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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Climate – government policy – united states"
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Kempten, Willett, Paul P. Craig et Craig R. Kuennen. « Global Climate Change : European Policy Makers' Views of How Science Enters the Political Process ». Energy & ; Environment 6, no 2 (juin 1995) : 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958305x9500600201.
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This paper examines the process of establishing scientific consensus in the global climate change debate, as reported in interviews with policy makers, administrators and advisors in four European countries. We focus on three areas: 1) the European political community's deliberate organization of scientists to advise them on global climate change science policy; 2) European rationales for taking policy action in the presence of high scientific uncertainty, and 3) European interpretations of United States policy in terms of United States culture and public opinion. We find that consensus on global climate change is seemingly being reached - or at least publicly stated - more readily in Europe than in the United States. This appears to result from several deliberately-created European consensus building processes by representatives from the scientific community and government. In contrast, in the United States both the science of global climate change and the implications for public policy have been much more contested and debated. Extreme ends of the range of scientific opinion appear to be given more weight in the United States than in Europe, in part because of the contrasting fora available. Finally, our European interviewees attributed United States timidity on climate change remediation to American culture and voter unwillingness to forgo energy use.
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Urpelainen, Johannes. « Explaining the Schwarzenegger Phenomenon : Local Frontrunners in Climate Policy ». Global Environmental Politics 9, no 3 (août 2009) : 82–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep.2009.9.3.82.
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The surge of local climate policy is a puzzling political-economic phenomenon. Why have local policy-makers, incapable of mitigating global warming through individual emissions reductions, adopted ambitious policies while national governments refrain from action? I construct a game-theoretic model of two-level climate policy with incomplete information over political benefits. In equilibrium, the government selects a lax national regulation, and local policy-makers with private information on high local benefits choose more ambitious policies despite incentives to free ride. The analysis also suggests that even though local policy-makers prefer not to reveal information to the government, they must do so to pursue short-term political gains. Counterintuitively, new information can lead to more ambitious national regulation even if the government learns that the local political benefits are likely lower than expected. As an empirical application, I study the evolution of climate policies in the United States.
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Trachtman, Samuel. « Building Climate Policy in the States ». ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 685, no 1 (septembre 2019) : 96–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716219865173.
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Large-scale carbon emissions reductions in the United States likely require national-level policy, but political and institutional constraints restrict the scope of policy that can be enacted in Washington. State governments, on the other hand, have demonstrated a remarkable willingness to enact climate policies, despite the global nature of the problem. Although it is limited in directly reducing carbon emissions, state policy has the potential to make the terrain of U.S. climate politics more fertile for future policy. I discuss mechanisms by which climate policies enacted at the state level can influence climate politics across the states and at the national level. Finally, I make policy and political strategy recommendations that take these multilevel policy feedback dynamics into account.
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Tobin, Paul. « Leaders and Laggards : Climate Policy Ambition in Developed States ». Global Environmental Politics 17, no 4 (novembre 2017) : 28–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00433.
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In 1992 the United Nations identified twenty-four “Annex II” states as being “developed” and holding the greatest responsibility for reducing emissions. Since then, the ambitions of these states toward mitigating climate change have varied significantly. This article is the first to employ fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) to analyze climate policy variation among the Annex II developed states. The presence of a left-wing government is shown to be sufficient for ambitious climate policy, as is having high GDP per capita in conjunction with close links to the EU and few political constraints. The analysis highlights Austria’s surprisingly unambitious climate policy, which is explained, following elite interviews, by the state’s unique social partnership governance model and unusual fuel tourism industry. Overall, fsQCA proves a useful method for examining variables in combination and for case study selection, although limited by the number of variables it can assess.
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Mazmanian, Daniel A., John L. Jurewitz et Hal T. Nelson. « State Leadership in U.S. Climate Change and Energy Policy : The California Experience ». Journal of Environment & ; Development 29, no 1 (14 novembre 2019) : 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1070496519887484.
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It is a long-held belief among scholars and practitioners that the State of California is a notable subnational leader in environmental and climate change policy. This article focuses primarily on four essential contextual factors that explain why and how within the United States’ federal system of government California has become such an important leader, performing far in excess of the national government and most other states. These essential factors are preferences, authority, capacity, and effectiveness. The article then moves to the multifaceted implementation strategy California policy makers have employed to realize their environmental goals. Finally, despite the history of strong leadership, the state continues to face a host of significant challenges in realizing its ambitious climate change goals for the coming decades.
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Yoss, Will, et Benjamin L. Reust. « Climate change and security narratives in Colombia ». Global Policy 15, S3 (juin 2024) : 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.13332.
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AbstractIn September of 2022, Gustavo Petro presented an alternative vision of the future of Colombia from that which Colombian administrations have pursued for the past two decades. In his speech to the United Nations, Petro called for an end to the irrational war on drugs and described the drug epidemic as a symptom of significant societal failures. Petro directed his criticism at Plan Colombia, a counternarcotics security strategy, speaking directly about vital elements such as the aerial eradication program. Although Plan Colombia has ended, the United States continues to provide significant financial support to the Colombian government to fund its counter narcotics mission. Is Petro serious about ending the counternarcotics mission in Colombia? Given the political climate, should the United States change its policy approach in Colombia? This article argues that despite an increased use of narratives about climate change and a declining relevance of security narratives, US funding for security has remained constant. Our findings suggest that the United States uses aid as a hard power tool to ensure that certain strategic interests are met irrespective of the political climate.
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Karapin, Roger. « Federalism as a Double-Edged Sword : The Slow Energy Transition in the United States ». Journal of Environment & ; Development 29, no 1 (12 novembre 2019) : 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1070496519886001.
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Much literature on federalism and multilevel governance argues that federalist institutional arrangements promote renewable energy policies. However, the U.S. case supports a different view that federalism has ambivalent effects. Policy innovation has occurred at the state level and to some extent has led to policy adoption by other states and the federal government, but the extent is limited by the veto power of fossil fuel interests that are rooted in many state governments and in Congress, buttressed by increasing Republican Party hostility to environmental and climate policy. This argument is supported by a detailed analysis of five periods of federal and state renewable energy policy-making, from the Carter to the Trump administrations. The negative effects of federalism on national renewable energy policy in the United States, in contrast to the West European cases in this special issue, are mainly due to the interaction of its federalist institutions with party polarization and a strong domestic fossil fuel industry.
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Golub, Y., et S. Shenin. « The Biden Administration’s Climate Policy toward China ». International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 20, no 2 (2022) : 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2022.20.2.69.2.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the contemporary US-Chinese relations in the climate sphere and forecasting the prospects for their development in the near future. In the context of the evolution of the problem in the past, as well as taking into account the differences in approaches to the problem in the United States from the two leading parties and the most influential political and ideological groups, the authors investigate the causes of the aggravation of climate relations between Washington and Beijing. It is noted that having occupied the White House, the Democratic administration of J. Biden began to increase pressure on the Chinese government in order to force it to accelerate the passage of "green transit", i.e. the transition from the use of fossil fuels in the economy to renewable energy sources. It is assumed that such a strategy should slow down China's economic development, thus giving America time for internal reforms aimed at achieving its global "green" leadership, which, in turn, should ensure economic dominance in the post-crisis period. Tactically, the administration uses a "separate" methodology, i.e. declares the need to isolate from each other the climate and all other components of the Chinese policy of the United States. This approach is not supported by most political and ideological groups. Thus, the progressive wing of the Democratic Party insists on close climate cooperation with China, which implies a possibility of geopolitical concessions. Moderate Republicans ("realists") consider "constructive competition" with Beijing in the climate sphere possible. Conservatives are confident that China will not fulfill its promises, and therefore they advocate "climate realism", which means carrying out internal reforms in the United States only taking into account what has been done by other countries, primarily China. The neoconservative group demands to abandon climate pressure and rely on tough geopolitical steps against Beijing. It is concluded that disagreement within the ruling elite with Biden's Chinese policy will greatly complicate the approval of the climate reform program in Congress, therefore the "containment" of the PRC will be primarily economic and geopolitical in nature.
