair a non-convergent structure. This article proposes an alternative account of the PCC, and claims that the complementarity between the PCC and its repair is instead accidental and is an artefact of the feature structure of arguments. The proposed account explains the unavailability of certain clitic combinations and some repairs independently, without resorting to a trans-derivational device like the previously proposed algorithm.
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Rubin, Edward J. « Obligatory dative clitic-doubling of type III experiencers in Bulgnais ». Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 3, no 1 (3 mars 2018) : 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v3i1.4299.
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The correlation between the position of the Dative experiencer of a type III psych-verb relative to the verb itself and the obligatory vs. optional nature of an associated Dative clitic has seldom been noted in the literature, and it has never previously been explained. This paper presents relevant new data from Bulgnais (Bologna, Italy), and it proposes that these verbs, in the languages that require the Dative clitic with the preverbal Dative experiencer, have an additional strong lexical property beyond inherent Case licensing. Like Case licensing, this property requires feature checking, which is satisfied alternately by the clitic (unmarked word-order) or by the experiencer phrase. Only when the clitic checks the lexically required feature can the full experiencer move to the preverbal position, because otherwise, it is frozen in a postverbal position by its role in checking the mentioned strong lexical feature, which occurs lower in the verbal domain.
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Jheng, Wei-Cherng Sam. « The syntax of nominal modification and complex noun phrases in Siwkolan Amis ». Concentric. Studies in Linguistics 48, no 1 (2 mai 2022) : 70–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/consl.21014.jhe.
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Abstract This work investigates the syntax of nominal modification involving the linker a in Siwkolan Amis, one of the dialects of Amis, an Austronesian language spoken in Taiwan. Based on the two observed types of NP-ellipsis patterns and the formal licensing condition, I argue that Amis displays two types of modification. Modifiers in direct modification are functional heads projecting extended functional projections of NP, whereas those in indirect modification are modifier phrases base-generated at [Spec, ModP]. This distinction adds weight to J. Wu’s (2003) view that relative clauses and description-denoting modifiers marked by -ay are clausal modifiers that have a full-fledged CP structure from a cartographic perspective. Furthermore, I argue that a projects the Modifier Phrase (ModP) and is a modificatory clitic endowed with a [+mod] feature that attaches to a head element moving from a lower head position to form a morphological word. Very much in line with Philip (2012), the proposed analysis suggests that a is endowed with an interpretative profile in marking a modification relation between an extended functional projection (a modifier phrase) and a dependent word (a modified noun) in the nominal domain. Issues involved in dealing with the structure of Amis complex noun phrases are discussed.
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Li, Wenshan. « The procedural syntax of fake modification constructions in Chinese ». Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 66, no 1 (9 février 2021) : 91–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2020.36.
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AbstractThe clitic morpheme de in Mandarin Chinese has various uses. Typically, it is cliticized to a phrase whether the phrase is nominal or adjectival; it can also occur between two noun phrases when there is no relation of semantic modification. The constructions that involve the latter use of de, known as fake modification constructions, have been theoretically characterized many a time. In the existing characterizations, the morpheme is treated either as a mysteriously inserted lexical item, a modification marker, or a genitive morpheme. The existing accounts suffer from a variety of theoretical and empirical problems. Evidence is presented that in some other constructions and in fake modification constructions, de, while having no lexical semantic content of its own, occupies a position that is otherwise occupied by a two-place predicate. Based on this observation, a partially unitary theoretical account of fake modification constructions is formulated from a parsing perspective in the framework of Dynamic Syntax. In this account, four de-morphemes in fake modification constructions are recognized with different syntactic distributions; however, they all contribute a semantically underspecified predicate that is updated by syntactically constrained or context-based inference.
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Gardiner, Shayna. « What's mine is yours : Stable variation and language change in Ancient Egyptian possessive constructions ». Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 62, no 4 (4 juillet 2017) : 639–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2017.35.
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AbstractVariation is described as two or more variants competing for finite resources. In this model, two outcomes are possible: language change or specialization. Specialization can be broken down further: specialization for different functions, and partial specialization – stable variation. In this paper, I analyze the differences between stable variation and language change using the two variables present in Ancient Egyptian possessive constructions. Observing four Egyptian possessive variants, split into two groups with two variants each – clitic possessor variants and full nominal possessor variants – for a total of 2251 tokens, I compare factors affecting variant choice in each possessive group. Results of distributional and multivariate analyses indicate that a) change over time occurs in clitic possession, while stable variation occurs with noun variants; and b) different kinds of factors govern the two sets: the continuous variable phrase complexity affects variant choice in nominal possession, but does not affect the clitic variants.
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Preminger, Omer. « Breaking Agreements : Distinguishing Agreement and Clitic Doubling by Their Failures ». Linguistic Inquiry 40, no 4 (octobre 2009) : 619–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling.2009.40.4.619.
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In this article, I propose a novel way to distinguish between agreement and clitic doubling. The innovation lies in examining what happens when the relation between the relevant agreement morphology and the full noun phrase fails to obtain: whether the agreement morpheme still shows up, bearing default φ-features, or disappears altogether. The workings of the proposed diagnostic are demonstrated using a family of constructions in “substandard” Basque (Etxepare 2006). Besides supporting the proposed diagnostic, the analysis of Basque provides a new perspective on the typological status of the Basque agreement system, as well as evidence against the traditional analysis of unergatives in Basque as being underlyingly transitive.
