Thèses sur le sujet « Civils et guerre – Allemagne – 1900-1945 »
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Arnaud, Patrice. « Les travailleurs civils français en Allemagne pendant la Seconde guerre mondiale (1940-1945) : travail, vie quotidienne, accommodement, résistance et répression ». Paris 1, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA010678.
Texte intégralFauroux, Camille. « Les travailleuses civiles de France : des femmes dans la production de guerre de l'Allemagne national-socialiste (1940-1945) ». Paris, EHESS, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016EHES0117.
Texte intégralThis study considers how transnational work policies and nation-building projects shaped the intimate, daily lives of the 80,000 women who departed from France to work in Nazi Germany between 1940 and 1944. The large-scale employement of foreign labor in Germany was part of a broader strategy to increase military production without disturbing the Nazi family order. The German recruitement of French women created tensions for the French state which sought both to foster economic collaboration and restore the French family. This dissertation examines these transnational wartime labor policies and discourses and links them to personal experience, drawing on a case study of French women employed in Berlin's electronic industry. These women lived in foreign workers' camps organized by their employers. These camps were key in enabling surveillance and work coercion, while preventing families from living together. In this context, the women created precarious and informal romantic relations, many giving birth to children. Mother-child ties were monitored and facilitated in the camps, but became increasingly difficult to maintain as work pressure rose. Bridging transnational and personal scales, this thesis examines the nexus of war, work, and family while addressing themes of agency, gender, and memory
Cadiot, Aliénor. « Vichy et les Algériens : Indigènes civils musulmans algériens en France métropolitaine (1939-1944) ». Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020EHES0131.
Texte intégralThe presence of tens of thousands of Algerians in metropolitan France between 1939 and 1944 is a known fact but one which has not been studied with precision, neither by the historiography of the Second World War, nor by that of the French colonial empire. Considered static, Algerian immigration is in reality a dynamic phenomenon. Indeed, between 1939 and 1942, three migratory waves took place between the two shores of the Mediterranean.On the eve of the war, Algeria is a territory worked by powerful and opposing political forces, ranging from separatism to assimilationism. At the end of 1939 and at the beginning of 1940, the Third Republic set up recruitments in Algeria for the needs of the war economy, as part of a wider recruitment process in various colonies. In this context, the installation of the Vichy regime in Algeria is a complex phenomenon, and it would be artificial to separate Algeria from the metropole.Simoultaneously, an intense surveillance of the populations considered as "North Africans", in majority Algerians, is organized: the Vichy regime sets up a secret service whose aim is to monitor the propagation of Nazi propaganda on both shores of the Mediterranean (the Algerian Affairs Service, SAA). This service is created in Marseilles, the nodal point of all questions relating to Algeria during the war years: indeed, beyond the SAA, the North African workforce services (MONA) of the whole metropole are also largely headed by that of Marseilles, which is in charge of managing the migratory flow across the Mediterranean. Indeed, just after the armistice, the new Vichy regime initiated a repatriation of Algerians to Algeria, which intensified from the summer of 1940 to the beginning of 1941, in the hope of reducing unemployment in the metropole. Conversely, from the year 1942 and in the broader context of forced recruitment of european workers by Germany, a new recruitment for the metropole is organized in Algeria, while many Algerians try to flee forms of work that do not suit them. This recruitment is particularly intense for the mining sector.In the occupied zone, surveillance efforts concentrate on Paris. The city is particularly suspect. Indeed, while the Parisian institutions dedicated to the administration of "North Africans" in the region are grappling with the conditions of the German occupation, a certain number of Algerians are in contact with both the collaborationist parties and with the occupation authorities, whether for political or commercial reasons. After the landing in North Africa on November 8th, 1942 and the following invasion of the southern zone three days later, as the entire metropolitan territory passed under German occupation and Algeria into the hands of the Allies, the Etat français makes efforts to overhaul the metropolitan services in charge of the administration of "North Africans", in fact inventing a new content for the phrase. Until the last days of the occupation, this administration will ensure that "North Africans" remain "loyal" to the Empire and to France
Régis, Nina. « Le pain de guerre allemand : une histoire culturelle de l'arrière, 1914-1919 ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Toulouse 2, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022TOU20083.