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Du Boff, Richard B. « A Slippery Slope : Economists and Social Insurance in the United States ». International Journal of Health Services 27, no 3 (juillet 1997) : 397–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/1uf9-t8qc-3g3x-9ku0.
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Since the 1980s welfare state protections have been blamed for a host of economic problems. In the United States, conservatives have always disliked Social Security but could not effectively attack this popular program until the 1980s, when they devised a new tactic—warning young people that they would never get their “money's worth” from Social Security, which is on the brink of “bankruptcy.” The political climate, dominated by a drive to cut back “big government,” also became favorable for attempts to destabilize Social Security politically. Thus, negative images of Social Security have been forced onto the public agenda, and economists who consider themselves “liberal” have uncritically accepted this new set of political “givens.” It is an example of how they address “crises” as separable issues tied to no particular social context.
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Jiahan, Cao. « Recalibrating China-U.S. Climate Cooperation Under the Trump Administration ». China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 04, no 01 (janvier 2018) : 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740018500033.
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Based on the analytical framework of securitization, this article argues that cooperation between China and the United States on climate change will not lose momentum despite President Trump’s seemingly passive stance. A securitization process on the climate issue has been ongoing in China since President Xi Jinping took office and proposed the Overall National Security Outlook (ONSO). Climate security was thus integrated into China’s political discourse as a key component of ecological and common security, leading to a period of China-U.S. cooperation during the Obama administration. Similarly, in the United States, climate policy has been cemented in security planning and assessment of various federal agencies. The U.S. security sector seems to be largely unaffected by the White House decision to withdraw from the Paris Agreement. A growing number of Americans treat climate change as a security threat and many U.S. states and cities, in collaboration with business leaders, have taken on a role in international climate diplomacy. Combined with existing intergovernmental collaborative projects, robust market forces and innovative local initiatives will continue to push China-U.S. climate cooperation forward. As a necessary step to sustain its ties with the United States on climate issues, the Chinese government needs to propose a renewed bilateral framework on energy and environment cooperation under the China-U.S. Comprehensive Economic Dialogue.
Thèses sur le sujet "Climate – government policy – united states"
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Kim, Kyungwoo. « Effects of Disasters on Local Climate Actions : Climate Change Mitigation and Adaptation Actions ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1062866/.
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This dissertation investigates the effects of natural disasters and political institutions on municipalities' climate change policies. Although most theoretical frameworks on policy adoption highlight the roles of extreme events as exogenous factors influencing policy change, most studies tend to focus on the effects of extreme events on policy change at the national level. Additionally, the existing theoretical frameworks explaining local policy adoption and public service provision do not pay attention to the roles of extreme events in local governments' policy choices. To fill those gaps, this dissertation explores the roles of natural disasters and political institutions on municipal governments' climate change policies. It does this by applying the theory of focusing events to local climate mitigation and adaptation actions. Based on the policy change framework, the political market model, and the institutional collective action frameworks, this dissertation develops and tests hypotheses to examine the effects of natural disasters and political institutions on municipalities' climate mitigation and adaptation policies. The dissertation uses 2010 National League of Cities (NLC) sustainability surveys and the 2010 International City/County Management Association (ICMA) sustainability survey to test the hypotheses. Analytical results show that floods and droughts influence local climate change policies and suggest that local governments can take advantage of extreme events when initiating a policy change. The results also suggest that political institutions can shape the effects of natural disasters on municipalities' climate mitigation and adaptation actions.
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Nelson, Hal T. « Presidential Domain : An Exploratory Study of Prospect Theory and US Climate Policy Since 1998 ». PDXScholar, 2002. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2879.
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The Bush administration's decision to abandon the Kyoto Protocol can be explained by prospect theory. The change in federal climate policy between the Clinton and Bush administrations was due to the difference in domain that each president operated under. President Clinton operated under a domain of losses as he associated continued fossil fuel use with future socio-economic and environmental damages from climate change. This domain of losses increased President Clinton's risk tolerances and explains his pursuit of the Kyoto Protocol, an international agreement to limit greenhouse gas emissions. Conversely, President Bush operated under a domain of gains where he did not connect fossil fuel use with future damages, rather with continued economic growth. President Bush's domain of gains reduced his risk tolerance and resulted in his pursuit of fossil fuel intensive economic development policies.
This paper defines the domain that Presidents Clinton and Bush operated under regarding climate change, the independent variable of this analysis. A total of 26 speeches on climate change by these presidents were coded to explicate domain according to two categories of beliefs. The single most salient variable is the decision makers beliefs about the perceived robustness of the current state of scientific knowledge on climate change. The second most important aspect of these decision makers beliefs revolve around the role of fossil fuels in economic growth.
Once domain has been defined through the cognitive maps and each decision makers corresponding risk tolerance explicated, the dependent variable of policy preferences are analyzed. Two policy options are analyzed; the business as usual (BAU) option associated with the status quo, as well as a climate protection policy that is reflective of the emissions reductions associated with US compliance with Kyoto. These two policy options are evaluated in three case studies; the economy wide costs of compliance with Kyoto targets for greenhouse gas emissions, the public health impacts of greenhouse gas reductions, and finally against a component of the Kyoto Protocol that allows for international trading of permits to emit greenhouse gases.
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Zong, Jian Ping. « Climate change in Sino-U.S. relations : a catalyst of cooperation or conflict ? » Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554512.
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Kalesnikaite, Vaiva. « Facing the Rising Tide : How Local Governments in the United States Collaborate to Adapt to Sea Level Rise ». FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3770.
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While communities in the United States are already experiencing the effects of climate change, scientists project that sea level rise, increased precipitation, and record-breaking extreme weather events will devastate vulnerable regions in the following decades. The absence of federal strategies for climate change adaptation leaves state and city governments with broad discretion to undertake climate change adaptation measures. Yet cities may be unable to adapt to climate change without external assistance, particularly in states where the state leadership has not recognized the need to provide political and financial support to local governments. Collaboration allows cities to pool resources and work across boundaries to ameliorate significant problems such as climate change.
Scholars of public administration have extensively researched collaboration. However, we still know little about what factors facilitate horizontal collaboration and why and how collaborative governance may lead to improved policy outputs and outcomes. Using the case of sea level rise preparedness in US cities, this dissertation contributes to better understanding of horizontal collaboration and its effects on public service provision. The analysis draws on quantitative data from surveys, administered to US municipal governments, and qualitative data from semi-structured interviews with city officials.
This research has several principal findings. First, organizational propensity to collaborate on sea level rise preparedness is driven by leadership that recognizes the value and need for collaboration, and internal organizational characteristics. Second, horizontal collaboration helps cities advance plans for sea level rise adaptation, particularly when partnering with institutions of higher learning and businesses. Third, the findings show that collaboration with other municipalities and businesses is a positive contributing factor toward better preparedness for sea level rise in US cities.