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Ilc, Gašper. « Jespersen's cycle in Slovenian ». Linguistica 51, no 1 (31 décembre 2011) : 349–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/linguistica.51.1.349-363.
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The paper examines the syntactic status of the negative marker in standard Slovenian and its Pannonian dialects in terms of the grammaticalisation process known as Jespersen's cycle. Assuming that Jespersen's Cycle can be observed synchronically, the paper focusses on the correlation between the morpho-phonological strength of the negative marker and the syntactic derivation of negative clauses. The data analysis identifies at least three different stages of Jespersen's cycle in modern Slovenian: (i) the clitic-likenegation, (ii) the bipartite negation, and (iii) the adverb-like negation, the first occurring in standard Slovenian and the latter two in the Pannonian dialect group. In terms of the generative syntactic derivation, the analysis proposes that the negative marker occupies three different structural positions: (i) the head of the Negation phrase (clitic-like negation), (ii) the specifier of the Negation phrase (adverb-like negation) or (iii) both syntactic positions (bipartite negation). In addition, the paper explores the question whether the syntactic position of the negative marker determines the semantic interpretation of multiple occurrences of negative elements, in particular, the negative concord and the double negation interpretation. The analysis shows that in Slovenian the morpho-phonological properties of the negative marker and its structural position bear no consequences for the semantic interpretation of multiple occurrences of negative elements.
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Abad, Sadegh Mohammadi Bolban, Batool Alinezhad et Vali Rezai. « The Prosodization of Weak Function Words in Kurdish Language (Leilakhi Dialect) ». International Journal of Linguistics 7, no 4 (7 septembre 2015) : 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v7i4.8065.
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<p>This paper investigates the prosodic structure of simple prepositions and dependent personal pronouns as weak function words in Leilakhi Dialect with the theoretical framework of Prosodic Phonology or Phonology of Domains. Weak function words (fnc) of this dialect are proclitics or enclitics that form Clitic Group (CG) with their host. One such feature of these elements is their combinatorial restriction with their host, <em>i.e. </em>simple prepositions as prosodic proclitics must precede a noun phrase or independent personal pronoun and absolute prepositions as phonological words join the dependent personal pronouns in the role of enclitics which give form to the clitic group. The phonetic process and phonological process used in this research are aspiration and stress assignment pattern respectively. </p>
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Pescarini, Diego. « Microvariation in Verbal and Nominal Agreement : An Analysis of Two Lombard Alpine Dialects ». Probus 33, no 2 (26 avril 2021) : 227–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/prbs-2021-0003.
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Abstract In Bregagliotto and Mesolcinese, two Lombard Alpine dialects, feminine plural agreement/concord is marked by the formative -n, a reflex of the third person plural verbal ending. In Bregagliotto, plural -n triggers mesoclisis of the feminine subject clitic in contexts of inversion, whereas in the noun phrase -n behaves as a second-position element marking plural feminine concord. Mesolcinese exhibits verbal gender agreement as the formative -n occurs on the inflected verb whenever a feminine plural subject or the feminine plural object clitic occurs; in feminine plural DPs, -n is attached to any element except the definite article. I argue that the Bregagliotto system emerged when -n was reanalysed as an adjunct pluraliser, whereas in Mesolcinese -n has been turned into a marker of morphophonological concord/agreement.
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Kazlauskienė, Asta. « The Clitics in Standard Lithuanian ». Respectus Philologicus 27, no 32 (25 avril 2015) : 187–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/respectus.2015.27.32.18.
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A Lithuanian word is quite an autonomous prosodic unit. Nevertheless, in some cases a word loses stress, connects to an adjacent word, and becomes a part of a succeeding or preceding word. The aim of this research is to establish and describe the prosodic autonomy of the Lithuanian language word and its determinants.The database for this analysis consists of some audio recordings of novels, which were used in this study (11 h 20 min, 22 speakers). A computational programme was designed by Prof. Dr. G. Raškinis.The empirical data showed that the words with clitics comprise about ¼ of all the words. The data analysis suggests that the word autonomy depends on many factors: phonetic structure (monosyllabic words often lose their stress), morphological features (uninflected parts of speech, especially prepositions, often do not have a stress), the structure of a sentence (a potential clitic can get a stress in an elliptic sentence), pragmatic intentions (a word with a phrase stress will get a lexical stress), and the pressure of the rhythm (a potential clitic can keep stress due to the succeeding unstressed syllable). The latter factor is important for the rhythm of the speech for two reasons. First, a clitic can eliminate a stress clash, which might be formed if both words had stresses. Second, if clitic is connected to the word with a first stressed syllable, the second syllable would become stressed. Such word is articulated easier than the word which begins with a stressed syllable. However, the rhythm does not have a major impact on the word autonomy in the Lithuanian language. The phonetic structure and morphological features have the most significant influence on the prosodic autonomy of a word.
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Tajsner, Przemysław. « On left-peripheral particle to in Polish and Czech : A focus, a topic head, or neither ? » Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics 54, no 4 (27 novembre 2018) : 541–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2018-0022.
