Thèses sur le sujet « Class of 1998 »
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1
Marren, Brian Dennis. « Working-class responses to unemployment on Merseyside, c.1978-1998 : a Thompsonian analysis ». Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.569242.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The last quarter of the twentieth century brought forth enormous changes to working- class Britons in the form of widespread industrial closure and escalating unemployment in the manufacturing industry. No British city bore closer witness to these phenomena than Liverpool. The spectre of rising joblessness was arguably the most pervasive facet affecting both the economy and society of Liverpool in the two decades after 1978. Consequently, the despair of job loss and economic deprivation blighted Merseyside to a significantly greater extent than any other major British conurbation. The central concern of this thesis is to analyse the range and depth of responses by Liverpool's working class to the onslaught of compulsory redundancies and factory closures on Merseyside in the age of Thatcher. This city of Liverpool and the surrounding Merseyside region had frequently been prone to industrial unrest since 1945, but it was the dawn ofThatcherism and the rise of neo-liberal economic tendencies that made Liverpool a nucleus of resistance and, at times, a lone voice of protest against the encroaching tide of right-wing politics and sweeping deindustrialisation. This thesis explores six case studies that examine how both residents and workers on Merseyside fought against a rapid rise in redundancies and industrial closure. Drawing on the approach of the eminent labour historian E. P. Thompson, this dissertation seeks to particularly emphasise the social agency exercised by these workers in the series of struggles analysed in the following chapters. Some of their responses to expanding job loss and industrial closure included strikes, factory occupations, the organisation of the unemployed, embracement of radical left-wing municipal politics and serious civil unrest. This thesis concludes that in the range, intensity and use of innovative tactics deployed during these conflicts, Liverpool was distinctive. An important theme running through the case studies analysed was that the working class of Liverpool drew upon and reinvigorated a unique local labour culture which prized opposition and the defence of workers' rights. This dissertation demonstrates that the focus and wide variety of industrial protest exuded by the working class of Liverpool during the Thatcher years was largely due to the long historical relationship the city's workers had with poverty, alienation, sectarianism, and most importantly, unemployment. Therefore, the findings of this study offer new insights into the active resistances undertaken by workers during the 'un-making' of the British working class in the last decades of the twentieth century.
2
AraÃjo, Jormana Maria Pereira. « Tecendo memÃrias : resistÃncia e luta das operÃrias da fÃbrica Santa CecÃlia (Fortaleza, 1998-1993) ». Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2013. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=10485.
Texte intégralRésumé :
CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel SuperiorO ponto de partida desta investigaÃÃo à a experiÃncia das operÃrias tÃxteis da fÃbrica Santa CecÃlia na cidade de Fortaleza, entre os anos de 1988 e 1993, observando os nexos da migraÃÃo, do emprego domÃstico e da vida na cidade. AtravÃs de suas memÃrias, analiso de modo articulado, as dimensÃes do mundo do trabalho feminino examinando a cultura operÃria baseada em laÃos de confianÃa e de solidariedade em meio à segregaÃÃo social vivida na cidade, no bairro e nas vilas operÃrias onde moravam e trabalhavam. Num contexto de elevado recrutamento de mÃo-de-obra feminina na indÃstria, e de transferÃncia industrial tÃxtil para o CearÃ, destaca-se na fÃbrica Santa CecÃlia as pÃssimas condiÃÃes de trabalho, a rotina, os ritmos e as normas, o adoecimento e a mutilaÃÃo dos corpos operÃrios. Face ao duro cotidiano dessa experiÃncia fabril, este estudo tambÃm examina os processos de resistÃncia e luta por direitos face à conjuntura de construÃÃo de um novo vocabulÃrio de educaÃÃo sindical quando da incorporaÃÃo das demandas femininas e politizaÃÃo do cotidiano. Metodologicamente fundamentado na HistÃria Social do Trabalho, este estudo congrega variada tipologia de fontes: entrevistas, fotografias, documentos sindicais, leis, processos, jornais, atas de assembleia do Grupo UNITÃXTIL, anuÃrios, cadastros e recenseamento industrial, dados do IBGE, estudos monogrÃficos, dentre outros.
This study examines the experience of women textile workers in the Santa Cecilia factory in the city of Fortaleza (Ceara, Brazil) between 1988-1993 and how issues of migration, domestic work and urban life shaped thier experience as workers. Drawing on thier memories I explore the muliple demensions of the female world of work based on notions of trust and solidarity within a broader structure of social segregation experienced within the working class communities and the city, where they lived and worked. Their experience, shaped by high levels of employment in the textile industry spurred by the transfer of large sectors of the textile industry to Ceara. Specifically factory life at Santa Cecilia was shaped by harsh working conditions, the deadening routine and ever demanding productive process which in turn caused large scale illness and mutilation among women workers. Focusing on the harsh working condition this study explores the processes of resistence and the struggles for basic rights within the larger context of expanding trade union activity and the incorporation of specific female demands and political activity in daily life. Methodolgically, this study is based on the social history of labor and intertwines a variety of sources, such as interviews, photographs, labor union, and legal documents, proccedings from UNITEXTIL, data bases, census data from IBGE and academic studies.
3
Quirke, Linda. « Social class, finances and changes in attendance at the University of Guelph, 1987-1998 ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape8/PQDD_0002/MQ43205.pdf.
Texte intégral
4
Araújo, Jormana Maria Pereira. « Tecendo memórias : resistência e luta das operárias da fábrica Santa Cecília (Fortaleza, 1998-1993) ». www.teses.ufc.br, 2013. http://www.repositorio.ufc.br/handle/riufc/6152.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ARAÚJO, Jormana Maria Pereira. Tecendo memórias: resistência e luta das operárias da fábrica Santa Cecília (Fortaleza, 1998-1993). 2013. 239f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em História, Fortaleza (CE), 2013.Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-10-11T12:13:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013-DIS-JMPARAUJO.pdf: 3204652 bytes, checksum: 9fe049da16a59f1b822c2fee2fcfae7a (MD5)
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This study examines the experience of women textile workers in the Santa Cecilia factory in the city of Fortaleza (Ceara, Brazil) between 1988-1993 and how issues of migration, domestic work and urban life shaped thier experience as workers. Drawing on thier memories I explore the muliple demensions of the female world of work based on notions of trust and solidarity within a broader structure of social segregation experienced within the working class communities and the city, where they lived and worked. Their experience, shaped by high levels of employment in the textile industry spurred by the transfer of large sectors of the textile industry to Ceara. Specifically factory life at Santa Cecilia was shaped by harsh working conditions, the deadening routine and ever demanding productive process which in turn caused large scale illness and mutilation among women workers. Focusing on the harsh working condition this study explores the processes of resistence and the struggles for basic rights within the larger context of expanding trade union activity and the incorporation of specific female demands and political activity in daily life. Methodolgically, this study is based on the social history of labor and intertwines a variety of sources, such as interviews, photographs, labor union, and legal documents, proccedings from UNITEXTIL, data bases, census data from IBGE and academic studies.