Texte intégralDuring the First World War, as it was impossible to import raw material and cereals from enemy countries, Germany had to impose bread rationing on the population. The first food to be rationed was bread. From the beginning of the conflict in 1914 to the treaty of Versailles in 1919, this study’s objective is to understand the experience of this food and in what way it’s qualitative and quantitative evolution influenced the Homefront’s will to support the war. The question leads to link the history of the senses with the history of emotions, the study of social practices and of cultural representations, of the press and the censorship, of the politics of bread, of the medicine and of the food security. The anticipation of the first shortages materializes from 1914 to 1916 through the creation of new institutions and the search for new substitutes to replace flour, but also through the invention of a war bread, which consumption becomes a patriotic gesture. From 1916 on, the bread’s qualitative and quantitative decline leads to the expression of disgust and to its refusal, although it continues to be suffered by the consumers and mocked by the enemies. From 1918 to 1919, war bread remains in the heart of demands for the return to the tastes of peace times and a more fundamental reassessment of the rationing system, as well as the State’s role. This study had been made possible thanks to many precious archives and invites to question several prejudices concerning « the German war bread » rooted in a more ancient opposition between white and black bread. The conservation of material traces and the transmission of bread-making practices in the long run indicate the capital role of this food for the experience, but also for the remembrance of the war. They prove the interest of a subject which stakes stretch out until the Second World War
Während des Ersten Weltkrieges, als keine Rohstoffe und Getreide mehr aus den benachbarten verfeindeten Staaten importiert werden konnten, mussten Lebensmittel in Deutschland rationiert werden. Das erste rationierte Lebensmittel war das Brot. Vom Anfang des Krieges an, im Jahre 1914, bis zum Vertrag von Versailles im Jahre 1919 geht es darum, die Broterfahrung zu erforschen und zu zeigen, inwiefern die qualitativen und quantitativen Veränderungen die Bereitschaft, der in der Heimat verbliebenen, den Krieg weiterhin zu unterstützen, beeinflusste. Diese Frage ermöglicht es, die Geschichte der Sinne und der Emotionsgeschichte, die Studie der sozialen Praktiken und der kulturellen Darstellungen, der Presse und der Zensur, der Brotpolitik, der Medizin und der Ernährungssichterheit, miteinander zu verbinden. Den ersten Mangelerscheinungen wurde zwischen 1914 und 1916 einerseits durch die Bildung von neuen Institutionen und durch die Suche nach neuen Ersatzmehlsorten entgegengewirkt, andererseits durch die Erfindung eines Kriegsbrotes, dessen Konsum als eine patriotische Geste gedeutet wurde. Ab 1916 rief die qualitative Verschlechterung des Grundnahrungsmittels, das abgelehnt, doch oft erduldet und von den Feinden verspottet wurde, das Gefühl des Ekels hervor. Zwischen 1918 und 1919 befindet sich das Kriegsbrot im Mittelpunkt der Forderungen nach einer Rückkehr zu den Geschmäckern der Friedenszeiten, und zugleich einer grundsätzlicheren Infragestellung des Rationierungssystems und der Rolle des Staates. Ermöglicht wurde diese Forschung durch eine günstige Quellenlage. Durch diese werden Vorurteile bezüglich des « deutschen Kriegsbrotes » hinterfragt, die mit der viel älteren Gegenüberstellung zwischen Weiß- und Schwarzbrot zusammenhängen. Die langfristige Konservierung der materiellen Spuren und die Weitergabe der Herstellungspraktiken deuten auf die wesentliche Rolle des Nahrungsmittels für die Kriegserfahrung, aber auch für die Erinnerung an den Krieg. Sie beweisen die zentrale Stelle eines Themas, das bis zum Zweiten Weltkrieg weiterhin eine Schlüsselrolle einnimmt
Fagot, Maude. « Kommunikation in Kriegsgesellschaften am Beispiel der Evakuierung der deutsch-französischen Grenzregion (1939/40) ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040155.
Texte intégralWhile France and Great-Britain were about to declare war on Germany, more than one million persons were evacuated from the Franco-German Border. Led on both side of the border by civilian and military authorities, the Alsatians, Lorrainers, Badners and Saarlanders living between the defence lines (Maginot-Line, Siegfried Line) were transported inside their own country. These evacuations measures formed – after the mobilization on the front of the men in-age to fight – the second important measure of war, which turned these civil societies into war societies. This transformation has not only consequences on political, economic and social level, but also on communication, which is the topic of this doctoral thesis. The evacuations phenomena allow us to shed light on state propaganda on a national and international level, to reveal the communication methods and interactions between the local authorities and the evacuees and finally to show the communications systems within groups of evacuees by analysing rumours on pillages of the evacuated region. This approach highlights a history of communication in both French and German war society based on top-down and bottom-up perspectives and on comparative and transnational analyses. Communication in war society appears as the fruit of negotiations and interactions in constant evolution between agents with different interests. This study emphasized the limits of the state’s influence over the population, both in a republican democratic state as the French Third Republic and in a dictatorial state with totalitarian ambitions such as the “Third Reich”
Francois, Anne. « Exploiter terres et populations conquises au nom du national-socialisme : l'Ostland dans les Ardennes pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale ». Thesis, Normandie, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019NORMC030/document.