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Abstract The article offers a non-cartographic approach to the syntax of the left-peripheral particle to in Polish and Czech. It is claimed here that to is neither a topic nor a focus head. Instead, it has a status of a neutral Relator, a head of Relator Phrase, operative in the formation of the non-directional Structure of Predication. This structure serves the needs of Information Structure in providing a syntactic blueprint for segregating topics from foci, but these notions themselves are solely the interpretations of constituents and not independent syntactic categories. The analysis capitalizes on a clitic status of to in Czech, the lack of special clitics in Polish, and makes use of the ideas of the parametric directionality of Agreement and Labelling Algorithm allowing for merging heads to project.
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Lyons, Christopher. « The syntax of English genitive constructions ». Journal of Linguistics 22, no 1 (mars 1986) : 123–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700010586.
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As is well known, English has two genitive or possessive constructions, the ‘proposed’ and the ‘postposed’, exemplified in (1).In each case we have an NP, with a head N (book, office, dog, house, plants) modified by a possessive expression (John's, a man's, mine, etc.). This expression is itself an NP in the genitive Case, and I shall refer to it as the ‘genitive phrase’. By contrast with other familiar languages more highly inflected than English, genitive Case is hot marked by an inflection on the head of a genitive phrase, but by the clitic ’s, which is attached right at the end of the phrase. The exception is where the genitive phrase is not a full NP but a personal pronoun, in which case we get an inflected form (irregular in pattern) as in these other languages: I - my/mine, he - his, etc. These possessive forms of pronouns have almost identical distribution to that of full NPs in the genitive (there are some differences which I shall point to below), and so it seems clear that they are genitives, despite the morphological difference; personal pronouns are highly irregular morphologically anyway, and not only in English. This is assumed in all recent work I know of, and I shall take it to be uncontroversial.
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Doron, Edit, et Irit Meir. « The Impact of Contact Languages on the Degrammaticalization of the Hebrew Definite Article ». Journal of Jewish Languages 3, no 1-2 (16 octobre 2015) : 283–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134638-12340045.
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The Hebrew articleha- is apparently undergoing a process of degrammaticalization within Modern Hebrew. Its distribution has been changing in a particular direction that is unexpected from the point of view of historical linguistics. Whereas in Classical Hebrew it was found with a limited number of lexical items, it now attaches to a variety of phrases. This change is indicative of a change in its morpho-syntactic category: it is becoming more a clitic than an affix. The morpho-syntactic change is accompanied by a semantic change; its function is to mark the definiteness of the phrase it attaches to, rather than being part of the Classical Hebrew state system. We propose that the change has its roots in a language-internal change that affected the periphrastic genitive construction of Mishnaic Hebrew and was enhanced through several phases of language contact such as the contact of Medieval Hebrew with Arabic and the contact of nineteenth-century Hasidic Hebrew with Yiddish.
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Sideltsev, Andrej V. « Hittite Anaphora ». Archiv orientální 84, no 1 (4 mai 2016) : 75–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.84.1.75-104.
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Two aspects of anaphora in Hittite are discussed in this paper. The first is a syntactic means of marking immediate anaphora after the first mention. Besides fronting a constituent hosting -a/ma and demonstrative phrases, it is shown that this specific type of anaphora is also marked by the seemingly redundant structure of an enclitic pronoun + full NP in its canonical position. It is argued that the parallel syntactic behaviour of all three constructions provides evidence that distinguishes some cases of enclitic pronoun + full NP from appositions, allowing them to be considered as a taxonomically distinct category, i.e., clitic doubling.
The second part of the paper deals with non-standard anaphora in relative clauses. It explores the occasional associate anaphoric relationship between the relative phrase and its correlate (bridging) in a cross-linguistic perspective. It is shown that this non-standard anaphora provides additional evidence that Hittite relative sentences are not standard but rather that they constitute a separate taxonomic category, i.e., correlatives.
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Gračanin-Yuksek, Martina. « Free Relatives in Croatian : An Argument for the Comp Account ». Linguistic Inquiry 39, no 2 (avril 2008) : 275–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling.2008.39.2.275.
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The article argues for the Comp account (e.g., Groos and Van Riemsdijk 1981) over the head account (e.g., Bresnan and Grimshaw 1978) of free relatives (FRs), on the basis of several converging arguments from Croatian. Evidence from reconstruction effects shows that the wh-phrase introducing a free relative (WHFR) originates inside the relative clause and wh-moves to its surface position. In addition, arguments from clitic placement show that the derived position of the WHFR is no higher than Spec,CP of the FR.
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Kabak, Barış, et Irene Vogel. « The phonological word and stress assignment in Turkish ». Phonology 18, no 3 (décembre 2001) : 315–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675701004201.
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It is generally believed that Turkish stress is always word-final. Closer examination, however, reveals several types of exceptions to this pattern involving both roots and affixes. This paper proposes a unified analysis of regular and irregular stress in Turkish that crucially depends on our definition of the Phonological Word. In addition, we discuss stress in constituents beyond the word, and provide evidence for the Clitic Group as well as the Phonological Phrase. Finally, we also briefly discuss vowel harmony and a set of syllabification phenomena, and show how the latter, in particular, provide independent support for the proposal we advance here.
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SLABAKOVA, ROUMYANA. « The effect of construction frequency and native transfer on second language knowledge of the syntax–discourse interface ». Applied Psycholinguistics 36, no 3 (25 juillet 2013) : 671–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0142716413000386.