O ponto de partida desta investigação é a experiência das operárias têxteis da fábrica Santa Cecília na cidade de Fortaleza, entre os anos de 1988 e 1993, observando os nexos da migração, do emprego doméstico e da vida na cidade. Através de suas memórias, analiso de modo articulado, as dimensões do mundo do trabalho feminino examinando a cultura operária baseada em laços de confiança e de solidariedade em meio à segregação social vivida na cidade, no bairro e nas vilas operárias onde moravam e trabalhavam. Num contexto de elevado recrutamento de mão-de-obra feminina na indústria, e de transferência industrial têxtil para o Ceará, destaca-se na fábrica Santa Cecília as péssimas condições de trabalho, a rotina, os ritmos e as normas, o adoecimento e a mutilação dos corpos operários. Face ao duro cotidiano dessa experiência fabril, este estudo também examina os processos de resistência e luta por direitos face à conjuntura de construção de um novo vocabulário de educação sindical quando da incorporação das demandas femininas e politização do cotidiano. Metodologicamente fundamentado na História Social do Trabalho, este estudo congrega variada tipologia de fontes: entrevistas, fotografias, documentos sindicais, leis, processos, jornais, atas de assembleia do Grupo UNITÊXTIL, anuários, cadastros e recenseamento industrial, dados do IBGE, estudos monográficos, dentre outros.
5
Karsono, Sony. « Indonesia's New Order, 1966-1998 : Its Social and Intellectual Origins ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1367606667.
Texte intégral
6
Hutmire, Jennifer L. « Meaningfulness of Work as Perceived by Women from Diverse Social Classes : A Grounded Theory Exploration ». ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/1998.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Despite research connecting the meaningfulness of work with positive organizational outcomes, such as increased employee well-being, job satisfaction, engagement, and retention, there remains a lack of adequate, inclusive research explaining differences in women's perceptions of the meaningfulness of work. The purpose of this qualitative grounded theory study was to address this gap in the literature by developing a theory about the formation of perceptions of the meaningfulness of work and about the impact of those perceptions. Research questions explored perceptions that women from diverse social classes have of the meaningfulness of work, what influenced those perceptions, the impact of those perceptions on their career choices, and the influence of those perceptions on workplace experiences and behaviors. Data for this study were collected through in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 25 women from different social classes. Transcribed interviews, results from a demographic screening survey, and researcher memos were analyzed using constant comparison in open, axial, and selective coding phases. Results indicated that perceptions of the meaningfulness of work are primarily defined by the potential impact of meaningful work and that the type, scope, and target of that impact are influenced by contextual and experiential factors, filtered through personal identity. The analogy of a stream was used to demonstrate the theory that blockages caused by negative workplace experiences and behaviors may prevent work from having a meaningful impact, but that channels can be created to bypass these blockages. Positive social change occurs when these channels allow employees' goals for impact to be realized, leading them to experience their work as meaningful and to engage in organizational citizenship behavior.
7
Franksson, Lars. « Studies of cytotoxic T lymphocytes and natural killer cells in relation to MHC class I presented peptides / ». Stockholm, 1998. http://diss.kib.ki.se/1998/91-628-2906-8.
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8
Agung, Wicaksono. « The Rapid Expansion of Middle Class in Rural Java:A Study of Socio-historical Processes of the Middle Class Formation and Its Impacts on Rural Life after the 1998 Economic Crisis ». Kyoto University, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/242759.
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9
Leung, Wing-yue Trini. « The politics of labour rebellions in China, 1989-1994 / ». Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1998. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B19235367.
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10
梁詠雩 et Wing-yue Trini Leung. « The politics of labour rebellions in China, 1989-1994 ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1998. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31237320.
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11
Davies, Paul Donald. « The physical health problems of adults living in the community with an enduring mental health problem : a focus on prevalence, age, gender, social class and unitary authority utilising the 1998 Welsh Health Survey ». Thesis, University of South Wales, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.446088.
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12
Brodeur, David Lester. « A study of US Nuclear Power Boiling Water Reactor, Class IV, operating performance, 1992-1997 ». Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/9035.
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13
Brodeur, David Lester 1963. « A study of US nuclear power boiling water reactor, class IV, operating performance, 1992-1997 ». Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/49796.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Nucl.E. and S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Nuclear Engineering, 1998.Includes bibliographical references.
The steady improvement of US Nuclear Utility generation capability observed over the past two decades has recently halted and somewhat degraded. For the industry to resume its upward trend in performance a detailed examination must be performed of current performance and new methods developed to continue the improvement. A detailed study of Boiling Water Reactor, Class IV (BWR/4) performance over the past five years was conducted to gain insight to the nature of lost generation capability and develop a methodology to improve capability. Extensive electronic NRC records were used in conjunction with detailed power plant records and engineering experience at PECO Energy's Limerick Generating Station and Peach Bottom Atomic Power Station for this research. Administrative or regulatory shutdowns within the study dominated the lost generation capability and detracted from the goal of analyzing equipment reliability. Nine of two hundred thirty five shutdowns were therefore limited to maximum impact of 30 days lost generation. Balance of Plant system failures were found to initiate 69% of the occurrences of lost generation capability and account for 59% of the capability loss. The failures of these systems were found to be infrequent events which correlated poorly to the aggregate industry experience. Approximately fifty percent of the forced outages were the result of equipment related failures such as weak design or worn parts with the remaining fifty percent the result of human related failures. Only 19% of the failures were noted to be the result of component age related failures while 31% of the failures were related to poor equipment design. The time frame of forced outages with in operating cycles was additionally reviewed. Failures were found to be more frequent in the early phase of the operating cycle following start up from a refueling and approximately 400 to 550 days after start up. The impact of these failures was not great enough to affect the steady state cumulative capability factor of the aggregate BWR/4 utility achieved after one year of operation. Individual utility sites were found to have opposing strong and weak periods of performance within their operating cycles. The loss of generation capacity taken for planned maintenance outages and on line maintenance for minor equipment problems was not found to have a significant impact on aggregate BWR/4 performance. For plants not involve in lengthy shutdowns, the strongest impacts on cumulative capacity were forced outages, initial start up and coast down. The unpredictable and design nature of system failures necessitates a structured effort to improve the combined performance of all systems at a utility. Balance of Plant systems were found to all have a 25% probability of causing a single forced outage lasting slightly less than 5 days in length. The infrequent nature of significant failures necessitates a broad based communication between utilities to maintain an adequate level of awareness of system vulnerabilities and possible improvements. Two specific sites examined had opposing and repeatable strong and weak cycle performance traits. The unique nature of site performance demonstrates the impact that improved communications between utilities could have on transferring strengths and diminishing weaknesses thus improving overall utility performance.
by David Lester Brodeur.
Nucl.E.and S.M.