By shedding more light on horizontal collaboration as a tool to help cities adapt to changes in climate, the study contributes to two bodies of literature, including research on climate change policy and collaborative governance. The study also provides a number of recommendations to local policy makers and public administrators on how to facilitate horizontal collaboration to utilize local resources in public problem-solving.
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Schmidt, Robert. « What's Really Keeping the US from Joining the Kyoto Protocol. A Game Theoretic Empirical Analysis ». Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/994.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Business Administration
Business Economics
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Booth, Tim. « Social policy research and government in the United States ». Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.325314.
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Green, Tomas W. (Tomas Wesley). « Distributed household effects of climate policy in the United States ». Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/127170.
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Thesis: S.M. in Technology and Policy, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, School of Engineering, Institute for Data, Systems, and Society, May, 2020Cataloged from the official PDF of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 79-83).
The net effects of various climate policies on households in the United States are assessed, with particular attention to the distribution of economic outcomes across geography, urbanity, and income groups. Climate policy has the potential to assess more costs to low-income households than high-income households (regressive) as well as more costs to rural households than metropolitan. The objective of this study was to improve the understanding of the potential for regressivity, geographic transfers, and rural-urban transfers among climate policy options and to test for ways to mitigate regressivity and unwanted transfers. Using different machine learning algorithms, I created a statistical model of the household carbon footprint (HCF) for an average household in each US Census tract. Policy outcomes were assessed by quantifying the net increase or decrease of annual household expenses (e.g.
electricity, utilities, and gasoline consumption) under 12 different policy scenarios, which included carbon pricing schemes, regulatory standards (Corporate Average Fuel Economy Standards, Clean Energy Standards, and the Clean Power Plan), and a scenario that combined carbon pricing and command-and-control regulation. I found that there is significant variation in carbon footprints with income and geography; income effects are mostly driven by higher footprints related to transportation and consumer products and services, while geographic effects are affected by the carbon intensity of the electricity grid. Carbon pricing, when accompanied with a dividend, is progressive for urban, rural, and suburban households. There are transfers from the Midwest and Plains to the Coasts when the dividend is evenly divided, but this can be mitigated though adjusting the dividend slightly (<8% increase or decrease).
Adjusting the dividend to increase the amount for low-income households and reduce the amount for high-income households benefits rural households more on average, but increases the overall heterogeneity of impacts within each income group. Adjusting the carbon dividend for both geography and urbanity increases the average benefit to low-income households and reduces the heterogeneity of impacts within income groups. The effects of the regulatory policy tends to be regressive and are, on average, a net cost to households who are low income - especially those in rural areas. Combining a carbon price and dividend with regulatory standards can remove the regressive trend of regulations, but regional and urban-rural transfers are harder to mitigate.
by Tomas W. Green.
S.M. in Technology and Policy
S.M.inTechnologyandPolicy Massachusetts Institute of Technology, School of Engineering, Institute for Data, Systems, and Society
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Diamond, Neil. « The policy of the Heath Government towards the United States ». Thesis, University of Leeds, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.485243.
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This thesis is a study ofthe policy which the Heath Government of 1970-74 pursued towards the United States. The established interpretation of the Govern...'Tlent's policy is that, unlike all other post-war governments, it chose to give clear priority to Britain's relationship with the EEC over that with America, with Heath himself being primarily responsible for this re-orientation in British foreign policy. The thesis seeks to re-assess the Government's policy by conducting a detailed examination of the range ofissues which affected Anglo-American relations (except in intelligence gathering). It has been based primarily upon the government's records but also draws on interviews and correspondence with some of those involved, together with a range of other material. The thesis demonstrates that Edward Heath did not dictate the policy which his Government pursued and that this was based upon close consultation between ministers and officials who attached·great importance to Britain's relationship with / the us. It reveals that, while entry to the EEC had a very important effect on L.'J.e Anglo-A.'Tlerican relationship, a number of other major factors, particularly defence policy, were also very important in determining the Government's relationship with America. British interests in a number of areas, therefore, required the Government to work with the us to influence its policies. The thesis examines in detail the policies which the Government pursued and demonstrates that many ofthe assumptions made about its approach to, for example, the 'Year ofEurope' and the October War during 1973, are profoundly mistaken. Like its predecessors, the Heath Government sought to achieve a balance in its relationships with America and the Community, consciously seeking to get the best ofboth worlds, rather than opting decisively to give priority to the Community over America.
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Killingsworth, John Howard. « An empirical investigation into the effects of government borrowing upon investment by the private sector ». Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/28577.
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Feinman, David Eric. « Divided government and congressional foreign policy a case study of the post-World War II era in American government ». Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4891.
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The purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of American federal government, during periods within which these two branches are led by different political parties, to discover whether the legislative branch attempts to independently legislate and enact foreign policy by using "the power of the purse" to either appropriate in support of or refuse to appropriate in opposition to military engagement abroad. The methodology for this research includes the analysis and comparison of certain variables, including public opinion, budgetary constraints, and the relative majority of the party that holds power in one or both chambers, and the ways these variables may impact the behavior of the legislative branch in this regard. It also includes the analysis of appropriations requests made by the legislative branch for funding military engagement in rejection of requests from the executive branch for all military engagements that occurred during periods of divided government from 1946 through 2009.ID: 029809199; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-112).
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Livres sur le sujet "Climate – government policy – united states"
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Pew Center on Global Climate Change., dir. Climate change activities in the United States : 2004 update. Arlington, VA : Pew Center on Global Climate Change, 2004.
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Worthington, Harry B. Federal climate change programs and policies. New York : Nova Science Publisher's, 2011.
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(Partnership), Asia-Europe Environment Forum, Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung (Vietnam), Asia-Europe Foundation et France. Delegation regionale de cooperation ASEAN, dir. Handbook for ASEAN member states' government official on climate change and the United Nations sustainable development goals. Hanoi, Viet Nam : Hanns Seidel Foundation Viet Nam, 2014.
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Michaels, Patrick J. Climate coup. Washington, D.C : CATO Institute, 2011.
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Institution, Brookings, dir. Greenhouse governance : Addressing climate change in America. Washington, D.C : Brookings Institution Press, 2010.
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University of Maine at Orono. Canadian American Center, dir. The absence of governance : Climate change in Canada and the United States. Orono, Me : Canadian-American Center, University of Maine, 2008.
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Jeffrey, Logan, dir. Zhongguo yu meiguo zai qihou bianhua lingyu de xingdong = : Climate action in the United States and China. Washington, DC : Advanced International Studies Unit, 1999.
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Rahm, Dianne. Climate change policy in the United States : The science, the politics, and the prospects for change. Jefferson, N.C : McFarland & Co., 2010.
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Rahm, Dianne. Climate change policy in the United States : The science, the politics, and the prospects for change. Jefferson, N.C : McFarland & Co., 2009.
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Robinson, Gerard, et Lillian K. Moore. Adapting to climate change : National strategy and progress. Hauppauge, N.Y : Nova Science Publishers, 2011.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Climate – government policy – united states"
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Quitzow, Rainer, et Yana Zabanova. « Introduction ». Dans Studies in Energy, Resource and Environmental Economics, 1–13. Cham : Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-59515-8_1.