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ABSTRACTThis article investigates knowledge of discourse-conditioned left dislocations in the interlanguage competence in Spanish and English second language learners. Although Spanish clitic left dislocation (CLLD) and English topicalization are functionally very similar, they differ in that the former but not the latter requires the dislocated phrase to be clitic doubled. In contrast, the fronted focus (FF) construction is functionally and syntactically similar in the two languages. Two experimental studies investigated knowledge of the syntactic form and discourse appropriateness of CLLD and topicalization, using knowledge of FF as a baseline. English-native learners of Spanish were successful in acquiring CLLD as well as FF. However, Spanish-native learners of English demonstrated no knowledge of English topicalization even at near-native levels of proficiency, whereas they did well on the transferable FF. These results are examined in the light of the interface hypothesis. It is argued that construction frequency in the input and transfer from the native language, but only those two factors together, can explain the experimental results.
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Kissock, Madelyn. « Middle Verbs in Icelandic ». American Journal of Germanic Linguistics and Literatures 9, no 1 (1997) : 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1040820700001979.
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This paper presents an account ofst-(middle) verbs in Icelandic that treats -stas the head of a functional phrase-object agreement (AgrO)- and argues that, consequently,st-formation is a syntactic rather than a lexical process. Supporting evidence includes the fact that -stis a clitic rather than an inflectional or derivational element attached to the verb. This analysis has the advantage thatst-verbs, which on the surface appear disparate in their interpretation (e.g., reflexive vs. passive), can be unified under a single syntactic operation. The differences in interpretation fall out from argument structure properties of individual verbs. A consistent mapping between morphology and syntax is obtained.*
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Linares, Emily. « ‘Ces grandes dames, ça ne va pas souvent à l’église’ : A corpus-based investigation of dislocation featuring co-referent clitic ça ». Journal of French Language Studies 29, no 03 (19 juin 2019) : 423–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959269519000152.
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ABSTRACTAlthough previous research has documented dislocations in which a dislocated noun phrase (NP) occurs with the co-referent pronoun ça (e.g., Carlier, 1996; Jones, 1996), this study represents the first corpus-driven examination focused on this syntactic construction. In examining examples identified in both an oral and a written corpus, the investigation serves to nuance the association between dislocation and orality (McLaughlin, 2011). The research also interrogates the relationship between dislocations featuring co-referent clitic ça and genericity. The extent to which this construction more frequently signals a pejorative attitude towards certain groups of animate NPs than others is also explored. Finally, this study advances methodological considerations for research on rare syntactic forms.
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Benu, Naniana. « Possessive Construction in Uab Meto ». RETORIKA : Jurnal Ilmu Bahasa 5, no 1 (29 avril 2019) : 45–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22225/jr.5.1.897.45-51.
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This paper is a result of research which is aimed to uncover the structure and marking on the possessive construction in Uab Meto based on morpho-syntax point of view. The data collected for this research were classified into the primary data (observation) and the secondary data (the data that are obtained from texts). The technique employed to analyze the data was descriptive-analytic, and the approach applied was deductive-inductive. The result of the research shows that in Uab Meto, predicative possession is expressed through the verb muiɁ ‘have/has’. In some usages, muiɁ metathezised to muɁi. Possesive construction of Uab Meto is also applied topicalization strategy, and the last is using a verbal prefix ma-. This prefix ma- is a verbal prefix because it carries a verbal meaning, that is have/has. Furthermore, there are two attributive possessive constructions, namely juxtaposed construction. The possessor in juxtaposed constructions can be a noun or pronoun. The second attributive possessive is pronominal clitic to show the agreement with the possessors. Relating to the marking, there are only two ways, namely by juxtaposition and pertensive marker to mark the the possession. Uab Meto allows all pronouns to mark the attributive possessive relation. Without free pronoun as the possessor, a speaker Uab Meto will understand that it is a possessive noun phrase. Clitic in possession in is obligatory for inalienable possession in Uab Meto.
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Viñas-de-Puig, Ricard. « This is not the Case of the Indirect Object : Linguistic and Sociolinguistic Factors in Double Object Marking Constructions in a Contact Variety of Spanish from Eastern North Carolina ». Heritage Language Journal 16, no 3 (31 décembre 2019) : 367–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.46538/hlj.16.3.5.
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This article presents the results of a sociolinguistic study focusing on the expression of double object marking constructions (DbOM) in the contact variety of Spanish spoken in Pitt County, North Carolina. For the purposes of this article, DbOM constructions are defined as those utterances in which an accusative or dative clitic co-occurs with a coreferential overt nominal phrase. The data resulting from study participant interviews were analyzed to contrast the availability and variation of DbOM constructions with respect to sociolinguistic and linguistic factors. Confirming the initial hypothesis stemming from the absence of any type of argument doubling in English, the study’s results reveal that extent of daily English use in Pitt County is a significant factor in the expression of DbOM constructions. Moreover, and in agreement with the third proposed hypothesis, the case assigned to the doubled argument as well as the type of predicate, rather than the contrast between direct and indirect objects, are significant factors in the type of object doubling observed.