14
Devigne, Matthieu. « Classe de guerre : Une histoire de l’École entre Vichy et République, 1938-1948 ». Thesis, Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040145.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse porte sur l’histoire de l’École primaire ‒ ou premier degré ‒ au cours de la décennie centrale du XXe siècle. Y sont analysés les processus décisionnels de la politique scolaire au niveau de l’administration ministérielle et académique, ainsi que l’exercice quotidien des prescriptions scolaires sur le terrain des écoles, grâce au recours à de nombreux éclairages monographiques. La première partie de l’étude s’attache à démêler les divers aspects de la politique scolaire de l’État français à l’aide d’analyses quantitatives originales, et en prenant appui principalement sur le point de vue des acteurs en charge de son application : hauts fonctionnaires du ministère, inspecteurs d’académie, jusqu’aux enseignants eux-mêmes. Une seconde partie propose un portrait du fonctionnement logistique quotidien des écoles primaires du pays dans le contexte de la guerre et de l’Occupation. Enfin, la troisième partie décrit le rétablissement de l’École républicaine sur le territoire et les multiples défis idéologiques, pédagogiques et matériels, auxquels est confrontée l’institution scolaire. S’appuyant sur un grand nombre d’archives publiques et privées inédit, cette thèse aboutit ainsi à renouveler le regard historiographique posée sur l’histoire scolaire de cette période. En effet, la décennie guerrière des années 1940 a vu éclore des réformes et des réflexions qui en font un temps d’expériences et d’apprentissages intenses pour la génération des acteurs appelés à forger l’École du second XXe siècle. C’est en ce sens que l’on qualifiera ce moment historique de véritable « classe de guerre »This thesis focuses on the history of French elementary school in the middle decade of the twentieth century. School policy is analyzed through the decisions of ministerial and academic administrations along with its daily enforcement in classes, exemplified by numerous monographs of interest. First, the study attempts to untangle the various aspects of school policy under the French State, relying mainly on the words of its enforcers: ministerial officials, schools inspectors and, of course, teachers. It exposes quantitative investigations on the repressive impact of the regime and on the unprecedented financial public support for free education, in addition to a detailed analysis of the Vichy educational reforms. It then depicts the everyday life of primary schools in the context of war and Occupation. The third part chronicles the restoration of republican school over the national territory, and emphasizes the multiple ideological, educational and material challenges it had to face. Based on a large number of original archives, both private and public, this thesis leads to reevaluate the historiographical standpoint on the history of school of this time. Indeed, the 1940s gave birth to reforms and reflections that made this decade of war a time for experiments and intense learning for the generation of professionals who were to shape the school of the second part of the century. It is in this sense that this historical moment may be called a “war class”
15
Devigne, Matthieu. « Classe de guerre : Une histoire de l’École entre Vichy et République, 1938-1948 ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040145.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse porte sur l’histoire de l’École primaire ‒ ou premier degré ‒ au cours de la décennie centrale du XXe siècle. Y sont analysés les processus décisionnels de la politique scolaire au niveau de l’administration ministérielle et académique, ainsi que l’exercice quotidien des prescriptions scolaires sur le terrain des écoles, grâce au recours à de nombreux éclairages monographiques. La première partie de l’étude s’attache à démêler les divers aspects de la politique scolaire de l’État français à l’aide d’analyses quantitatives originales, et en prenant appui principalement sur le point de vue des acteurs en charge de son application : hauts fonctionnaires du ministère, inspecteurs d’académie, jusqu’aux enseignants eux-mêmes. Une seconde partie propose un portrait du fonctionnement logistique quotidien des écoles primaires du pays dans le contexte de la guerre et de l’Occupation. Enfin, la troisième partie décrit le rétablissement de l’École républicaine sur le territoire et les multiples défis idéologiques, pédagogiques et matériels, auxquels est confrontée l’institution scolaire. S’appuyant sur un grand nombre d’archives publiques et privées inédit, cette thèse aboutit ainsi à renouveler le regard historiographique posée sur l’histoire scolaire de cette période. En effet, la décennie guerrière des années 1940 a vu éclore des réformes et des réflexions qui en font un temps d’expériences et d’apprentissages intenses pour la génération des acteurs appelés à forger l’École du second XXe siècle. C’est en ce sens que l’on qualifiera ce moment historique de véritable « classe de guerre »This thesis focuses on the history of French elementary school in the middle decade of the twentieth century. School policy is analyzed through the decisions of ministerial and academic administrations along with its daily enforcement in classes, exemplified by numerous monographs of interest. First, the study attempts to untangle the various aspects of school policy under the French State, relying mainly on the words of its enforcers: ministerial officials, schools inspectors and, of course, teachers. It exposes quantitative investigations on the repressive impact of the regime and on the unprecedented financial public support for free education, in addition to a detailed analysis of the Vichy educational reforms. It then depicts the everyday life of primary schools in the context of war and Occupation. The third part chronicles the restoration of republican school over the national territory, and emphasizes the multiple ideological, educational and material challenges it had to face. Based on a large number of original archives, both private and public, this thesis leads to reevaluate the historiographical standpoint on the history of school of this time. Indeed, the 1940s gave birth to reforms and reflections that made this decade of war a time for experiments and intense learning for the generation of professionals who were to shape the school of the second part of the century. It is in this sense that this historical moment may be called a “war class”
16
Clément, Karine. « Les ouvriers dans les mutations de la societe russe actuelle : 1989-1997 ». Paris, EHESS, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999EHESA023.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Nos recherches visent a cerner la place que les ouvriers occupent dans le systeme des rapports sociaux qui se dessine aujourd'hui en russie, la part qu'ils prennent a la construction de ces rapports sociaux mais aussi la part de leur experience sociale et de leur identite qui leur est imposee par le systeme. Au carrefour de ces deux orientations theoriques, les ouvriers sont observes dans leurs rapports au passe, dans leurs situations de travail ainsi que dans leurs rapports a l'action collective. Il ressort de ces observations que le passe sovietique pese lourdement sur les representations que les ouvriers se font actuellement d'eux-memes. Ces representations reposent pour une part sur des permanences ou des changements objectifs intervenus dans la vie des ouvriers, mais relevent surtout de la cloture du debat historique qui les empeche de reinterpreter et de se reapproprier leur passe. Quant aux situations de travail, contrastees et diverses, elles morcellent et divisent le monde ouvrier. L'eclatement du groupe ouvrier s'explique d'autant mieux que les conditions de travail les plus repandues sont marquees par une instabilite et un caractere difficilement maitrisable. Elles offrent donc un contexte peu propice a la construction subjective de soi ainsi qu'a l'emergence de solidarites actives. En partie de ce fait, les actions collectives sont relativement peu developpees. Elles sont contrariees par des facteurs d'ordre a la fois subjectif et objectif. Trois mecanismes structurels en rendent largement compte : les mecanismes de l'exclusion sociale, de l'exploitation et de la desubjectivation. L'investigation de ces differentes directions de recherche aboutit a interroger l'existence des ouvriers en tant que groupe social a part entiere et a avancer l'idee d'une deconstruction de ce groupe, portee a la fois par les transformations objectives de la societe russe et par l'evolution concomitantes des representations sociales, politiques et scientifiquesOur research aims to evaluate the worker's position in the system of social relations that is now appearing in