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AbstractThis introductory chapter places Europe’s hydrogen ambition in the broader context of the evolving geopolitics of the transition to net zero. It highlights the growing geoeconomic rivalry among the world’s leading economies, such as the European Union, the United States, and China. This process is marked by the resurgence of state intervention in markets and industries as well as by the increasing attention paid by governments to supply chain resilience and asymmetric dependencies. Clean hydrogen has been part and parcel of these developments. The EU and many of its Member States view hydrogen as essential to their climate goals, industrial competitiveness, and energy security. As a result, Europe has played an active role in promoting a European hydrogen economy and an international hydrogen market. The chapter frames EU hydrogen policy as the interplay of interests at EU- and Member State level, which can be a source of both tensions and synergies. It also discusses how this is manifested in the EU’s external climate and energy policy and international partnerships. Finally, the chapter presents the structure of the edited volume, introduces the case studies and summarises the key analytical dimensions applied in individual chapters to examine the domestic and international components of European hydrogen policy.
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Mercier, Stephanie A., et Steve A. Halbrook. « Government Stockholding ». Dans Agricultural Policy of the United States, 229–52. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36452-6_15.
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Roessner, J. David. « Innovation Policy in the United States : An Overview of the Issues ». Dans Government Innovation Policy, 3–15. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08882-9_1.
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Merrill, Stephen A. « The Politics of Micropolicy : Innovation and Industrial Policy in the United States ». Dans Government Innovation Policy, 49–62. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08882-9_4.
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Bowles, Nigel. « Domestic Economic Policy ». Dans Government and Politics of the United States, 348–80. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26454-4_11.
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Bowles, Nigel, et Robert K. McMahon. « Domestic Economic Policy ». Dans Government and Politics of the United States, 352–84. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-40598-2_12.
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Michelsen, Niall. « The United States and global climate change ». Dans Climate Change, Policy and Security, 106–30. Abingdon, Oxon : Routledge, 2018. | Series : Routledge studies in human security : Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351060479-5.
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Bowles, Nigel. « Foreign and Defence Policy ». Dans Government and Politics of the United States, 381–415. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26454-4_12.
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Bowles, Nigel, et Robert K. McMahon. « Foreign and Defence Policy ». Dans Government and Politics of the United States, 385–424. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-40598-2_13.
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Bowles, Nigel. « Federalism and Intergovernmental Policy-Making ». Dans Government and Politics of the United States, 277–318. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26454-4_9.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Climate – government policy – united states"
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Hanson, John. « The Federal Government’s Role in Enabling the Nuclear Renaissance and a Low-Carbon Energy Future ». Dans ASME 2012 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2012-89997.
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The electric power industry in the United States will face a number of great challenges in the next two decades, including increasing electricity demand and the aging of the current fleet of power plants. These challenges present a major test for the industry, which must invest between $1.5 trillion and $2 trillion by 2030 to meet the increased demand. In addition to these challenges, the potential for climate legislation, controversy over hydraulic fracturing, and post-Fukushima safety concerns have all resulted in significant uncertainty regarding the economics of all major sources of base-load electricity. Currently nuclear power produces 22% of the nation’s electricity, and over 70% of the nation’s low-carbon electricity, even though unfavorable economic conditions have stalled construction of new reactors for over 30 years. The economics are changing, however, as evidenced by the recent construction and operating licenses (COLs) awarded by the Nuclear Regulatory Commission to Southern Company and SCANA Corporation to build two new units each. The successful construction of these units could lead to more favorable financing for future plants. This improved financing, especially if combined with appropriate additional government support, could provide serious momentum for the resurgence of nuclear power in the United States. The most important way in which government support could benefit nuclear power is by increasing the amount of loan guarantees provided to the first wave of new nuclear power plants. This will help encourage additional new builds, which will help reduce the financing risk premium for new nuclear and improve interest rates for future plants. Instead of simply increasing loan guarantees for nuclear energy, a permanent federal financing structure should be established to provide loan guarantees for “clean energy” technologies in general, a category in which nuclear energy should be included. Most importantly, any changes should be made as part of a coherent, long-term energy policy, which would provide utilities with the correct tools to make the necessary investments, and the confidence that will allow them to undertake large-scale projects.
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Hargis, Kristen. « Mapping the Landscape of K–12 Climate Change Education Policy in the United States ». Dans 2023 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC : AERA, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/2009382.
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Dhivani Gusmi, Adibah, et Achmad Nurmandi. « Algorithmic Government Framework to Support Government Data Disclosure ». Dans 8th International Conference on Human Interaction and Emerging Technologies. AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002779.
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This study aims to analyze the working concept of government algorithms in supporting government data openness. The focus of this research was on the United States, United Kingdom, the Netherlands, and Spain. In the digital era, the government is guided to be active in providing information to the public. This study focuses on implementing data disclosure in the United States, England, the Netherlands, and Spain. This study uses qualitative methods, and the tools used for statistical and bibliometric analysis are VOSviewer and NVivo Plus 12. The data sources for this research are 363 articles on Open Government. Data has increased in the last ten years in the Scopus database. The data analysis phase of this research uses VOSviewer with simple statistical and bibliometric analysis. The results of data analysis show that the most popular keywords are information, ogd itself, and citizens. The trend found that many studies focused more on transparency, information, citizens, and OGD. However, the keywords used also change every year. Each country has a different algorithm for open government. The United States finds more transparency in compiling data. Meanwhile, the UK talks more about the availability of data to make digital government implemented efficiently. It also strengthens the policy that the Netherlands enforces open government data to investigate criminal cases that refer to citizen/community involvement in the Netherlands. Lastly, Spain pays attention to the transparency used to inform some policies in Spain. In the four countries mentioned transparency and information. Also, it is stated that citizen engagement is also a significant finding in each article. However, there are failures to have open government data mainly due to the site and its licenses. They examined the open data that the government uses today as part of an algorithm that has worked previously with experts in computers and information technology.