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Mitchell, Rosamond, Laura Domínguez, María J. Arche, Florence Myles et Emma Marsden. « SPLLOC : A new database for Spanish second language acquisition research ». EUROSLA Yearbook 8 (7 août 2008) : 287–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eurosla.8.15smit.
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The contribution of Spanish to the field of SLA continues to grow (Lafford & Salaberry 2003; Montrul 2004), and the need for good L2 Spanish datasets is becoming increasingly evident. In this paper we introduce a newly created database titled Spanish Learner Language Oral Corpus (SPLLOC), describing the rationale underlying the database design and methodology used for its construction. This project applying CHILDES tools to L2 Spanish follows successful creation of a collection of French L2 oral corpora (Rule et al. 2003), already available at www.flloc.soton.ac.uk. Creating a successful oral corpus is costly and available corpora are often built somewhat opportunistically from available material rather than designed in a balanced way to facilitate SLA research. The SPLLOC database has been designed to fill the existing gap in Spanish L2 resources and also to support a focused research agenda investigating learner development with respect to the verb phrase, clitic pronouns, and word order, from an interface perspective.
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AlShammiry, Khalaf M. J. « LEFT BRANCH EXTRACTION OUT OF THE DETERMINER PHRASE IN SAUDI NORTHERN REGION DIALECT OF ARABIC : A NEW PERSPECTIVE ». Malaysian Journal of Languages and Linguistics (MJLL) 6, no 2 (1 novembre 2017) : 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/mjll.vol6iss2pp17-35.
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To my knowledge, Left Branch Extraction (LBE) out of the Determiner Phrase (DP) is not previously attested in Modern Standard Arabic ( MSA) or any of the Arabic dialects. In Saudi Northern Region dialect of Arabic (SNRDA), the wh-degree question kam “how many/much” can appear at the left periphery of the clause leaving the noun and other postnominal modifiers in the base position, in both the subject and the object positions. In this paper, I will argue for a new perspective for the syntactic phenomenon LBE in which the extracted element is a full DP, not part of a DP as previous studies assume, that moves leaving the other DP in situ. That is to say, I will argue that there are two DPs in the argument position; one of those two DPs is the numeral and the other is all that comes after the numeral including the overt noun and its postnominal modifiers. It is only the wh-item kam “how many/how much”, which moves to the left periphery of the clause. My argument is supported, besides other things, by morpho-syntactic similarities between the numeral and the noun, for example both participating in topic and focus constructions and both use of pro-clitic h- and the use of the definite article al- “the” with other pre-nominal modifier like the quantifier kil “all” and baadh “some. This paper is unique in that it provides a new perspective on LBE in a dialect of Arabic which is rarely discussed.
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de Garavito, Joyce Bruhn. « Subject/object asymmetries in the grammar of bilingual and monolingual Spanish speakers ». Linguistic Approaches to Bilingualism 1, no 2 (29 avril 2011) : 111–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lab.1.2.01bru.
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This paper argues against connectionist models of language acquisition. It examines knowledge of the properties of subjects and objects in Spanish, particularly in impersonal passives and inchoatives. In both of these structures, the reflexive clitic se is obligatorily present and the linear order of elements is the same, namely [se V NP], with agreement between the verb and the noun phrase. In other words, the input is identical in both cases (se quemaron los libros ‘the books burned/were burned’ is ambiguous between both structures). However, the NP in the impersonal passive exhibits some of the properties of objects while the NP in the inchoatives behaves exclusively like a subject. An empirical study shows that three groups of speakers of Spanish, a monolingual Spanish group, an early English/Spanish bilingual group and a group of late learners of Spanish, are aware of these differences. As the input is ambiguous, it is argued that a model such as that provided by connectionist theories, which argues that the input is sufficient for acquisition, cannot account for the data.
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Maulinawati, Nur, Imam Qalyubi et Akhmad Ali Mirza. « VEGETABLE SELLER REGISTER : ANALYSIS LANGUAGE IN KAHAYAN MODERN TRADITIONAL MARKET PALANGKARAYA MUNICIPALITY ». PROJECT (Professional Journal of English Education) 5, no 2 (7 mars 2022) : 414. http://dx.doi.org/10.22460/project.v5i2.p414-424.
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Language variations in terms of usage are known as registers. This study examines the form and meaning of registers of vegetable traders in the modern traditional Kahayan market of Palangkaraya Municipality. Descriptive qualitative method was used in this research which involved five informants in Kahayan Modern Traditional Market Palangkaraya Municipality based on sampling technique the criteria needed. Collecting the data, the researcher utilized three instruments which were observation, interview and documentation. (1) This study attempts to describe the form of registers of vegetable traders in the modern traditional Kahayan market, Palangkaraya Municipality. (2) This study attempts to describe the meaning of the register of vegetable traders in the modern traditional Kahayan market, Palangkaraya Municipality. The data were analyzed using the listen, note and tapping technique. Data were analyzed using triangulation method. The results of this study are that the first is that there is a clitic form of the entlithic type and the phrase. Second, the meaning of registering vegetable traders in the traditional Kahayan market, Palangkaraya, Kota Madya, is instrumental, provides an opportunity, and interaction function shows feelings. Keywords: Vegetable Seller Register, Analysis Language, and Traditional Market
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Fischer, Susann. « Rethinking the Tobler-Mussafia Law ». Diachronica 20, no 2 (31 décembre 2003) : 259–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.20.2.03fis.