russia and the part they play in constructing these social relations. Our research also examines the part of their social experience and identity that is imposed on them by the system. At the crossroads of these two theoretical approaches, this work studies the workers' relations with the past, their work situations and their relations to collective action. From our observations it appears that the soviet past weighs heavily on the representations that the workers have of themselves at present. These representations depend partly on permanencies or on objective changes that have taken place in the workers lives, but they are mainly determined by the closing of historical debate which prevents them from reinterpreting and re-appropriating their past. As for the work situations, they are contrasted and diverse and divide the working class. The breaking up of the working class can be explained especially as unstable and uncontrollable working conditions are widespread. They therefore offer an unfavourable background to the subjective construction of oneself and the emergence of active solidarity. This is partly why collective actions are rather infrequent. They are hindered both by subjective and objective factors. Three structural mechanisms largely explain this phenomenon : social exclusion, exploitation and de-subjectivation. The investigation of these different areas has lead us to question the existence of the working class as an actual social group and advance the idea of a deconstruction of this group, carried by the objective transformation of russian society and the concomitant change in social, political and scientific representations
17
Custódio, Lourival Aguiar Teixeira. « Um estudo de classe e identidade no Brasil : Movimento Negro Unificado (MNU) - 1978 - 1990 ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/100/100135/tde-22052018-122717/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Este trabalho teve como objetivo principal realizar uma análise do movimento negro brasileiro entre os anos de 1978 e 1990, expressando neste trabalho o caminho percorrido pelo Movimento Negro Unificado - MNU, que foi fundado em 18 de Junho de 1978, nascendo assim no seio do levante operário de 1978, e que existe até os dias atuais, e como objetivo específico de identificar quais foram as influências mais centrais em sua formação e na linha política que este tomou, tendo sido parte de um imenso movimento social, operário e popular, que se colocou contra a Ditadura Militar, sendo a conformação do MNU como parte e resultado deste processo de mobilização social. A partir desses objetivos foram levantadas as seguintes hipóteses: O MNU influenciou a formação da identidade negra no Brasil e a própria identidade dos entrevistados; contribuiu no Brasil para o debate de Raça e Classe; e recebeu influências externas á experiência vivida no Brasil. Foram feitos levantamentos bibliográficos sobre a história da luta antirracista no Brasil após a Abolição e das organizações oriundas dessa luta, que remontam desde as primeiras décadas do século XX, atravessam o Estado Novo e encontraram dentro do período da ditadura a resistência que dará forma ao Movimento Negro Unificado. Para analisar os processos que influenciaram este desenvolvimento, foram utilizados autores como Florestan Fernandes, Lélia Gonzalez, Abdias do Nascimento, Hamilton Cardoso e Clovis Moura. Para isso foram realizadas dez entrevistas com militantes e integrantes do movimento negro brasileiro que participaram próximos ou no MNU durante o período estudado, sendo estes entrevistados divididos em sete homens e três mulheres. Durante estas entrevistas foi constatado que o MNU teve como referência algumas organizações negras estadunidenses, que fizeram parte do Movimento pelos Direitos Civis, além dos movimentos de libertação de países africanos, com destaque aos países de língua portuguesa, como Moçambique e Angola. No território nacional, os integrantes do MNU foram influenciados pelas experiências vividas nas greves operárias contra a Ditadura e por intelectuais brasileiros que desmistificaram a ideia do negro pacífico, e entre os mais citados temos Abdias do Nascimento e Lélia Gonzalez. Essas influências e atuação política permitiram ao MNU se destacar no cenário político brasileiro no final dos anos de 1970 e durante 1980 como a principal organização do movimento negro brasileiro, porém sem romper com a confiança na burguesia paulista, não dando um caminho independente aos negros no Brasil, tendo expressado suas posições dentro de setores dos movimentos sociais, mas também em setores dos movimentos sindicais e no Partido dos Trabalhadores PT, que foi um grande conciliador de classes e atenuador das tensões nacionais. Desta maneira poderemos entender o papel Movimento Negro Unificado para a composição da identidade do negro brasileiro entre as décadas de 70 e 90, sua relação com o cenário de greves e atos contra a Ditadura Militar e como as pautas levantadas pelos negros foram incorporadas, muito parcialmente, a políticas públicas nos anos seguintes, que apesar de importantes somente foram conquistadas mediante anos de luta do movimento negro brasileiroThis work had the main objective of analyzing the Brazilian black movement between 1978 and 1990, expressing in this work the path traveled by the Unified Black Movement (MNU), which was founded on June 18, 1978, 1978, and that exists until the present day, and as a specific objective to identify which were the most central influences in its formation and the political line that this took, having been part of an immense social movement, worker and popular, that is Placed against the Military Dictatorship, being the conformation of the MNU as part and result of this process of social mobilization. From these objectives the following hypotheses were raised: The MNU influenced the formation of the black identity in Brazil and the identity of the interviewees themselves; Contributed in Brazil to the Race and Class debate; And received influences external to the experience lived in Brazil. Bibliographical surveys were made on the history of the anti-racist struggle in Brazil after Abolition and from the organizations that came from that struggle, dating back to the first decades of the twentieth century, cross the Estado Novo and found within the period of the dictatorship the resistance that will shape the Movement Unified Black. For that, ten interviews were carried out with militants and members of the Brazilian black movement who participated in the MNU during the period studied, and these were divided into seven men and three women. During these interviews it was verified that the MNU had as reference some black American organizations, that were part of the Movement for the Civil Rights, besides the movements of liberation of African countries, with emphasis to the countries of Portuguese language, like Mozambique and Angola. In the national territory, the members of the MNU were influenced by the experiences of the workers\' strikes against the dictatorship and by Brazilian intellectuals who demystified the idea of the \"pacific negro\", and among the most cited are Abdias do Nascimento and Lélia Gonzalez. These influences and political action allowed the MNU to stand out in the Brazilian political scenario in the late 1970s and 1980s as the main organization of the Brazilian black movement, but without breaking with confidence in the São Paulo bourgeoisie, not giving an independent path to blacks in the Brazil, having expressed their positions within sectors of social movements, but also in sectors of the trade union movements and in the Workers\' Party (PT), which was a great conciliator of classes and attenuator of national tensions. In this way we will be able to understand the Unified Black Movement\'s role in the composition of the identity of the Brazilian Negro between the 70s and 90s, its relation with the scenario of strikes and acts against the Military Dictatorship and how the patterns raised by the blacks were incorporated, to public policies in the following years, that although important were only conquered through years of struggle of the Brazilian black movement
18
Taylor, Avram George. « Working class credit on Tyneside since 1918 ». Thesis, Durham University, 1996. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1572/.
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Vincent, Louise. « Mothers of invention : gender, class and the ideology of the Volksmoeder in the making of Afrikaner nationalism, 1918-1938 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.389627.
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Kwong, Hay-yin Freda. « Housing for the middle income group : sandwich class housing loan scheme (1993) / ». Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1994. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B19738389.