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A. Buzzetto-Hollywood, Nicole, Austin J. Hill et Troy Banks. « Early Findings of a Study Exploring the Social Media, Political and Cultural Awareness, and Civic Activism of Gen Z Students in the Mid-Atlantic United States [Abstract] ». Dans InSITE 2021 : Informing Science + IT Education Conferences. Informing Science Institute, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/4762.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Aim/Purpose: This paper provides the results of the preliminary analysis of the findings of an ongoing study that seeks to examine the social media use, cultural and political awareness, civic engagement, issue prioritization, and social activism of Gen Z students enrolled at four different institutional types located in the Mid-Atlantic region of the United States. The aim of this study is to look at the group as a whole as well as compare findings across populations. The institutional types under consideration include a mid-sized majority serving or otherwise referred to as a traditionally white institution (TWI) located in a small coastal city on the Atlantic Ocean, a small Historically Black University (HBCU) located in a rural area, a large community college located in a county that is a mixture of rural and suburban and which sits on the border of Maryland and Pennsylvania, and graduating high school students enrolled in career and technical education (CTE) programs in a large urban area. This exploration is purposed to examine the behaviors and expectations of Gen Z students within a representative American region during a time of tremendous turmoil and civil unrest in the United States. Background: Over 74 million strong, Gen Z makes up almost one-quarter of the U.S. population. They already outnumber any current living generation and are the first true digital natives. Born after 1996 and through 2012, they are known for their short attention spans and heightened ability to multi-task. Raised in the age of the smart phone, they have been tethered to digital devices from a young age with most having the preponderance of their childhood milestones commemorated online. Often called Zoomers, they are more racially and ethnically diverse than any previous generation and are on track to be the most well-educated generation in history. Gen Zers in the United States have been found in the research to be progressive and pro-government and viewing increasing racial and ethnic diversity as positive change. Finally, they are less likely to hold xenophobic beliefs such as the notion of American exceptionalism and superiority that have been popular with by prior generations. The United States has been in a period of social and civil unrest in recent years with concerns over systematic racism, rampant inequalities, political polarization, xenophobia, police violence, sexual assault and harassment, and the growing epidemic of gun violence. Anxieties stirred by the COVID-19 pandemic further compounded these issues resulting in a powder keg explosion occurring throughout the summer of 2020 and leading well into 2021. As a result, the United States has deteriorated significantly in the Civil Unrest Index falling from 91st to 34th. The vitriol, polarization, protests, murders, and shootings have all occurred during Gen Z’s formative years, and the limited research available indicates that it has shaped their values and political views. Methodology: The Mid-Atlantic region is a portion of the United States that exists as the overlap between the northeastern and southeastern portions of the country. It includes the nation’s capital, as well as large urban centers, small cities, suburbs, and rural enclaves. It is one of the most socially, economically, racially, and culturally diverse parts of the United States and is often referred to as the “typically American region.” An electronic survey was administered to students from 2019 through 2021 attending a high school dual enrollment program, a minority serving institution, a majority serving institution, and a community college all located within the larger mid-Atlantic region. The survey included a combination of multiple response, Likert scaled, dichotomous, open ended, and ordinal questions. It was developed in the Survey Monkey system and reviewed by several content and methodological experts in order to examine bias, vagueness, or potential semantic problems. Finally, the survey was pilot tested prior to implementation in order to explore the efficacy of the research methodology. It was then modified accordingly prior to widespread distribution to potential participants. The surveys were administered to students enrolled in classes taught by the authors all of whom are educators. Participation was voluntary, optional, and anonymous. Over 800 individuals completed the survey with just over 700 usable results, after partial completes and the responses of individuals outside of the 18-24 age range were removed. Findings: Participants in this study overwhelmingly were users of social media. In descending order, YouTube, Instagram, Snapchat, Twitter, Facebook, Pinterest, WhatsApp, LinkedIn and Tik Tok were the most popular social media services reported as being used. When volume of use was considered, Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube and Twitter were the most cited with most participants reporting using Instagram and Snapchat multiple times a day. When asked to select which social media service they would use if forced to choose just one, the number one choice was YouTube followed by Instagram and Snapchat. Additionally, more than half of participants responded that they have uploaded a video to a video sharing site such as YouTube or Tik Tok. When asked about their familiarity with different technologies, participants overwhelmingly responded that they are “very familiar” with smart phones, searching the Web, social media, and email. About half the respondents said that they were “very familiar” with common computer applications such as the Microsoft Office Suite or Google Suite with another third saying that they were “somewhat familiar.” When asked about Learning Management Systems (LMS) like Blackboard, Course Compass, Canvas, Edmodo, Moodle, Course Sites, Google Classroom, Mindtap, Schoology, Absorb, D2L, itslearning, Otus, PowerSchool, or WizIQ, only 43% said they were “very familiar” with 31% responding that they were “somewhat familiar.” Finally, about half the students were either “very” or “somewhat” familiar with operating systems such as Windows. A few preferences with respect to technology in the teaching and learning process were explored in the survey. Most students (85%) responded that they want course announcements and reminders sent to their phones, 76% expect their courses to incorporate the use of technology, 71% want their courses to have course websites, and 71% said that they would rather watch a video than read a book chapter. When asked to consider the future, over 81% or respondents reported that technology will play a major role in their future career. Most participants considered themselves “informed” or “well informed” about current events although few considered themselves “very informed” or “well informed” about politics. When asked how they get their news, the most common forum reported for getting news and information about current events and politics was social media with 81% of respondents reporting. Gen Z is known to be an engaged generation and the participants in this study were not an exception. As such, it came as no surprise to discover that, in the past year more than 78% of respondents had educated friends or family about an important social or political issue, about half (48%) had donated to a cause of importance to them, more than a quarter (26%) had participated in a march or rally, and a quarter (26%) had actively boycotted a product or company. Further, about 37% consider themselves to be a social activist with another 41% responding that aren’t sure if they would consider themselves an activist and only 22% saying that they would not consider themselves an activist. When asked what issues were important to them, the most frequently cited were Black Lives Matter (75%), human trafficking (68%), sexual assault/harassment/Me Too (66.49%), gun violence (65.82%), women’s rights (65.15%), climate change (55.4%), immigration reform/deferred action for childhood arrivals (DACA) (48.8%), and LGBTQ+ rights (47.39%). When the schools were compared, there were only minor differences in social media use with the high school students indicating slightly more use of Tik Tok than the other participants. All groups were virtually equal when it came to how informed they perceived themselves about current events and politics. Consensus among groups existed with respect to how they get their news, and the community college and high school students were slightly more likely to have participated in a march, protest, or rally in the last 12 months than the university students. The community college and high school students were also slightly more likely to consider themselves social activists than the participants from either of the universities. When the importance of the issues was considered, significant differences based on institutional type were noted. Black Lives Matter (BLM) was identified as important by the largest portion of students attending the HBCU followed by the community college students and high school students. Less than half of the students attending the TWI considered BLM an important issue. Human trafficking was cited as important by a higher percentage of students attending the HBCU and urban high school than at the suburban and rural community college or the TWI. Sexual assault was considered important by the majority of students at all the schools with the percentage a bit smaller from the majority serving institution. About two thirds of the students at the high school, community college, and HBCU considered gun violence important versus about half the students at the majority serving institution. Women’s rights were reported as being important by more of the high school and HBCU participants than the community college or TWI. Climate change was considered important by about half the students at all schools with a slightly smaller portion reporting out the HBCU. Immigration reform/DACA was reported as important by half the high school, community college, and HBCU participants with only a third of the students from the majority serving institution citing it as an important issue. With respect to LGBTQ rights approximately half of the high school and community college participants cited it as important, 44.53% of the HBCU students, and only about a quarter of the students attending the majority serving institution. Contribution and Conclusion: This paper provides a timely investigation into the mindset of generation Z students living in the United States during a period of heightened civic unrest. This insight is useful to educators who should be informed about the generation of students that is currently populating higher education. The findings of this study are consistent with public opinion polls by Pew Research Center. According to the findings, the Gen Z students participating in this study are heavy users of multiple social media, expect technology to be integrated into teaching and learning, anticipate a future career where technology will play an important role, informed about current and political events, use social media as their main source for getting news and information, and fairly engaged in social activism. When institutional type was compared the students from the university with the more affluent and less diverse population were less likely to find social justice issues important than the other groups. Recommendations for Practitioners: During disruptive and contentious times, it is negligent to think that the abounding issues plaguing society are not important to our students. Gauging the issues of importance and levels of civic engagement provides us crucial information towards understanding the attitudes of students. Further, knowing how our students gain information, their social media usage, as well as how informed they are about current events and political issues can be used to more effectively communicate and educate. Recommendations for Researchers: As social media continues to proliferate daily life and become a vital means of news and information gathering, additional studies such as the one presented here are needed. Additionally, in other countries facing similarly turbulent times, measuring student interest, awareness, and engagement is highly informative. Impact on Society: During a highly contentious period replete with a large volume of civil unrest and compounded by a global pandemic, understanding the behaviors and attitudes of students can help us as higher education faculty be more attuned when it comes to the design and delivery of curriculum. Future Research This presentation presents preliminary findings. Data is still being collected and much more extensive statistical analyses will be performed.