Texte intégralIn May 1940, the population of the Ardennes fled from the arrival of the German troops. The economic and agricultural ressources of the department, which yet had been subject to evacuation plans since the thirties, were given up to the occupying forces. A few weeks later, a large area of the North-East of France including the Ardennes was declared « forbidden zone ». The cultivable land was confiscated from its owners and taken over for the benefit of the Reich by a company named Ostland, which had already orchestrated a similar spoliation movement in Poland since its invasion. One of its local subsidiaries, WOL III , set up in the Ardennes a vast project to implement the National Socialist agricultural methods which required an abundant workforce. Some German farmers, called crop managers, were sent out there to run large farms on which several thousands of French and colonial prisoners as well as 5000 Ardennes farmers were working under duress. Jewish labourers were also recruited and thousands of Poles, expelled from their villages, were deported to work on these farms with intensive agriculture. This situation caused social tensions that were particuliarly evident during the Liberation and during the « purification » trials involving some WOL employees. French authorities tried to manage the liquidation of the German company and the organisation of the repatriation of the Poles, two difficult operations that took many months to complete. Recognition of Ostland victims was uneven and late since it occurred only from the 1990s onwards. Distinct memories specific to the different groups of workers also emerged at that time and were expressed during commemorations
Cerovic, Masha. « Les Enfants de Joseph : les partisans soviétiques : révolution, guerre civile et résistance armée à l'occupation allemande en URSS (1941-1944) ». Paris 1, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA010669.
Texte intégralChopard, Thomas. « La guerre aux civils : les violences contre les populations juives d'Ukraine (1917-1924) : guerre totale, occupations, insurrections, pogroms ». Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0147.
Texte intégralCivil War that ravaged the former Russian Empire after 1917, was also the moment of the worst anti-Jewish persecution before Holocaust, a mix between a deadly war and a new wave of specific violence against Jews. This work explores why emerged a new form of anti-Semitism, fulfilled with religious and economic resentment, but also deeply renewed by a new powerful myth : judeo-bolshevism. Anti-Semitism worsens after 1917 revolution because the Jew's image was a powerful imaginary antagonism for nationalisms - both Ukrainian and Russian - that fought against the supporters of a soviet regime in Ukraine. Anti-Semitism was therefore a basic category in daily management of civilian populations, and especially of the two million Jews in Ukraine, by fighting armies. This context led to mass perpetration of anti-Jewish pogroms that are analysed in details in their patterns and variations. The most extreme forms of violence are emphasized, especially cases of violence from Christians against their Jewish neighbours that moulded a politic of ethnic cleansing and sometimes of extermination. Finally are analysed the immediate and long term effects of violence on the victims. Massive war refugees were brutally managed by neighbour countries, in a last moment of violence. Recomposition of the Jewish population and its prompt integration to the new Soviet society closed this sequence of a decade of war
Geiger, Wolfgang. « L'image de la France dans l'Allemagne hitlérienne et pendant l'après-guerre immédiat ». Nantes, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996NANT3007.
Texte intégralThis analysis of the image of france and the french is based on about a hundred of monographs (political and historical works, journalistic reports, memories of soldiers). Concerning the war period, we have also exploited the weekly das reich and special reviews as well as archive documents dealing with the perception of the french by the german authorities and with their cultural propaganda. The analysis demonstrates that until 1938, in the context of hitler's peace propaganda", different views of the french could coexist: first, friedrich sieburg's approach which was nevertheless marked by a sentiment of "love and hate", second, paul distelbarth's francophile approach (eclipsed by the defense of nazi germany in the french edition of his book); and third, the ethno-racism of the so-called "raciologues". But all tendencies agreed on the antithetical opposition between french and german "being", culminating in the idea that the french work for living whereas the german live for working. But different political judgements about the degree of "french guiltiness" in this war were opposing each other even in the propaganda writings of 1939 40. Behind the problems of tactics which dominated during the occupation of france, concerning the question of collaboration from the german point of view, the stereotypical perception of the french was intensified, but more than one author revealed a sentiment of ambiguity or even of "love and hate" in a sieburgian way, at least by being jealous of the status of the intellectuals and more generally of culture in france. Were the french able to change their attitude after german victory and under the pressure of collaboration, this was the question dominating the writings about vichy france. The last part of the thesis points out in which mesure many of these stereotypes persisted in occupied western germany, beyond the political turn of 1945
Ingrao, Christian. « Les intellectuels SS du SD, 1900-1945 ». Amiens, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001AMIE0007.
Texte intégralFagot, Maude. « Kommunikation in Kriegsgesellschaften am Beispiel der Evakuierung der deutsch-französischen Grenzregion (1939/40) ». Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040155.