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Cabral, Valdenisio Alves. « Comerciários de João Pessoa : novo sindicalismo, conflitos de classes e cultura política (1986-1993) ». Universidade Federal da Paraíba, 2015. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/6014.
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This study aims to present an approach of how the new unionism contributed to the change in the political culture of the leaders in commerce unionism João Pessoa, between 1986 and 1993. Historical context in which the authentic unionism emerged provided significant changes in the relationship between capital and work from the disruption to the ancient practice of making unionism during the military dictatorship. We believe that this movement was primarily responsible for the change in behavior of the new union leaders that category of workers where there was a prevailing culture of harmony between antagonistic classes. This new unionism will bring out a union opposition to fight what became known as pelegas practices. From an analysis of the political practices of the "old unionism" and change the political culture in commerce unionism João Pessoa. Understand how political culture not only the practices and attitudes of social agents, but these agents have relationships with symbolic elements, whether the acceptance or rejection and certain power projects in the political structure. As theoretical foundation, we will use the concepts of political culture and class identity in order to understand the behavior of union leaders Category shopkeeper. The sources used were built on research papers, oral reports, official documents and works of Brazilian historiography.
Este estudo tem por finalidade fazer uma abordagem de como o novo sindicalismo contribuiu para a mudança de cultura política das lideranças do sindicalismo comerciário de João Pessoa, entre 1986 e 1993. O contexto histórico em que surgiu o sindicalismo autêntico proporcionou mudanças significativas nas relações entre capital e trabalho a partir das rupturas com as antigas práticas de se fazer sindicalismo durante a ditadura militar. Acreditamos que este movimento foi o principal responsável pela mudança de comportamento dos novos dirigentes sindicais daquela categoria de trabalhadores onde predominava uma cultura de harmonia entre as classes antagônicas. Esse novo sindicalismo vai fazer emergir uma oposição sindical no combate ao que ficou conhecido como práticas pelegas. A partir de uma análise entre as práticas políticas do chamado velho sindicalismo e, mudança de cultura política no sindicalismo comerciário de João Pessoa. Entendemos como cultura política não só as práticas e atitudes dos agentes sociais, mas as relações que esses agentes têm com os elementos simbólicos, sejam pela aceitação e ou pela rejeição a determinados projetos de poder na estrutura política. Como fundamentação teórica, utilizaremos os conceitos de cultura política e identidade de classe visando entender o comportamento dos dirigentes sindicais da categoria comerciária. As fontes utilizadas foram construídas em pesquisa em jornais, relatos orais, documentos oficiais e obras da historiografia brasileira.
22
Giliani, Francesco. « « Troisième Camp » ou nouvel « Octobre » ? : Socialistes de gauche, trotskistes et Deuxième Guerre mondiale (1938-1948) ». Thesis, Lyon, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020LYSE2075.
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Le débat au sein du mouvement ouvrier autour de la relation entre la guerre et la révolution a toujours été de nature stratégique, déjà à l’époque de la Première Internationale. Trancher sur l’attitude face à la guerre a produit débats, clivages et scissions : entre réformistes et révolutionnaires, entre défaitistes et défenseurs de l’« Union sacrée », entre pacifistes absolus et "militaristes révolutionnaires". À la fin des années 1930, alors que le monde précipite à nouveau vers un conflit à l’échelle mondiale, l’actualisation – ou bien la répétition - de la démarche suivie par Lénine pendant la Première Guerre mondiale (le défaitisme révolutionnaire) est au cœur des analyses et des perspectives débattues par les minorités révolutionnaires. Cette recherche vise à établir les données du débat théorique et d’orientation politique et programmatique au sein de la Quatrième Internationale (QI) et dans l’archipel hétérogène du socialisme de gauche. Ces deux courants politiques se voulaient alternatives au réformisme et au stalinisme et furent celles où la possibilité d’un dénouement révolutionnaire de la guerre fit l’objet d’un débat passionné et d’une action tout au moins conséquente.Il s’agira de comprendre comment ces deux courants firent face à une révolution qui n’était pas venue ou qui avait été contrôlée par les staliniens et les sociaux-démocrates, et aux nouvelles relations internationales engendrées par le dénouement de la Deuxième Guerre mondialeThe debate within the workers' movement about the relationship between war and revolution has always been of a strategic nature, even at the time of the First International. Deciding on the attitude to the war produced debates, cleavages and splits: between reformists and revolutionaries, between defeatists and defenders of the "Union sacrée", between absolute pacifists and "revolutionary militarists". At the end of the 1930s, as the world once again rushed towards a conflict on a global scale, the actualization - or repetition - of Lenin's approach during the First World War (revolutionary defeatism) was at the heart of the analyses and perspectives debated by revolutionary minorities. This research aims to establish the data for the theoretical debate and political and programmatic orientation within the Fourth International (FI) and the heterogeneous archipelago of left-wing socialism. These two political currents were trying to build an alternative to reformism and Stalinism and were the ones where the possibility of a revolutionary outcome to the war was passionately debated and at least acted upon
23
Kumbhat, Christine Pushpa. « Working class adult education in Yorkshire, 1918-1939 ». Thesis, University of Leeds, 2017. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/19923/.
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This thesis considers the place of workers’ adult education in the world of the British labour movement, and what impact it may have had on worker-students as citizens. It concentrates on three voluntary working class adult education organisations – the Workers’ Educational Association (WEA), The National Council of Labour Colleges (NCLC), and the Co-operative. The WEA delivered an impartial, non sectarian, non-political programme of education in the liberal arts and humanities with the support of universities and Local Education Authorities. The NCLC promoted a programme of Marxist education, and accepted support only from working class organisations, predominantly trade unions. The Co-operative wished to develop ‘Co operative character’ through education as a means to building a ‘Co-operative Commonwealth.’ This thesis explores the extent to which each organisation made an impact in Yorkshire between the wars. It does this in a variety of ways; by analysing the diversity of thought on socialism and democracy in the intellectual world of the labour movement during the inter-war era; presenting a historiographical context of workers’ adult education in Yorkshire from the nineteenth to the twentieth century; evaluating the Co operative’s success at establishing a Co-operative Commonwealth through education; exploring the relationship between the trades councils of Yorkshire and the three adult education organisations; researching the biographies of municipal public students known to have been worker-students; analysing the value of workers’ adult education from the perspective of the regional press; and studying the lived experience of workers’ adult education from the perspective of worker-students, tutors and administrators. The resounding theme that emerges by the end of the thesis is how working class adult education was connected consistently with democracy – that workers’ adult education, whatever form it took, supported a democratic model of active participatory citizenship based on idealism, as well as ethical and moral interpretations of social democracy.
24
Boughton, John Frederick. « Working-class politics in Birmingham and Sheffield, 1918-1931 ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 1985. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/34790/.