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It has been argued repeatedly that the Old Romance clitics are phrasal in character and obey a Romance version of the Wackernagel law, i.e. the Tobler-Mussafia law (cf. Tobler 1875; Mussafia 1888). This law has been interpreted as a constraint that forbids clitics to appear in initial position, due to their status as phonologically enclitic elements, and it was often taken as the explanation of why Old Romance clitics could follow the verb in matrix sentences but never in embedded sentences. Under this view the change in clitic placement from Old to Modern Romance was explained with a change in the categorial status of the clitic itself, i.e. as long as clitics were moving as phrases the ban on clitic-first orders was active and thus clitics were sometimes forced to follow the verb in matrix sentences. Old Catalan clitics contradict this view. They precede and follow the verb in matrix as well as in embedded sentences even though they need to be analyzed as heads from the beginning onwards. In this paper I argue that the change in clitic placement is neither connected to the clitics’ phrasal character nor to their obedience to the Tobler-Mussafia law, but that it is the parameter determining the relative order between verb and clitic that has changed its value in the development from Old to Modern Catalan. The data I present is taken from a corpus of more than 7000 sentences covering the last eight centuries.
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Mallén, Enrique. « CLITIC MOVEMENT INSIDE NOUN PHRASES ». Studia Linguistica 44, no 1 (juin 1990) : 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9582.1990.tb00802.x.
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Deeds, Stefanie, Stephanie Carr, Michelle Garrison et Tyra Fainstad. « Delivery of Standardized Patient Instructions in the After-Visit Summary Reduces Telephone Calls Between Clinic Visits ». American Journal of Medical Quality 33, no 6 (18 avril 2018) : 642–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1062860618770043.
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Telephone calls from patients can be a large source of between-visit work in outpatient clinics. A baseline audit at the study clinic identified medication refills and test results as the most common preventable calls. The authors created a dot phrase with standardized text detailing methods for refilling medications and reviewing test results and instructed providers to use it in the after-visit summary (AVS). After implementation of the AVS dot phrase, telephone calls for medications and results had an adjusted absolute decrease of 23.9 (95% CI = 15.4-32.4) calls per day to 16.2 (SD 7.7) calls per day, a relative reduction of 61%. Providers reported significantly fewer inbox requests for both refills ( P = .04) and test results ( P = .01). Using a standardized AVS dot phrase to inform patients on how to navigate care needs can significantly reduce between-visit workload for clinic staff and providers.
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Pérez-Leroux, Ana Teresa, Mihaela Pirvulescu, Yves Roberge et Nelleke Strik. « Clitics as input to the acquisition of verbal transitivity in French ». Lingvisticæ Investigationes. International Journal of Linguistics and Language Resources 40, no 1 (8 décembre 2017) : 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.40.1.06per.
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Abstract We investigate the effect of French clitic construction on verb learning. In French, object pronouns precede the verb, and the canonical direct object position remains empty. We test whether children treat such contexts as input for transitivity (since a direct object is morphologically identified) or optional transitivity (due to the empty direct object position). Forty-eight monolingual French preschoolers heard verb input with clitics and noun phrases as direct objects, in two input conditions: obligatory transitivity, and mixed optional transitivity. Results show that children are sensitive to the input, but produce more sentences with null implicit objects in the clitic conditions. This provides evidence that specific properties of a language (e.g. clitic constructions), affect the acquisition of verbal classes.
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Ali Khan, Arshad, Ghani Rahman et Syed Shujaat Ali. « Phonological Reduction in Pashto ». Global Language Review V, no III (30 septembre 2020) : 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/glr.2020(v-iii).01.
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The study is concerned with the phonological reduction in Pashto. The study particularly focuses on the reduction in the structure of complex predicates, verbal clitics and postpositional phrases in Pashto. The study finds out that the phonological reduction has syntactic/semantic or phonological factors allowing or constraining it. These more or less reduced and expanded forms are closely related to a number of linguistics abstractions. In structures with verbal clitics and postpositions, the reduction is optional, while in structure with complex predicates, the phonological reduction is obligatory if the compound verb denotes imperfective aspect. The obligatory reduction makes a single phonological unit from two syntactic units by omitting consonants or vowels in the structure of the phrase. The reduction is avoided if it creates an ambiguity of some kind or if the meaning of the lexical items is changed, and so, its allowance in one structure is constrained in another.
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Hester, Robert Harrison, Lindsey Leigh Farmer, Rohit Vivek Goswamy, Natalie Chen, Sophia Seo-hyeon Lee, Quinne Sember, Raamis Khwaja et al. « Improving oral chemotherapy compliance and documentation in a safety-net oncology clinic. » Journal of Clinical Oncology 39, no 28_suppl (1 octobre 2021) : 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2020.39.28_suppl.263.