Texte intégralWhile France and Great-Britain were about to declare war on Germany, more than one million persons were evacuated from the Franco-German Border. Led on both side of the border by civilian and military authorities, the Alsatians, Lorrainers, Badners and Saarlanders living between the defence lines (Maginot-Line, Siegfried Line) were transported inside their own country. These evacuations measures formed – after the mobilization on the front of the men in-age to fight – the second important measure of war, which turned these civil societies into war societies. This transformation has not only consequences on political, economic and social level, but also on communication, which is the topic of this doctoral thesis. The evacuations phenomena allow us to shed light on state propaganda on a national and international level, to reveal the communication methods and interactions between the local authorities and the evacuees and finally to show the communications systems within groups of evacuees by analysing rumours on pillages of the evacuated region. This approach highlights a history of communication in both French and German war society based on top-down and bottom-up perspectives and on comparative and transnational analyses. Communication in war society appears as the fruit of negotiations and interactions in constant evolution between agents with different interests. This study emphasized the limits of the state’s influence over the population, both in a republican democratic state as the French Third Republic and in a dictatorial state with totalitarian ambitions such as the “Third Reich”
Vonau, Elsa. « De la cité-jardins à la ville-satellite : circulation et métamorphoses d'un modèle urbain en France et en Allemagne du début du vingtième siècle aux années 1924 ». Paris, EHESS, 2007. http://books.openedition.org/septentrion/4030.
Texte intégralThe research deals with the French and German reception of the garden city project which originated in England at the onset of the 20th century. It aims at elucidating the weight of forms in the development of cities – both, in regard to the elaboration of knowledge about the city and the development of urban policies – across the prism of exchanges generated by the project. In linking the perspective of transfers to that the comparison, the thesis follows the English project’s trajectory in France and Germany between the beginning of the 20th century and 1924 : the process of assimiliation of a common project is scrutinized for the nature of contacts as well as for potential coincidences in urban evolutions in the two countries which hitherto had experienced a very unlike development of urban growth, urban tissues and urbanistic knowledge
Laparra, Jean-Claude. « Matériels de circonstances et fabrications de guerre dans l'armée allemande, 1914-1918 ». Paris 1, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1995PA010554.
Texte intégralThe author intends to prove that the situation of the military materials shows what was insufficient in the german army during the first world war and how economically exhausted germany was. Actually, throughout this fight , german soldiers were not equipped only with materials which were modern, german, well designed, suitably made as in peace time, sufficently delivered, etc. Many others, which the german army was provided with, had a conceiving, a realization and a distribution which were issued owing to the producing conditions of this period and circumstances. This situation - combined with failures, for instance in the preparation of the mobilization - shows the imperfection of the german 'war machine'; only by itself, it does not explain the defeat of the german army but it certainly makes up one of the reasons
Leleu, Jean-Luc. « Soldats politiques en guerre : sociologie, organisations, rôles et comportements de la Waffen-SS en considération particulière de leur présence en Europe de l'Ouest : 1940-1945 ». Caen, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005CAEN1419.
Texte intégralKoulberg, André. « Les identités collectives : concept et stratégie (France-Allemagne) 1880-1945 ». Aix-Marseille 1, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008AIX10047.
Texte intégralGuillot, Hélène. « Photographier la Grande Guerre : les soldats de la mémoire, 1915-1919 ». Paris 1, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA010617.
Texte intégralBourrinet, Philippe. « Aux origines du courant communiste international des conseils : la Gauche communiste hollandaise (1907-1950) : du tribunisme au conseillisme ». Paris 1, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988PA010553.
Texte intégralThe 'dutch marxist school', a revolutionary current represented most by gorter and pannekoek, arrose at the turn of the century. In opposition to the 'reformism' and 'opportunism' of the 2. International, it was first supported by lenin, before he rebuffed them in 1920. During the german revolution (1918-21), they became the theoretical leaders of the "councils movement" (aau, kapd), standing up against unionism and parlamentarism. This communist 'dutch-german' left - hostile to the russian state policy - was expelled from komintern in 1921. The council communist current fought the 'party communism' and the 'state communism'. After 1933 this one 'withdrew' to the netherlands and took over the theoretical head of the concilist groups who had escaped from the german catastrophe. Hostile to any political organization, the dutch gic of pannekoek and canne-meijer disappeared in 1940. Despite a short revival in 1945 (spartacusbond), the dutch 'councilism' little by little faded away. After 1968 the councilism had a significant ideological influence by its rejection of all political and trade unionist apparatus of the 'old workers' movement', which the rank and file of the workers often criticise. 'Councilism' today has many similarities with the old anarchist current
Hajji, Iman. « Première guerre mondiale, panislamisme et nationalisme tunisien : parcours de figures tunisiennes en Allemagne au début du 20ème siècle ». Thesis, Lyon, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LYSE2128.