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Working-class politics in Birmingham and Sheffield contrasted sharply in the 1920s - Birmingham was a bastion of working-class Conservatism, Sheffield, a Labour stronghold. In the first half of the thesis, we explored this contrast by an examination of the economic, social and political conditions which underlay it. Sheffield's large-scale industry was found to reinforce working-class values and trades union traditions which facilitated Labour's political rise. Birmingham's diversified, often small-scale, economy impeded the development of working-class consciousness and eased inter-class relations. These differences were reflected in the towns' working-class cormtinities. The forms of Sheffield society consolidated the working-class loyalties of which Labour affiliations became one aspect. Birmingham society was more penetrable and possessed a powerful civic tradition of cross-class cooperation. In local government, Birmingham retained a confident, reforming middle-class leadership fulfilling the heritage of Joseph Chamberlain. Sheffield's middle-class politicians retreated into reactionary oppositionism which hastened Labour's advance. Contemporary events in the national economy and politics strengthened Labour's claim to be the real party of the working class. In the second half, we studied the content of working-class politics; examining, firstly, Labour's principles and practice. Ethical and constitutional values, combined with a corrrnitment to practical reform, were found dominant. A genuine party life of extra-political activities existed but its scope and ambitions were modest. Cooperation shared similar values, allied with an ambiguous attitude towards political action which strained relations with the wider Labour movement. The revolutionary Left was active but its aggressive style and far-reaching demands distanced it from the broader working class. In conclusion, we looked at working-class Conservatism - still influential and with several ideological and structural strains in workingclass culture perpetuating its appeal. We viewed it, particularly among the poorer strata, as one method of getting by in a life deemed fundamentally unalterable.
25
Horwood, Catherine Natalia Clotilde. « 'Keeping up appearances' : clothes, class and culture 1918-1939 ». Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.408039.
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Nieuwbeerta, Paul. « The democratic class struggle in twenty countries, 1945-1990 / ». Amsterdam : Thesis publs, 1995. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37314371c.
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Venugopal, Reddy K. « Working class and freedom struggle : Madras Presidency, 1918-1922 / ». New Delhi : Mittal Publications, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb410015398.
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Texte remanié de: Dissertation--University of Hyderabad, 1985. Titre de soutenance : The industrial working class and the Indian national movement in the Madras Presidency, 1918-1922.Bibliogr. p. 83-87.
28
Santos, Paula Cristina Basílio dos. « Exames nacionais no Ensino Primário (1948 – 1974) ». Master's thesis, FCT - UNL, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/1934.
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Dissertação apresentada para obtenção do Grau de Mestre de Bolonha em Ensino da Matemática pela Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Faculdade
de Ciências e TecnologiaEste trabalho de investigação teve como objectivos, recolher exames do Ensino Primário entre 1948 a 1974 e documentos relacionados com exames; apresentar géneros de exames do Ensino Primário que eram realizados nesses anos; identificar a quem eram destinados esses exames; qual a escolaridade obrigatória que as crianças deviam ter e, por fim, analisar os programas adoptados nas escolas. No estudo verificou-se que os exames do Ensino Primário se dividiam em exames do primeiro grau e segundo grau, sendo os exames do primeiro grau destinados às crianças que frequentavam a terceira classe e os do segundo grau, às crianças que estudavam na quarta classe. Os exames não tiveram sempre a mesma estrutura ao longo desse período, tendo a maior mudança ocorrido na década de 60. Mas,todos estavam em conformidade com o programa leccionado na escola e continham sempre problemas relacionados com o dia-a-dia da criança,qualquer que fosse o ano ou mudança na estrutura dos exames. Neste estudo, também é analisada a escolaridade obrigatória na época de 1948 a 1974, foi na década de 40 e 50 era obrigatório frequentar a escola até às três primeiras classes, passando em 1956 a ser obrigatória, somente para as crianças do sexo masculino, até às quatro primeiras classes. Em 1960, passou a ser obrigatório frequentar a escola até à quarta classe, independentemente do sexo da criança, sendo depois alargada esta obrigatoriedade até às seis classes.
29
McCall, Thomas Mark. « Units and class groups of imaginary octic fields ». Diss., Virginia Tech, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/37768.
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Silva, Nauber Gavski da. « O "mínimo" em disputa : salário mínimo, política, alimentação e gênero na cidade de Porto Alegre (c. 1940 - c. 1968) ». reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/107903.
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Desde 1928 o governo brasileiro se comprometeu com a comunidade internacional em adotar um salário mínimo. Para definir seu conceito, médicos propuseram a criação de uma política alimentar para os/as trabalhadores/as que seria complementar ao mínimo. Ao buscar o melhoramento da “raça” brasileira sob princípios de “alimentação racional”, estimularam a educação popular, a criação de restaurantes e postos de abastecimento. Como observamos em Porto Alegre, esse projeto alimentar seria parcialmente executado, especialmente através da educação de mulheres trabalhadoras, com implicações sobre as relações de gênero. Tanto a economia doméstica como a cultura alimentar da classe trabalhadora local funcionavam como barreiras contendo o avanço da ciência da Nutrição sobre as práticas alimentares populares. Nem a política alimentar nem o salário mínimo enfrentaram à altura os problemas que deveriam solucionar. Se por um lado ocorreu uma tendência de aumento de salários desde a criação do mínimo até os anos 1960, com progressivo distanciamento dos patamares salariais médios em relação ao mínimo para o conjunto da classe trabalhadora da cidade, por outro havia exceções importantes para certas categoriais, funções e para as mulheres. Poucos/as trabalhadores/as conseguiam escapar da tendência salarial do período – recebiam entre 1 e 2 salários mínimos. Uma boa parte do esforço dos atores era dedicado ao debate sobre a confiabilidade dos dados utilizados na política salarial. Tanto patrões como trabalhadores buscavam valer-se das estatísticas disponíveis para “provar” seus pontos de vista na busca pelo consideravam seus direitos. A descrença dos trabalhadores para com a instituição oficial de estatística que marcou suas lutas nos tribunais seria a baliza para sua atuação diante das propostas de reajustes do salário mínimo. Este foi criado e atualizado em contextos políticos cambiantes, entre maior e menor abertura do governo ao diálogo com a classe trabalhadora. Se em um primeiro momento ela parecia mais responder aos estímulos oficiais, vemos que a abertura política progressivamente possibilitou uma postura ativa de demanda pelo reajuste do mínimo nas bases que achava pertinente. Finalmente, uma vez que o salário mínimo jamais deu conta do problema da economia doméstica, as lideranças operárias valeram-se da construção de concepções negativas sobre ele, que por sua vez serviram de alicerce para suas demandas por salários que mantivessem a hierarquia salarial em fábricas e oficinas. Para isso eram obrigados a ativar perante a Justiça do Trabalho a ideologia de gênero difundida e reforçada por governos e patrões.Since 1928, Brazilian Government compromised to international community on adopting a minimum wage. To define its concept physicians proposed a feeding policy to workers, complementary to minimum wage. Seeking the improvement of Brazilian “race” under “rational feeding”, they have stimulated popular education, restaurants and state grocery shops. As seen at Porto Alegre, such project was best performed amongst working class women, influencing gender relations. Local working class domestic economy and feeding culture acted as walls stopping Nutrition science advance over popular feeding practices. Neither feeding policy nor minimum wage faced adequately the problems they should address. If salaries raised from the moment minimum wage was created to the 1960s, at the same time there was important exceptions for some categories, jobs and for women. Only a few could earn more than the pattern of 1-2 minimum wages. Actors spent a good time debating reliability of data used on wages policy. Both workers and employers used available statistics to “prove” their points when seeking what they believed were their rights. Labor leaders disbelief on official statistics would be the corner stone on their agency regarding minimum wage. As it was created and updated on changing political contexts, facing both opened and closed to dialogue governments, at first workers seemed to answer more to official agenda, then political aperture favored a proactive attitude toward demanding a higher level to minimum wage. Finally, once minimum wage never solved the domestic economy equation, workers leaders constructed negative images over it, which served as instruments on demanding the maintenance of wages hierarchy on factories and shops. Doing so obligated them to reactivate traditional gender ideology strengthened by government and employers.