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263 Background: Barriers to safe delivery of oral chemotherapy in a safety net hospital population include lack of health insurance, delays in medication delivery, and language barriers. Baseline chart review at the Lyndon B. Johnson Hospital oncology clinic revealed sparse documentation of oral chemotherapy education and compliance. Our team conducted the present quality improvement project to improve documentation of toxicity assessment, patient education, and compliance with the oral chemotherapy agents capecitabine, palbociclib, and sorafenib by 25% from October through December 2020. Methods: A set of standardized questions designed to assess for the above domains were generated in the form of an auto-populated electronic medical record phrase ("dot phrase," see Figure 1). Using weekly timed email notifications, physicians were reminded to incorporate these questions in their documentation during clinic visits. Chart review was performed to assess usage frequency of the dot phrase. A post-intervention survey was administered to assess providers' experience with use of the dot phrase, and assess barriers to consistent documentation. Results: 41 patients over 3 months were identified as taking the oral chemotherapy drugs capecitabine (68%), palbociclib (29%) or sorafenib (3%). 63% were non-English speakers. 49% had breast cancer, 39% GI cancers, and 12% other cancers. 12% of clinic visits correctly incorporated use of the dot phrase. Education on the dosing and schedule for oral chemo was addressed for 48% of patients, documentation of adverse effects was performed for 34% of patients, and assessment of medication adherence was documented for 22% of patients. While 73% of providers felt that documentation of oral chemotherapy compliance is important, 70% cited failure to remember to incorporate the dot phrase in real time as the primary reason for failure to use the dot phrase for oral chemotherapy documentation. Conclusions: Despite providers' view of documentation of oral chemotherapy toxicities and compliance as important, low uptake of the dot phrase was observed. The main barrier to use of the dot phrase was providers' forgetting to incorporate the dot phrase prior to and during their clinic charting. Future efforts should focus on automated reminders and regular assessments to increase compliance to this important quality domain. [Table: see text]
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Wynne, Hilary S. Z., Linda Wheeldon et Aditi Lahiri. « Compounds, phrases and clitics in connected speech ». Journal of Memory and Language 98 (février 2018) : 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jml.2017.08.001.
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Milićević, Jasmina. « Clitic Pseudo-Climbing out of Dependent Infinitive Phrases in Serbian ». Journal of Slavic Linguistics 27, no 1 (2019) : 27–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2019.0001.
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Chung, Sandra. « The Syntax and Prosody of Weak Pronouns in Chamorro ». Linguistic Inquiry 34, no 4 (octobre 2003) : 547–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438903322520151.
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In the modular linguistic theory assumed by many generative linguists, phonology and syntax are interconnected but fundamentally independent components of grammar. The effects of syntax on phonology are mediated by prosodic structure, a representation of prosodic constituents calculated from syntactic structure but not isomorphic to it. Within this overall architecture, I investigate the placement of weak pronouns in the Austronesian language Chamorro. Certain Chamorro pronominals can be realized as prosodically deficient weak pronouns that typically occur right after the predicate. I showthat these pronouns are second-position clitics whose placement is determined not syntactically, but prosodically: they occur after the leftmost phonological phrase of their intonational phrase. My analysis of these clitics assumes that lexical insertion is late and can affect and be affected by prosodic phrase formation-assumptions consistent with the view that the mutual interaction of phonology and syntax is confined to the postsyntactic operations that translate syntactic structure into prosodic structure.
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Sukerti, Gusti Nyoman Ayu, et Yustinus Ghanggo Ate. « POLA PEMARKAHAN ARGUMEN BAHASA KODI ». Linguistik Indonesia 34, no 2 (21 août 2016) : 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.26499/li.v34i2.46.
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This paper aims to describe the patterns of argument marking in Kodi, one of the local languages spoken in the area of Sumba, East Nusa Tenggara. The collected data were analyzed qualitatively using Role and Reference Grammar as the theoretical framework. As a typical head-marking language, Kodi language has extensive agreement or cross-referencing on heads such as verbs and nouns marked to agree with grammatical properties of their arguments including type and number of person. Kodi has pronominal clitics that mark morphological cases including nominative, accusative, genitive and dative. The overt subject and object, either in the form of pronominal or noun phrases, can be omitted and the sentence is still perfectly grammatical because the bound pronominal morpheme alone serves to indicate the function of predicate arguments. The overt subject and object are optional as they function to emphasize statements and to avoid ambiguity. S, A and O in Kodi are marked with different types of morphological cases. The predicate arguments can also be referred by clitic clusters, i.e., pronominal clitics with dative-dative and genitive-dative marking.
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Kruijt, Anne. « The use of the ablative clitic in locative phrases in Iraqw, a Cushitic language of Tanzania ». Journal of African Languages and Linguistics 39, no 2 (6 novembre 2018) : 241–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jall-2018-0009.
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Abstract This paper examines the use of the ablative case clitic in locative phrases in Iraqw, a South Cushitic language of Tanzania. In the typological classification of locative marker syncretisms, Iraqw has been classified as a language with a Source=Location≠ Goal pattern. This pattern is extremely rare in languages of the world and has been argued to be unattainable. The Iraqw ablative case clitic has been reported as both source and location marker. New data shows that the directional case clitic, a goal marker, appears on locative constructions as well, but that it is used to express purpose rather than location. The data also shows that the ablative case clitic is found mainly in locational clauses with a main verb with a durative aspect. Based on this, I argue that in locative constructions, the ablative clitic expresses duration rather than location and I propose the reanalysis of the ablative marker in locative phrases as a durational marker. The notion of location does not need to be expressed overtly, but is a zero-marker. Therefore, the rare Source=Location≠ Goal pattern is no longer valid for Iraqw, and instead I propose the pattern Source≠ Location≠ Goal, which is common in languages of the world.