Texte intégralThis thesis is devoted to five figures of the Tunisian national movement of the early 20th century, all of whom were linked to the German Empire and, directly or indirectly, to its policy of inciting insurrection in Muslim countries: Salih al-Sharif al-Tunisi, Muhammad al-Khidr Husayn (env. 1873-1958), Ali Bach Hamba (1876-1918), Muhammad Bach Hamba (1881-1920) et Muhammad Ali al-Hammi (about 1890-1928).The objective of this research is to contribute to the work that is beginning to focus on this period in both Germany and Tunisia to fill a clear gap. To this end, we propose to try to see to what extent the stay in Germany of the above-mentioned Tunisian elite figures, before and after the First World War, had an impact on their approach. Indeed, our project aims toidentify the writings and actions of these little-known figures and to analyse their discourses to show the specificities that distinguish them from other thinkers who lived in France or elsewhere. The figures, which we have chosen to study, are among those characters neglected by scientific research in disregard of the importance of their political, religious andphilosophical theories, both in Tunisia and in France, and even in Germany where they have lived. Despite the limited information available about these characters, we have found enough evidence to attest to the importance of the role they have played in promoting and defending their country's cause. Their link with Germany has allowed them to interact with German thinkers and actors, both in the context of their studies in Germany and in the context of the official collaborative relationships that some of them had with the German authorities, particularly during the First World War.In this context, pan-Islamism is an equally important concept, as it is the second guiding principle of this work. Born of the need for a political unity of Muslims and the liberation from foreign domination, it is an anti-imperialist, but also anti-nationalist current. By studying the common interests that prevailed between Tunisians and Germans and by studying thepaths of the above-mentioned figures and their thinking, we show how anti-nationalist panIslamism and Tunisian nationalism could go hand in hand
Williams, Nicholas J. « An ‘evil year in exile’ ? The evacuation of the Franco-German border areas in 1939 under democratic and totalitarian conditions ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040209.
Texte intégralBetween the end of August and early September 1939, between 700,000 and one million civilians were evacuated from the Saarland, the Palatinate, and Baden to the centre of what was then Germany. From the Moselle and Alsace, around 600,000 civilians were evacuated to south-west France. Those measures were the result of a long development, the origins of which can be traced back the Napoleonic Wars and the Great War. The present thesis analyses the developments which led to those evacuations within the framework of civil defence policies during the interwar period in France and Germany. It explores the execution of the evacuation programme in both countries from a comparative perspective, concentrating on the Moselle and the Saarland. What results is that the totalisation of warfare, in this case as seen in the erection of fortified defence lines and the evacuation of civilians later resulting therefrom, are phenomena independent of any given political systems or national frameworks, and therefore transnational ones. Moreover, the movements of refugees are only to a certain degree controllable on either side of the border, and looting likewise occurs on both sides. Nevertheless, the Third Republic managed, in part due to the experience the country had with refugees during the First World War, to organise and look after their refugees more efficiently than Germany did. The French administration and support system for refugees was more efficiently organised, compared with their German counterparts, where ideological constraints and the duality of civilian administrations and the National Socialist party greatly hampered efficiency in the execution of the evacuation programme
Romanova, Mariya. « La politique étrangère française et l’Ukraine de la fin de la Première Guerre Mondiale à 1921 ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040067.
Texte intégralThe I World War’s bursting changes the political balance in the central and oriental Europe. The collapse of the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires favours new state-nations’ birth, in particulary the one of Ukraine. The young country torn during some centuries appears on two empires’ ruins. The new Ukrainian government confronts powerful opponents: the Volunteer Army and the Red Army. On the Ukrainian politicians’ mind, Provisional Government’s politics contrary to the principle of self-determination of nations. The Russian Provisory Government’s leaders headed by Alexander Kerensky and Bolsheviks headed by Vladimir Lenin protest against the Ukrainian independent state’s constitution. Their aim consists to conserve Ukraine under the Russian guardianship. In these conditions, Ukraine is searching for the military assistance of two adverse warring camps: those of Allied nations and Central Powers. There are two political tendencies in France. Some dignitaries consider that former Russian colonies should fight with Allied countries and Russia against Central Powers. This group of politicians is favorable to the reconstruction of the one and indivisible Russian empire. Military forces’ gathering is based on the self-determination principle. Their aim is to create a permanent body to promote the cause of national self-determination. The second tendency represented by Jean Pélissier privileged the fight against bolshevist forces with the young Ukrainian country. This political camp didn’t consider Ukrainian politicians to be germanophile. At the beginning of the XX th century, two adversary camps: those of Central Powers and Allied countries use the Ukrainian political asset to achieve their aims during the First World War
Becquet-Lavoinne, Claude. « Général Walther von Seydlitz-Kurzbach, 1888-1976 : un officier prussien face aux totalitarismes du XXe siècle ». Rouen, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009ROUEL022.