31
Lai, Pui-yim Ada. « Working daughters in the 1990's / ». Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1999. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B20716515.
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McIlwaine, Catherine Julia. « Gender, ethnicity and the local labour market in Limon, Costa Rica ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1993. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1995/.
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The conceptual and empirical analysis of the interrelationship between gender and ethnicity has been largely neglected in the social sciences in general, and in Latin America in particular. The current research examines this relationship in the context of the local labour market of the Caribbean port of Limon, Costa Rica. The presence of a significant Afro-Caribbean minority along with the predominant white/mestizo population in the city, allows for the analysis of the distribution of ethnic and gender groups in the local economy, and the ways in which gender and ethnicity intersect with one another to produce particular patterns of employment differentiation. The above interrelations are explored with special reference to labour market segmentation and segregation. The approach adopted comprises the synthesis of three perspectives, the first of which is concerned with tracing the historical development of the region and city as an enclave economy. The second perspective deals with the labour market itself where current patterns of labour demand also influence segmentation and segregation. The third examines the contemporary household level, where factors such as household structure and gender ideologies (both of which may be mediated by ethnicity) operate to shape the supply of labour. Combination of the above three elements in the context of an holistic approach indicates that the configuration of employment differentiation in the enclave economy of Limon departs from more generally found patterns of vertical segmentation in gender and ethnic terms. Instead, horizontal distribution prevails in which Afro-Caribbean women do not occupy the most subordinate position in the labour market. Explanations for this lie in the historical evolution of the labour market and the dynamics of interaction between contemporary factors operating within the spheres of both household and workplace. A survey of 250 randomly-sampled households was conducted in three low-income settlements in Limon using structured and semi-structured questionnaires and targeting both male and female respondents. An employer survey was also conducted of 17 firms in the city, including large and small-scale enterprises. The principal conclusion is that a reconsideration of conventional conceptual approaches to labour markets is necessary in order to fully recognise the importance of the interaction between gender and ethnicity in employment differentiation.
33
Hirschman, Edward. « Optimal class scheduling subject to professors' preferences ». Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/44649.
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This new form of multiattribute utility optimization is
based on ordinal as opposed to cardinal utility and is
defined from a corresponding integer programming model in
operations research which (1) is solved for ordinal cost
factors and (2) serves as the problem's theoretical starting
point.
It is suggested herein that one start with a mathematical formulation that if solved in an acceptable or -- preferably -- best manner would yield a satisfactory or possibly best solution to the problem. Then, that mathematical formulation and its solution technique defines the multiattribute utility problem and its solution at issue. This is the reverse of what is usually done; and as will be shown, doing this can be quite fruitful.
The illustrative example concerns a mathematical 1 formulation based on operation research's assignment problem. As will be argued, the cost factors must be ordinal, which essentially corresponds to using ordinal utility; hence the technique will be framed in the realm of ordinal utility.
The technique for solving the illustrative example's
mathematical formulation is to achieve a premium mix of
operations research solution properties. From this
perspective, some sticky issues in multiattribute utility
theory when the attributes involve the preferences of
distinct persons are not included in the philosophical base
for the multiattribute utility problem and its solution
thusly defined.
Master of Arts
34
Kabler, Brent. « Class in context : the spatial dimensions of class consciousness evidence from the English elections, 1979-1992 / ». free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9974998.
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Yaish, Meir. « Opportunities, little change : class mobility in Israeli society, 1974-1991 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286419.
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Ghikas, Anastasis. « The politics of working class communism in Greece, 1918-1936 ». Thesis, University of York, 2004. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10953/.
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Chopra, Sanjay. « Class hierarchy design for space time problems ». Master's thesis, This resource online, 1995. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-10312009-020024/.
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Lin, Chin-ju. « Tranforming patriarchal kinship relations : four generations of 'modern women' in Taiwan, 1900-1999 ». Thesis, University of Essex, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272573.
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Cornell, Judith Emily. « Trade unions and the restructuring of working class health care in South Africa : case studies in the clothing, leather and transport sectors, 1992-1996 ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2018. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/104943/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Health care is an unusual issue for collective bargaining. It was forced onto the bargaining agendas of some unions in South Africa by a combination of failing and racially discriminatory public sector health care and inflationary private sector health care. Sick Funds arc industry-specific health insurance schemes in South Africa, which give their members access to specific and limited private sector medical benefits, sick pay and sometimes maternity pay. They are jointly funded and managed by employer and trade union representatives, through the collective bargaining structures of Industrial Councils. This research, a case study of three Sick Funds for clothing and leather workers, and a more elaborate health insurance scheme for workers in the public transport sector, examines the process of restructuring the content and delivery of medical services, and the management of the schemes. This is done in the context of dramatic political developments on the national stage from 1992, through the period of South Africa’s first democratic election in 1994, to 1996. The membership of the Sick Funds was highly homogeneous, comprising low-paid black workers, predominantly women. Recommendations for reform and expansion of the Sick Funds focused particularly on a shift from reliance on contracted doctors to the establishment of a network of neighbourhood-based worker health centres, with medical staff employed directly by the Funds. The other major recommendation was the extension of benefits to dependants for the first time. The fourth case highlights the difficult process of transforming a much more elaborate scheme in a complex multi-union situation in a large publicly owned company facing privatisation. Membership of the transport scheme was much more heterogeneous: overwhelmingly male and predominantly black, there was a substantial minority of white members and a far greater range of income. The argument is that under certain conditions, trade unions can transform existing arrangements for health care for their members, imprinting a trade union character on both the services and their management. The projects achieved their aims to varying degrees. The thesis explores the conditions for success and failure. The studies do not produce a model, which can be extracted from its context and applied generally. The argument is that struggle is part of the model. Nevertheless, these projects raise crucial questions about proposals for mandatory social health insurance and have important implications for the national project of restructuring the health system for equity.
40
Bloodworth, Jeff. « Farewell to the vital center : a history of American liberalism, 1968-1980 / ». View abstract, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3214003.