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Y. Babatunde, Yusuf, Durojaiy M. Olalekan, Yussuph T. Toyyibat, Unuriode O. Austine, Akinwande J. Mayowa, Yusuf K. Tobi et Afolabi T. Osariemen. « A Comprehensive Data-Driven Analysis of Healthcare Disparities in the United States ». Dans 13th International Conference on Artificial Intelligence, Soft Computing and Applications. Academy & Industry Research Collaboration Center, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5121/csit.2023.132202.
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Health disparities encompass a range of factors, including race, ethnicity, gender, age, disability status, and socioeconomic conditions. This project highlights disparities in healthcare access, quality of care, and health outcomes, with a particular focus on racial and ethnic disparities in health insurance coverage, prenatal care, and maternal morbidity. Gender disparities are also evident. Addressing these issues requires a multifaceted approach, including addressing social determinants of health, promoting equitable healthcare policies, and fostering cultural competence. Equitable access to healthcare services, quality care, and improved data collection are essential in eliminating disparities. Initiatives to support underserved communities, improve healthcare quality, and enhance cultural competence are recommended. Research and evidence-based approaches, along with policy reforms at various levels, such as anti-discrimination laws and increased funding for public health, are crucial. Collaboration among healthcare organizations, community groups, government agencies, and advocacy organizations is essential for effective interventions
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Cuellar, Amanda D., et Michael E. Webber. « An Updated Estimate for Energy Use in U.S. Food Production and Policy Implications ». Dans ASME 2010 4th International Conference on Energy Sustainability. ASMEDC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/es2010-90179.
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In this work we estimate the amount of energy required to produce the food consumed in the United States in 2002 and 2007. Data from government sources and the scientific literature were used to calculate the energy intensity of food production from agriculture, transportation, manufacturing, food sales, storage and preparation. Most data were from 2002; consequently we scaled all data from other years to 2002 by using ratios of total energy consumption in 2002 to total energy consumption in the year data were reported. We concluded that food production required at least 7,880±733 trillion BTU in 2002 and 8,080±752 trillion BTU of energy in 2007, over a third of which came from food handling in homes, restaurants and grocery stores. The energy used to produce food represents approximately 8% of energy consumption. Our estimate is for the energy required to produce the food consumed in the United States and takes into account food imports and exports. To account for net food exports in the agriculture sector we calculated values for the energy intensity of ten food categories and then used the mass of domestic food consumption in each category to calculate the energy embedded in the food consumed in the United States. The amount of energy required to produce the food consumed in the United States has policy implications because it is a substantial fraction of total energy consumption and is responsible for a commensurate amount of greenhouse gas emissions. There are many opportunities for decreasing the energy intensity of food production at all steps of the food system. Education of the public and policy measures that promote energy efficiency in the food sector have the potential for decreasing food waste and the energy intensity of the food system.
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C. Stanley, Okoro, Lopez Alexander et Unuriode O. Austine. « A Synergistic Approach to Wildfire Prevention and Management using AI, Machine Learning, and 5G Technology in the United States ». Dans 5th International Conference on Artificial Intelligence and Big Data (AIBD 2024). Academy & Industry Research Collaboration Center, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.5121/csit.2024.140402.
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In recent years, wildfires have emerged as a global environmental crisis, causing significant damage to ecosystems, and contributing to climate change. Wildfire management methods involve prevention, response, and recovery efforts. Despite advancements in detection methods, the increasing frequency of wildfires necessitates innovative solutions for early detection and efficient management. This study explores proactive approaches to detect and manage wildfires in the United States by leveraging Artificial Intelligence (AI), Machine Learning (ML), and 5G technology. The specific objective of this research covers proactive detection and prevention of wildfires using advanced technology; Active monitoring and mapping with remote sensing and signaling leveraging on 5G technology; and Advanced response mechanisms to wildfire using drones and IOT devices. This study was based on secondary data collected from government databases and analyzed using descriptive statistics. In addition, past publications were reviewed through content analysis, and narrative synthesis was used to present the observations from various studies. The results showed that developing new technology presents an opportunity to detect and manage wildfires proactively. This would save a lot of lives and prevent huge economic loss that is attributed to wildfire outbreaks and spread. Advanced technology can be used in several ways to help in the proactive detection and management of wildfires. This includes the development of the use of AI-enabled remote sensing and signaling devices and leveraging 5G technology for active monitoring and mapping of wildfires. In addition, super intelligent drones and IOT devices can be used for safer responses to wildfires. This forms the core of the recommendation to the fire Management Agencies and the government.
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Lewis, Donald Wayne. « Developing a Concept for a National Used Fuel Interim Storage Facility in the United States ». Dans ASME 2013 15th International Conference on Environmental Remediation and Radioactive Waste Management. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2013-96374.
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In the United States (U.S.) the nuclear waste issue has plagued the nuclear industry for decades. Originally, spent fuel was to be reprocessed but with the threat of nuclear proliferation, spent fuel reprocessing has been eliminated, at least for now. In 1983, the Nuclear Waste Policy Act of 1982 [1] was established, authorizing development of one or more spent fuel and high-level nuclear waste geological repositories and a consolidated national storage facility, called a “Monitored Retrievable Storage” facility, that could store the spent nuclear fuel until it could be placed into the geological repository. Plans were under way to build a geological repository, Yucca Mountain, but with the decision by President Obama to terminate the development of Yucca Mountain, a consolidated national storage facility that can store spent fuel for an interim period until a new repository is established has become very important. Since reactor sites have not been able to wait for the government to come up with a storage or disposal location, spent fuel remains in wet or dry storage at each nuclear plant. The purpose of this paper is to present a concept developed to address the DOE’s goals stated above. This concept was developed over the past few months by collaboration between the DOE and industry experts that have experience in designing spent nuclear fuel facilities. The paper examines the current spent fuel storage conditions at shutdown reactor sites, operating reactor sites, and the type of storage systems (transportable versus non-transportable, welded or bolted). The concept lays out the basis for a pilot storage facility to house spent fuel from shutdown reactor sites and then how the pilot facility can be enlarged to a larger full scale consolidated interim storage facility.
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Hoffenson, Steven, et Marcin Wisniowski. « An Electricity Grid As an Agent-Based Market System : Exploring the Effects of Policy on Sustainability ». Dans ASME 2018 International Design Engineering Technical Conferences and Computers and Information in Engineering Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/detc2018-86031.
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Electricity generation is a major source of air pollution, contributing to nearly one-third of the total greenhouse gas emissions in the United States. As with most goods, production must keep up with the projected consumer demand, and the industry is subject to government regulations at the federal, state, and local levels. This study models the New Jersey electric grid as a market system, using agent-based modeling to represent individual consumers and power companies making utility-maximizing decisions. Each consumer agent is prescribed a unique value function that includes factors such as income, energy intensity, and environmental sensitivity, and they are able to make decisions about how much energy they use and whether they opt into a renewable energy program. Power producers are modeled to keep up with demand and minimize their cost per unit of electricity produced, and they include options to prefer either on-demand or renewable energy sources. Using this model, different scenarios are examined with respect to producer strategy and government policy. The results provide a proof-of-concept for the modeling approach, and they reveal interesting trends about how the markets are expected to react under different scenarios.