Texte intégralMember of one of Prussia's oldest and proudest military families, general Walther von Seydlitz-Kurzbach was torn between his oath of loyalty and his concern for the welfare of Germany, he chose the latter. At Stalingrad he was the only general who called for the disobedience of Hitler's orders, to save the 250000 men of the sixth Army. In September 1943, he decided to head a group of captured German soldiers and officers under Soviet sponsorship, in an attempt to achieve the war, to depose Hitler and to replace the Nazi regime with a lawful government. On 16/4/1944 Hitler condemned the "traitorous general" to death in absentia. Stalin decided to subvert the National Committee for free Germany and turn it into a cadre training school to staff Russia's anticipated share of Germany. General v. Seydlitz did not want to become a communist and refused another dictatorship for Germany. Back to homeland in 1955, he found himself anathema, thus he had proved his opposition, both to Nazism and Stalinism. He was rehabilited in 1995 but his biography between two totalitarianism still raises polemics
Rosenberg, André. « Les enfants juifs et tsiganes dans les camps d'internement français et les camps de concentration du IIIe Reich ». Paris 1, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA010641.
Texte intégralRomanova, Mariya. « La politique étrangère française et l’Ukraine de la fin de la Première Guerre Mondiale à 1921 ». Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040067.
Texte intégralThe I World War’s bursting changes the political balance in the central and oriental Europe. The collapse of the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires favours new state-nations’ birth, in particulary the one of Ukraine. The young country torn during some centuries appears on two empires’ ruins. The new Ukrainian government confronts powerful opponents: the Volunteer Army and the Red Army. On the Ukrainian politicians’ mind, Provisional Government’s politics contrary to the principle of self-determination of nations. The Russian Provisory Government’s leaders headed by Alexander Kerensky and Bolsheviks headed by Vladimir Lenin protest against the Ukrainian independent state’s constitution. Their aim consists to conserve Ukraine under the Russian guardianship. In these conditions, Ukraine is searching for the military assistance of two adverse warring camps: those of Allied nations and Central Powers. There are two political tendencies in France. Some dignitaries consider that former Russian colonies should fight with Allied countries and Russia against Central Powers. This group of politicians is favorable to the reconstruction of the one and indivisible Russian empire. Military forces’ gathering is based on the self-determination principle. Their aim is to create a permanent body to promote the cause of national self-determination. The second tendency represented by Jean Pélissier privileged the fight against bolshevist forces with the young Ukrainian country. This political camp didn’t consider Ukrainian politicians to be germanophile. At the beginning of the XX th century, two adversary camps: those of Central Powers and Allied countries use the Ukrainian political asset to achieve their aims during the First World War
Gayme, Évelyne. « L'image des prisonniers de guerre français de la Seconde guerre mondiale : 1940-2000 ». Paris 10, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA100127.
Texte intégralContrarily to World War One prisoners of war, those of World War Two have never been forgotten. Owing to the movie La Grande Illusion, which came out in 1937 and again in 1946, prisoners were in all minds, especially as every family knew a prisoner personally. A basic image spread, in which the French people recognized themselves : prisoners were victims, average Frenchmen. This image was created during the war and carried on, owing to movies, literature and the self-censored witnesses who agreed with the existing image. As prisoners of war feared they had to justify themselves for the French defeat, censored themselves and selected the tales they chose to tell. However the public opinion's view was only negative during summer and autumn of 1945, on account of the Pétain trial. But prisoners of war were officially proclaimed fighting men as from 1949. This image, though constantly present in society, did not alter much and at that only with the abilities of identification and the expectations of the French people. The prisoner of war was an ordinary man facing the gaullien resistant during the Sixties. He hated war while decolonization took place. He proved that the enemy could be human even when the Cold War demonized the Other. During the Fifties, a minority among senior prisoners rose against this image, which did not show their private sufferings and the values in which they believed. The prisoners chose the Seventies to reestablish a more realistic picture of what they had lived through and enlightered the dark hours of World War Two. Unsuccessfully : the French people being unable to identify with too specific an image. Nowadays, senior prisoners argue that each one of their experience was so unique that no one image can reflect the diversity or their traumas
Laurent, Benoit. « L' évacuation de 1939-1940 pour les départements du Bas-Rhin, du Haut-Rhin et de la Moselle : Etude juridique, économique et sociale ». Strasbourg, 2011. https://publication-theses.unistra.fr/restreint/theses_doctorat/2011/LAURENT_Benoit_2011.pdf.