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Carlos, Elza da Silva. « Fala Preta ! : mulheres negras no espaço urbano - origem e memória -1997 a 2007 ». Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2009. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/13198.
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Previous issue date: 2009-12-11Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
In the 1980 s, there developed a feminist movement of black women that where drawn and organized from various backgrounds and communities. These organizations developed into the creation of new political organizations of workingclass Black Women, leading in 1997 to the Fala Preta! NGO Black Women Organization. This is a study about the militant group Fala Preta! and how it has organized black women between the period of 1997 to 2007. During this study I have undertaken interviews with managers, who formed part of the selected projects and I have researched the historical documents and writings the organization. It contributes to the history of black women, and emphasizes how they suffered from discrimination of gender, race and social class within Brazilian society
Na década de 1980 iniciam-se um forte movimento de mulheres negras. Não se sentido contempladas no movimento feminista passaram a organizar-se a partir de suas especificidades. Varias entidades de Mulheres Negras foram criadas, entre elas, em 1197, a ONG Fala Preta! Organização de Mulheres Negras. O presente trabalho pretende levantar elementos para compreender como a equipe da Fala Preta! Organizou e desenvolveu projetos voltados às mulheres negras entre 1997 a 2007. Durante a pesquisa foram realizadas entrevistas qualitativas tanto com mulheres dirigentes como com as que participaram dos projetos selecionados. Foi utilizada também ampla bibliografia de assuntos relativizados ao livro. Espero com isso, poder contribuir para com a história das mulheres negras do Brasil que sofrem a tripla discriminação de gênero, raça e classe
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Mantovani, Claudia Kampus. « A assembleia de classe como prática possibilitadora da vivência democrática : uma experiência com alunos do Ensino Fundamental 2 ». Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2017. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/19928.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
The practice of the class assembly is an opportunity to live the democratic life, involving the transformation of interpersonal relations. Through the dialogue, all participants have the opportunity to express their opinion on conflicts or issues of interest to the group, finding solutions to problems and enabling reflective thinking about actions and reactions of everyday events. This research focus on analyzing the practice of class assembly in Elementary School 2 of a private school, as well as the conception, importance, characteristics, fundamentals and benefits of this experience for the democratic process, having as main references Michael Apple , Josep Puig, Ulisses Araújo, Telma Vinha and Jean Piaget. The research had a qualitative approach and the instrument used was the semistructured interview, where it was analyzed the practice of the class assembly in Elementary School 2, in a private school in the west zone of the capital of the State of São Paulo, being explored the benefits of the assembly looking for reflecting on the real possibility of the assembly bring together the school and the democratic experience. From the analysis of the interviews, it was concluded that the assembly made it possible to regulate interpersonal relations within the school environment and, in some cases, outside school's cases, as well as the in-school democratic experience, although the assembly in 2016 did not have been performed with the frequency proposed by Araújo and Puig
A prática da assembleia de classe constitui-se como oportunidade à vivência da vida democrática, atuando na transformação das relações interpessoais. Por meio do diálogo, todos os participantes têm a oportunidade de expressar a sua opinião sobre conflitos ocorridos ou assuntos de interesse do grupo, encontrando soluções para os problemas e viabilizando o pensamento reflexivo sobre ações e reações de fatos do cotidiano. Esta pesquisa tem o objetivo analisar a prática de assembleia de classe no Ensino Fundamental 2 de uma escola da rede particular, bem como a concepção, importância, características, fundamentos e benefícios dessa experiência para a vivência do processo democrático, tendo como principais referências Michael Apple, Josep Puig, Ulisses Araújo, Telma Vinha e Jean Piaget. A pesquisa teve uma abordagem qualitativa e o instrumento utilizado foi a entrevista semiestruturada, onde foi analisada a prática da assembleia de classe no Ensino Fundamental 2, em uma escola particular da zona oeste da capital do Estado de São Paulo, sendo explorados os benefícios desta com o intuito de refletir sobre a possibilidade da assembleia possibilitar, de fato, uma aproximação entre a escola e a vivência democrática. A partir da análise de resultados, concluiu-se que a assembleia possibilitou a regulação das relações interpessoais dentro do ambiente escolar e, em alguns casos, fora também, apesar da assembleia, no ano de 2016, não ter sido realizada com a frequência proposta por Araújo e Puig
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Hileman, Annmarie Long. « Student attitudes about class absences, class attendance, and requiring attendance at Virginia Tech ». Thesis, This resource online, 1992. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-10062009-020224/.
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Rakotoniaina, Tahina. « Explicit class field theory for rational function fields ». Thesis, Link to the online version, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/1993.
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Kwong, Hay-yin Freda, et 鄺希姘. « Housing for the middle income group : sandwichclass housing loan scheme (1993) ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1994. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31967772.
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Knotek, W. Ladd. « Smallmouth bass mortality during parental care : implications for year-class strength / ». Thesis, This resource online, 1995. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-02132009-172544/.
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Edwards, Mark Evan. « Toward explaining accelerated rates of employment among American mothers of preschoolers : 1965-1988 / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8876.
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Holloway, Gerry. « A common cause ? Class dynamics in the Industrial Women's Movement, 1888-1918 ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.282611.
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Gilfillan, Paul. « Cardenden 1999 : an ethnography of working class nationalism in a Scottish village ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/23017.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This ethnographic monograph, based upon research carried out during 1999 when the Scottish parliament was re-convened, outlines the structural and cultural logic of working class nationalism in Scotland today and grounds this reality, in particular among a younger generation, in the post-industrial village of Cardenden in central Fife. The central argument is that a politics of nationality is being driven by class realities and frames the desire to have Nation and State congruent without recourse to metaphors of ‘blood and soil’ and is indifferent to appeals to civic nationalism or civil society. As an ethnography of class this research ethnographically grounds the general idea of working class structuration and class habitus developed by the late Pierre Bourdieu by specifying an original conception of the Scottish working class habitus - specifically, the ‘worked self’. The chapters deal specifically with the crisis in the reproduction of locality, housing conditions, anti-social behaviour and eviction; ethnographically details a British and unionist identity among an older generation of locals and ethnographically and analytically details the embodied nature of work and personhood.
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Fotheringham, Steven Craig. « L.D.S. seminary dropouts in Arizona, an analysis of the class of 1989 ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184967.
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This study explored the relationship between L.D.S. seminary discontinuation and the characteristics of individual dropouts. It also sought to identify distinguishing characteristics of students who continue enrollment in seminary. The seminary teachers and the program itself were considered for their impact on a student's decision to continue attendance. Major factors such as peer associations, Priesthood involvement, parental influence and recruitment practices were considered. The roll of public school academic requirements in connection with premature seminary dissociation were also investigated. Initially a sample of dropout and continuing students form Southern Arizona were interviewed using an open-ended, semi-structured format. This process elicited data in four major domains: (1) discriminating personal characteristics; (2) external factors; (3) structural factors; and (4) church related factors. The responses were analyzed and used to develop a second questionnaire. This second survey was then administered to a larger sample of dropout and continuing students throughout Arizona.