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Vannoni, Alberto, Jose Angel Garcia, Rafael Guedez, Alessandro Sorce et Aristide Fausto Massardo. « Combined Cycle, Heat Pump, and Thermal Storage Integration : Techno-Economic Sensitivity to Market and Climatic Conditions Based on a European and United States Assessment ». Dans ASME Turbo Expo 2022 : Turbomachinery Technical Conference and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/gt2022-82698.
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Abstract The integration of a Heat Pump (HP) with a Combined Cycle Gas Turbine (CCGT) to control the inlet air temperature has been previously investigated turning out to be a promising technology to meet the requirements imposed by the current electricity generation systems in terms of efficiency and flexibility. If the HP is coupled with a Thermal Energy Storage (TES) in an Inlet Conditioning Unit (ICU), it can be exploited in different modes to enhance the off-design CCGT’s efficiency or to boost the power output at full load. Furthermore, fuel-saving would be reflected in avoided emissions. The optimal sizing of the ICU, as well as an accurate estimation of the benefits, is a complex problem influenced by several factors such as the local climate and electricity market prices. The paper aims to systematically investigate, by means of a Mixed Integer Linear Programming model for optimal dispatch, the feasibility of an ICU integration in different scenarios (EU and US), providing general rules for assessing the concept application in new sites all around the globe. Different electricity markets have been analyzed and classified according to the parameters describing the average and variability of prices, the interdependency with the gas market, the ambient temperature, or the local carbon pricing policy. The most favorable conditions are identified and the dependency of the optimal ICU sizing on the climate and the electricity market is highlighted. The concept appears to be highly profitable in the hot regions with high price variability with an NPV of around 60 M€. Additionally, even in less profitable conditions (i.e., stable low prices in a cold climate), the system is able to increase the operating hours and reduce the economic losses. The performances enhancement described does not imply any environmental cost in terms of CO2 emissions.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Climate – government policy – united states"
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Biegelbauer, Peter, Christian Hartmann, Wolfgang Polt, Anna Wang et Matthias Weber. Mission-Oriented Innovation Policies in Austria – a case study for the OECD. JOANNEUM RESEARCH Forschungsgesellschaft mbH, août 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.22163/fteval.2020.493.
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In recent years, mission-oriented approaches have received growing interest in science, technology and innovation (STI) policies against the background of two developments. First, while so-called “horizontal” or “generic” approaches to research, technology and innovation policies have largely been successful in improving the general innovation performance or the rate of innovation, there are perceived limitations in terms of insufficiently addressing the direction of technological change and innovation. Second, “grand societal challenges” emerged on policy agendas, such as climate change, security, food and energy supply or ageing populations, which call for thematic orientation and the targeting of research and innovation efforts. In addition, the apparent success of some mission-oriented initiatives in countries like China, South Korea, and the United States in boosting technological development for purposes of strengthening competitiveness contributed to boosting the interest in targeted and directional government interventions in STI. Against the backdrop of this renewed interest in mission-oriented STI policy, the OECD has addressed the growing importance of this topic and launched a project looking into current experiences with Mission-Oriented Innovation Policy (MOIP). The present study on MOIP in Austria was commissioned by the Austrian Federal Ministry for Climate Action, Energy, Mobility, Environment, Innovation and Technologiy (BMK) and comprises the Austrian contributions to this OECD project. The study aims at contributing Austrian experiences to the international debate and to stimulate a national debate on MOIP.
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Kotchen, Matthew, Kevin Boyle et Anthony Leiserowitz. Policy-Instrument Choice and Benefit Estimates for Climate-Change Policy in the United States. Cambridge, MA : National Bureau of Economic Research, octobre 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w17539.
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Metcalf, Gilbert. Energy Conservation in the United States : Understanding its Role in Climate Policy. Cambridge, MA : National Bureau of Economic Research, juin 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w12272.
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Taylor, Barry N., et Barry N. Taylor. Interpretation of the SI for the United States and federal government metric conversion policy. Gaithersburg, MD : National Institute of Standards and Technology, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.6028/nist.sp.814e1998.
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Doris, Elizabeth, Jaquelin Cochran et Martin Vorum. Energy Efficiency Policy in the United States. Overview of Trends at Different Levels of Government. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), décembre 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/1219280.
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Doris, E., J. Cochran et M. Vorum. Energy Efficiency Policy in the United States : Overview of Trends at Different Levels of Government. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), décembre 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/970345.
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Nilsson Lewis, Astrid, Kaidi Kaaret, Eileen Torres Morales, Evelin Piirsalu et Katarina Axelsson. Accelerating green public procurement for decarbonization of the construction and road transport sectors in the EU. Stockholm Environment Institute, février 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2023.007.
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Public procurement of goods and services contributes to about 15% of global greenhouse gas emissions. In the EU, public purchasing represents 15% of its GDP, acting as a major influencer on the market through the products and services acquired by governments from the local to national levels. The public sector has a role to play in leveraging this purchasing power to achieve the best societal value for money, particularly as we scramble to bend the curve of our planet’s warming. Globally, the construction and transport sectors each represent about 12% of government procurements’ GHG emissions. Furthermore, these sectors’ decarbonization efforts demand profound and disruptive technological shifts. Hence, prioritizing these sectors can make the greatest impact towards reducing the environmental footprint of the public sector and support faster decarbonization of key emitting industries. Meanwhile, the EU committed to achieving 55% reduction in GHG emissions by 2030 compared to 1990 levels. Drastic emissions reductions are needed at an unprecedented speed and scale to achieve this goal. Green Public Procurement (GPP) is the practice of purchasing goods and services using environmental requirements, with the aim of cutting carbon emissions and mitigating environmental harm throughout the life cycle of the product or service. While the EU and many of its Member States alike have recognized GPP as an important tool to meet climate goals, the formalization of GPP requirements at the EU level or among local and national governments has been fragmented. We call for harmonization to achieve the consistency, scale and focus required to make GPP practices a powerful decarbonization tool. We surveyed the landscape of GPP in the EU, with a focus on construction and road transport. Through interviews and policy research, we compiled case studies of eight Member States with different profiles: Sweden, the Netherlands, France, Germany, Estonia, Poland, Spain and Italy. We used this information to identify solutions and best practices, and to set forth recommendations on how the EU and its countries can harmonize and strengthen their GPP policies on the path toward cutting their contributions to climate change. What we found was a scattered approach to GPP across the board, with few binding requirements, little oversight and scant connective tissue from national to local practices or across different Member States, making it difficult to evaluate progress or compare practices. Interviewees, including policy makers, procurement experts and procurement officers from the featured Member States, highlighted the lack of time or resources to adopt progressive GPP practices, with no real incentive to pursue it. Furthermore, we found a need for more awareness and clear guidance on how to leverage GPP for impactful societal outcomes. Doing so requires better harmonized processes, data, and ways to track the impact and progress achieved. That is not to say it is entirely neglected. Most Member States studied highlight GPP in various national plans and have set targets accordingly. Countries, regions, and cities such as the Netherlands, Catalonia and Berlin serve as beacons of GPP with robust goals and higher ambition. They lead the way in showing how GPP can help mitigate climate change. For example, the Netherlands is one of the few countries that monitors the effects of GPP, and showed that public procurement for eight product groups in 2015 and 2016 led to at least 4.9 metric tons of avoided GHG emissions. Similarly, a monitoring report from 2017 showed that the State of Berlin managed to cut its GHG emissions by 47% through GPP in 15 product groups. Spain’s Catalonia region set a goal of 50% of procurements using GPP by 2025, an all-electric in public vehicle fleet and 100% renewable energy powering public buildings by 2030. Drawing from these findings, we developed recommendations on how to bolster GPP and scale it to its full potential. In governance, policies, monitoring, implementation and uptake, some common themes exist. The need for: • Better-coordinated policies • Common metrics for measuring progress and evaluating tenders • Increased resources such as time, funding and support mechanisms • Greater collaboration and knowledge exchange among procurers and businesses • Clearer incentives, binding requirements and enforcement mechanisms, covering operational and embedded emissions With a concerted and unified movement toward GPP, the EU and its Member States can send strong market signals to the companies that depend on them for business, accelerating the decarbonization process that our planet requires.