Texte intégralThe evacuation of Alsace-Moselle (Bas-Rhin, Haut-Rhin and Moselle) in 1939-40, with about 700. 000 displaced persons, is one of the most underestimated chapters in modern history. This thesis deals with the evacuation and temporary habitation of the displaced population in the Southwest and with its return. The concept of evacuation is defined first and foremost before approaching the political context at the time and the preparations for the operation. The first part of this paper discusses the conditions in which the evacuation and settlement unfolded, drawing on testimonies from diverse sources. As a result of the evacuation, the departmental and communal administrations were significantly reshaped. In the second part, the paper deals with the economic and social consequences of the event. The Armistice of 1940 signed by France and Germany signalled the return of a great majority of the evacuees to their region of origin. The German administration also imposed conditions of return, using a harsh filtering process. Moreover, the Germans erased all traces of French presence. The thesis then approaches the issue of compensation, assistance perceived by the evacuees, as well as the payment of requisitions ordered by civil and military authorities. This paper is not concerned with judging the legitimacy of the evacuation. Rather, with the aid of numerous archival documents, it demonstrates the incoherence of an operation which, in theory, appeared flawless. Three main reasons can be attributed for this: the lack of material means, the lack of cohesion between civil and military authorities and, in particular, the lack of preliminary information to the concerned population
Alcouffe, François. « L’analyse psychologique des dirigeants étrangers par le diplomate : André François-Poncet et les dirigeants nazis ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040042.
Texte intégralDifferent from usual monographs this research deep dives into Nazi leaders’mind from André François-Poncet’ angle, the in Berlin French ambassador from 1931 to 1938. A few years later in Rome again as French ambassador from 1938 to 1940 then in Germany as prisoner from 1943 to 1945 the distance helped him prolong his reflection about Nazism. Atmosphere of the period is probably one of the keys of German 1933-1945 history understanding. François-Poncet was one of those who perceived it as well as the nazi menace the better and the more precociously. This is a three part plan. First François-Poncet’s assessment about Germans, then about the circles of power and ultimately about Hitler himself. This is a multidisciplinary approach involving both historical and psychological analysis about Nazism phenomenon, one of the greatest and evolutive historiography ever. Based on qualitative study of the diplomat’s intellectual output it is carried out from his reports, his written papers and Archives nationales André François-Poncet private fund
Fontaine, Thomas. « Déporter : politiques de déportation et répression en France occupée : 1940-1944 ». Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010602/document.
Texte intégralDeportations by means of large-scale transports of 1,000 people, small convoys of 50 prisoners, killing executions, reckless slaughter. ... German repression in Occupied France took many forms. The measure of this repression that claimed the largest number of victims in Occupied France from 1940 to 1944 was deportation. Tens of thousands - at least 60,500 people from France's northern and southern occupied zones - were subject to this enormous forced transfer to the Reich's concentrationary and prison systems. This study demonstrates that to comprehend deportees as a group, we must first focus on the steps involved in their deportation. The concept of deportation policies has enabled us to think through such a process. By envisaging deportation as a congeries of policies, we can examine the objectives of the Germans, specify transfer conditions, and explain their results. Further, this work offers an indispensable contextualization by placing these deportation policies within the larger framework of the repressive methods established in Occupied France. Finally, because this subject could not be delimited and explored using this approach after the World War Il, we discuss the function of representations and of memory, as well as their ramifications for historiography
Guilloteau, Virginie. « Evacuation et assistance à la population civile espagnole pendant la guerre d'Espagne (1936-1939) ». Thesis, Tours, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011TOUR2019.
Texte intégralWhen the military uprising against the Popular Front leading the Second Republic took place in Spain on the 17th-18th July, 1936, the status quo was upset. This break in the historical process triggered the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). Like in many other conflicts that marked the history of mankind, the beginning of hostilities in Spain forced civilians to move and leave their homes. In most cases, these people left the war areas either in great disorder or in an organized way. Since the Civil War (1936-1939) was the first European conflict in which there was a need to move a large number of people – particularly women, children, elderly people and the sick – in order to avoid war dangers, the Republican power had to devise and implement unprecedented evacuation and assistance measures. However, the Republican authorities were not alone in this, since many national and international political organizations, trade unions and associations cooperated with them. It should not be forgotten that the Spanish Civil War was a fratricidal conflict that triggered unprecedented international action ; besides, some countries agreed to welcome Spanish refugees, especially when they were children. Due to its proximity to Spain, France was, by far, the country which accepted the largest number of refugees
Desquesnes, Rémy. « Atlantikwall et Sudwall, la défense allemande sur le littoral français (1941-1944) ». Caen, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987CAEN1031.