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Shetty, S., S. Sidharthan, J. Jacob et B. Ramesh. « ‘Clinical scaphoid fracture’ : is it time to abolish this phrase ? » Annals of The Royal College of Surgeons of England 93, no 2 (mars 2011) : 146–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1308/147870811x560886.
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INTRODUCTION Most patients with post-traumatic painful wrists and negative radiographs are treated as having a clinical scaphoid fracture. Such cases are usually followed up with repeat radiographs. If the radiographs are inconclusive further imaging is done. However, this traditional approach results in the vast majority of patients being unnecessarily immobilised for an unspecified period, leading to loss of productivity and income to the patient and the community. A number of studies have highlighted the use of early CT or MRI scans to identify these fractures. The aim of this study was to evaluate our current practice in managing patients with suspected fractures of the scaphoid. PATIENTS AND METHODS A retrospective audit was carried out. The period studied was from January to August 2008. Fifty consecutive patients who were investigated for occult fractures of the scaphoid were included. RESULTS 92% of the patients studied had a repeat radiograph in the fracture clinic. 84% of the patients had their wrists immobilised in a cast while awaiting further imaging. Only 6% had confirmed fracture of the scaphoid; all of these healed uneventfully. 76% of patients with negative scans had their wrists immobilised for an average period of 30.63 days. CONCLUSIONS It is time we rethink this dogmatic approach to patients with clinical signs but negative radiographs. We recommend that patients with a painful wrist following an injury and negative radiographs should be referred early to an appropriate clinician and earlier recourse to advanced imaging should be advocated.
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Ramos, Thamyres Ribeiro da Silva, et Marina Rosa Ana Augusto. « Reverse transfer in clitic collocation a study on Spanish and Brazilian Portuguese ». Diacrítica 33, no 2 (16 décembre 2019) : 141–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/diacritica.373.
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This study focuses on reverse transfer, L2 influences on L1, with L1 as the dominant language. It investigates clitic collocation in complex verb phrases, contrasting Brazilian Portuguese (BP) and Spanish. Spanish presents a stable system with proclisis to the auxiliary verb (clitic climbing) or enclisis to the main verb. BP has lost clitic climbing during the XIX century, but schooling tries to recover it, although in oral natural production, proclisis to the main verb is the preferred option. Thus, high-educated BP speakers, in principle, could still admit clitic climbing, regardless of any fluency in Spanish. By its turn, a high acceptance of clitic climbing in BP could also constitute a case of reverse transfer, if related to BP/Spanish bilinguals. In order to tease it apart, a self-paced reading experimental task with a Likert scale grammatical judgment, manipulating the position of the clitic in Portuguese sentences with high-educated monolingual BP speakers and BP/high-proficiency Spanish bilinguals was conducted. The results show that both groups accept clitic climbing in written BP sentences, but bilinguals accept it even more, and are faster in reading Portuguese sentences with clitic climbing, suggesting that Spanish clitic collocation may interfere in the processing of Portuguese sentences.
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Peust, Carsten. « Zur Frageintonation im Altbabylonischen ». Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie 109, no 1 (26 juillet 2019) : 62–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/za-2019-0003.
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Abstract This paper examines the use of plene writing as a marker of interrogative clauses in Old Babylonian letters. It is argued that plene writing here denotes a specific intonation contour, most probably a sharply rising melody. Main conclusions concerning its use: (1) Only polar questions carry interrogative intonation, not so wh-questions. (2) In alternative questions, only the first half usually carries interrogative intonation, not the second. (3) The (verbal or nominal) predicate of the sentence is the default carrier of interrogative intonation, but other elements may take over this role if they are focussed. (4) Interrogative intonation is always located on the final syllable of the affected phrase. (5) This implies that interrogative intonation regularly shifts onto enclitics, such as verbal object clitics, if the phrase contains any.
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Kržišnik, Erika. « A type of minimal phraseological units characteristic of Slovene ». Linguistica 45, no 1 (31 décembre 2005) : 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/linguistica.45.1.159-172.
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The Slovene language abounds with phraseological units with the structure verb and clitics (clitic word forms) jo, ga, jih, such as ucvreti jo 'to run away', lomiti ga 'to do foolish things, to make mistakes'. The linguistic treatment of this group is interesting, since the question whether jo, ga, jih are clitics of a personal pronoun or free verb morphemes raises the problem of the demarcation line between the (idiomatic) word and (phraseological) word combination. As far as phraseology is concerned, the above-men tioned group is interesting because it represents one of the structures of minimal phraseological units 1 which are, doubtlessly, most frequent in Slovene second only to phraseological prepositional phrases. For the Slovene phraseology, this group is impor tant, since it is a large one, and as examples in the Corpus of Slovene Texts called FIDA2 show, (still) a productive one. Examples of phraseological units of the same type which are constantly formed anew lead us to believe that we are faced with a model formation and they are indicative of the processes of 'modelization'. A quick look at the phraseology of other Slavonic languages reveals that such phraseological units exist only exceptionally if they are not absent altogether. As far as I know, the phraseological units of this type exist only in Croatian and Serbian (in a very limited number of cases, such asjebi ga). In Pleteršnik's Slovene-German Dictionary (1894: 828) a note is included under the entry I. on (ona, ono).