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Lazonick, William. Investing in Innovation : A Policy Framework for Attaining Sustainable Prosperity in the United States. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, mars 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp182.
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“Sustainable prosperity” denotes an economy that generates stable and equitable growth for a large and growing middle class. From the 1940s into the 1970s, the United States appeared to be on a trajectory of sustainable prosperity, especially for white-male members of the U.S. labor force. Since the 1980s, however, an increasing proportion of the U.S labor force has experienced unstable employment and inequitable income, while growing numbers of the business firms upon which they rely for employment have generated anemic productivity growth. Stable and equitable growth requires innovative enterprise. The essence of innovative enterprise is investment in productive capabilities that can generate higher-quality, lower-cost goods and services than those previously available. The innovative enterprise tends to be a business firm—a unit of strategic control that, by selling products, must make profits over time to survive. In a modern society, however, business firms are not alone in making investments in the productive capabilities required to generate innovative goods and services. Household units and government agencies also make investments in productive capabilities upon which business firms rely for their own investment activities. When they work in a harmonious fashion, these three types of organizations—household units, government agencies, and business firms—constitute “the investment triad.” The Biden administration’s Build Back Better agenda to restore sustainable prosperity in the United States focuses on investment in productive capabilities by two of the three types of organizations in the triad: government agencies, implementing the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, and household units, implementing the yet-to-be-passed American Families Act. Absent, however, is a policy agenda to encourage and enable investment in innovation by business firms. This gaping lacuna is particularly problematic because many of the largest industrial corporations in the United States place a far higher priority on distributing the contents of the corporate treasury to shareholders in the form of cash dividends and stock buybacks for the sake of higher stock yields than on investing in the productive capabilities of their workforces for the sake of innovation. Based on analyzes of the “financialization” of major U.S. business corporations, I argue that, unless Build Back Better includes an effective policy agenda to encourage and enable corporate investment in innovation, the Biden administration’s program for attaining stable and equitable growth will fail. Drawing on the experience of the U.S. economy over the past seven decades, I summarize how the United States moved toward stable and equitable growth from the late 1940s through the 1970s under a “retain-and-reinvest” resource-allocation regime at major U.S. business firms. Companies retained a substantial portion of their profits to reinvest in productive capabilities, including those of career employees. In contrast, since the early 1980s, under a “downsize-and-distribute” corporate resource-allocation regime, unstable employment, inequitable income, and sagging productivity have characterized the U.S. economy. In transition from retain-and-reinvest to downsize-and-distribute, many of the largest, most powerful corporations have adopted a “dominate-and-distribute” resource-allocation regime: Based on the innovative capabilities that they have previously developed, these companies dominate market segments of their industries but prioritize shareholders in corporate resource allocation. The practice of open-market share repurchases—aka stock buybacks—at major U.S. business corporations has been central to the dominate-and-distribute and downsize-and-distribute regimes. Since the mid-1980s, stock buybacks have become the prime mode for the legalized looting of the business corporation. I call this looting process “predatory value extraction” and contend that it is the fundamental cause of the increasing concentration of income among the richest household units and the erosion of middle-class employment opportunities for most other Americans. I conclude the paper by outlining a policy framework that could stop the looting of the business corporation and put in place social institutions that support sustainable prosperity. The agenda includes a ban on stock buybacks done as open-market repurchases, radical changes in incentives for senior corporate executives, representation of workers and taxpayers as directors on corporate boards, reform of the tax system to reward innovation and penalize financialization, and, guided by the investment-triad framework, government programs to support “collective and cumulative careers” of members of the U.S. labor force. Sustained investment in human capabilities by the investment triad, including business firms, would make it possible for an ever-increasing portion of the U.S. labor force to engage in the productive careers that underpin upward socioeconomic mobility, which would be manifested by a growing, robust, and hopeful American middle class.
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Vahedifard, Farshid, Mohammed Azhar, Dustin Brown et Kaveh Madani. Inequity Behind Levees The Case of the United States of America. United Nations University Institute for Water, Environment and Health (UNU INWEH), septembre 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53328/inr23afv01.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Infrastructure equity is an immediate concern with levees, constituting the backbone of the U.S. protection against flooding. Flooding patterns are exacerbated by anthropogenic climate change in several regions, posing a significant risk to the economy, safety, and well-being of the nation. The evolving risk of flooding is shown to disproportionately affect historically underserved and socially vulnerable communities (HUSVCs). Here we compare the sociodemographic and socioeconomic composition of leveed and non-leveed U.S. communities and show a substantial overrepresentation of HUSVCs in leveed areas at the state, regional, and national levels. Further, we analyze the proportion of communities designated as “disadvantaged” in leveed versus non-leveed areas, revealing a substantially larger population of disadvantaged communities residing behind levees. Our analyses show that nationally, Hispanic are the most overrepresented population in leveed areas yielding a disparity percentage of 39.9%, followed by Native American (18.7%), Asian (17.7%), and Black (16.1%) communities. Communities characterized by low education, poverty, and disability exhibit a disproportionately higher presentation of 27.8%, 20.4%, and 5.4% in leveed areas across the U.S. In 43 states, disadvantaged communities are overrepresented behind levees, with a national disparity percentage of 40.6%. At the regional level, the highest disparity was observed in the Northeast (57.3%), followed by the West (51.3%), Southeast (38%), Midwest (29.2%), and Southwest (25%). The findings can enable decision- and policy-makers to identify hotspots within HUSVCs that need to be prioritized for enhancing the integrity and climate adaptation of their levee systems.
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Sands, Ronald, et Man-Keun Kim. Modeling the Competition for Land : Methods and Application to Climate Policy. GTAP Working Paper, avril 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.21642/gtap.wp45.
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*Chapter 7 of the forthcoming book "Economic Analysis of Land Use in Global Climate Change Policy," edited by Thomas W. Hertel, Steven Rose, and Richard S.J. Tol The Agriculture and Land Use (AgLU) model was developed at Pacific Northwest National Laboratory to assess the impact of a changed climate or a climate policy on land use, carbon emissions from land use change, production of field crops, and production of biofuels. The level of analysis to date is relatively aggregate, at the global or national scale, but the model captures important interactions such as endogenous land use change in response to a climate policy and international trade in agricultural and forest products. This paper describes exploratory efforts to extend the conceptual framework, including geographical disaggregation of land within the United States, improving the dynamics of the forestry sector, valuing carbon in forests, and land requirements for biofuel crops. Conceptual development is done within a single-country, steady-state version of AgLU. Land use is simulated with carbon prices from zero to $200 per t-C, with forests, biofuels, and food crops competing simultaneously for land.