Texte intégralIn order to guard himself against a possible landing of the allied forces while the wehrmacht was busy fighting on the russian battle front, hitler made a decision in december 1941 (a week after the usa had gone into the war) to have a line of defence works built on the coast line of western europe. Various "weisungen" (directives) were tp schedule fortification building operations as well as the different types of defensive works to be built on the shore. The todt organisation, an agency of the nazi party, which would achieve such schemes of the reich government as road network, the siegfried line, etc. . . Was in charge. The building of the atlantic wall started in mid 1942. To achieve this large scale scheme (consisting of 15,000 concrete works along a 2,500 mls shore line, from friesland to the spanish border) the o. T. Hired the services of major public building firms both in the reich and in occupied western countries, and gave the o. T. The run of a large number either of workers under requisition or p. O. W. S. While some people worked for the germans, others were striving, at the peril of their lives, to provide the allied forces with intelligence (charts of coastal defence works, location or airfields and radar stations, v1 and v2 launching sites, movements of troops. . . ) this information did prove useful in complementing that collected from aerial photographs, the most important source of information the allied forces had then. In spite of the bulk of defensive works actually achieved and the 4,000 pieces of more or less heavy artillery scattered along the coast of europe, nowhere did the atlantic wall really prevent landing. Nevertheless, this coastal defence system as a whole played a considerable part strategically. Particularly, in so far as it obliged the allied forces to make important preparations, the coastal defence works retarded the moment when the anglo-american forces could possibly land on the continent. The atlantic wall thus did play a not in the least negligible part in the course of events in w. W. Ii
Barbier, Claude. « Des "événements de Haute-Savoie" à Glières, mars 1943-mai 1944 : action et répression du maquis savoyard ». Paris 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA010615.
Texte intégralWilliams, Nicholas J. « An ‘evil year in exile’ ? The evacuation of the Franco-German border areas in 1939 under democratic and totalitarian conditions ». Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040209.
Texte intégralBetween the end of August and early September 1939, between 700,000 and one million civilians were evacuated from the Saarland, the Palatinate, and Baden to the centre of what was then Germany. From the Moselle and Alsace, around 600,000 civilians were evacuated to south-west France. Those measures were the result of a long development, the origins of which can be traced back the Napoleonic Wars and the Great War. The present thesis analyses the developments which led to those evacuations within the framework of civil defence policies during the interwar period in France and Germany. It explores the execution of the evacuation programme in both countries from a comparative perspective, concentrating on the Moselle and the Saarland. What results is that the totalisation of warfare, in this case as seen in the erection of fortified defence lines and the evacuation of civilians later resulting therefrom, are phenomena independent of any given political systems or national frameworks, and therefore transnational ones. Moreover, the movements of refugees are only to a certain degree controllable on either side of the border, and looting likewise occurs on both sides. Nevertheless, the Third Republic managed, in part due to the experience the country had with refugees during the First World War, to organise and look after their refugees more efficiently than Germany did. The French administration and support system for refugees was more efficiently organised, compared with their German counterparts, where ideological constraints and the duality of civilian administrations and the National Socialist party greatly hampered efficiency in the execution of the evacuation programme
du, Réau Élisabeth. « Edouard Daladier et le problème de la sécurité de la France : 1933-1940 ». Paris 1, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA010631.
Texte intégralAlcouffe, François. « L’analyse psychologique des dirigeants étrangers par le diplomate : André François-Poncet et les dirigeants nazis ». Thesis, Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040042.
Texte intégralDifferent from usual monographs this research deep dives into Nazi leaders’mind from André François-Poncet’ angle, the in Berlin French ambassador from 1931 to 1938. A few years later in Rome again as French ambassador from 1938 to 1940 then in Germany as prisoner from 1943 to 1945 the distance helped him prolong his reflection about Nazism. Atmosphere of the period is probably one of the keys of German 1933-1945 history understanding. François-Poncet was one of those who perceived it as well as the nazi menace the better and the more precociously. This is a three part plan. First François-Poncet’s assessment about Germans, then about the circles of power and ultimately about Hitler himself. This is a multidisciplinary approach involving both historical and psychological analysis about Nazism phenomenon, one of the greatest and evolutive historiography ever. Based on qualitative study of the diplomat’s intellectual output it is carried out from his reports, his written papers and Archives nationales André François-Poncet private fund
Grohmann-Nogarède, Annette. « L’hebdomadaire « Die Zukunft » (1938-1940) et ses auteurs (1899-1979) : penser l’Europe et le monde au XXe siècle ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL194.
Texte intégralDie Zukunft, a publication of antifascist émigrés in Paris which came out from 1938 to 1940, invites us to enquire into the influence of intellectuals during the interwar period and particularly into the initiatives of émigrés to warn the Western democracies against the nazi dictature and its expansionist goals. It allows, in fact, to discover an impressive transnational network of 332 authors from 25 countries and distinguishes itself by the implication of well-known intellectuals and politicians, such as Heinrich, Thomas, Klaus and Erika Mann, Alfred Döblin, Lion Feuchtwanger, H.G. Wells, Aldous Huxley, Harold Macmillan, Clement Attlee, Édouard Daladier or Édouard Herriot. Even Jawaharlal Nehru participates in the debate about the future of the colonial empires, an important issue in the Zukunft.The different groups of Die Zukunft authors have played important roles before and after its publication in Western intellectual and political life. The debate in the Zukunft is replaced in the context of intellectual and political history from 1899 to 1979, in order to understand in how far it reflects the evolution of intellectual thought in the 20th century, and how the actions of its authors have contributed to create Europe and the world as we know them today