Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Civilians in war – Colombia »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Civilians in war – Colombia"
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Kaplan, Oliver. « Protecting civilians in civil war ». Journal of Peace Research 50, no 3 (mai 2013) : 351–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343313477884.
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Can local organizations give civilians the capacity to protect themselves from civil war violence? Civilians have traditionally been considered powerless when facing armed groups but new research suggests organized communities may promote security through nonviolent strategies such as resolving disputes between neighbors and managing relations with macro-armed actors. This article analyzes whether and how these ‘mechanisms’ designed to retain community autonomy functioned in the community-case of the Peasant Worker Association of the Carare River (ATCC) in Colombia. The Carare civilians developed a local institutional process to investigate threats against suspected armed group collaborators to clarify the ‘fog of war’ and reform civilian preferences to participate in the conflict. This process is evaluated in reference to existing hypotheses about violence in civil wars such as the balance of territorial control using qualitative evidence from original field research. A unique within-case database created through focus group sessions with community ‘conciliators’ is used to analyze not only acts of violence, but also threats that were defused. Despite the prevalence of conditions that would predict persistent violence against civilians, the local institution itself proved to be a critical factor for both explaining and limiting levels of violence. The results suggest civilian choices and their consequences did not merely result from the capabilities or choices of armed actors.
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AVILÉS, WILLIAM. « Paramilitarism and Colombia's Low-Intensity Democracy ». Journal of Latin American Studies 38, no 2 (27 avril 2006) : 379–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x06000757.
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In the late 1980s and early 1990s political liberalisation, including the reduction of the military's institutional prerogatives, occurred in Colombia despite the increasing strength of an internal insurgency. Why would Colombia's national political elite weaken the institutional role of the armed forces in the context of an escalating internal war? What was the role of paramilitary groups, which were responsible for the vast majority of massacres and political violence against suspected unarmed civilians, during the 1990s? This paper argues that the elite civilian politicians who dominated the Colombian state promoted formal institutional changes, but tolerated paramilitary repression in order to counteract a strengthening guerrilla insurgency. These civilian leaders represented a modernising elite focused upon co-opting political opposition and establishing neoliberal economic reforms, thus constructing a Low-Intensity Democracy.
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Tellez, Juan Fernando. « Worlds Apart : Conflict Exposure and Preferences for Peace ». Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no 4 (23 mai 2018) : 1053–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002718775825.
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Life on the frontlines of a civil war is markedly different from life in safe(r) areas. How does this drastic difference in lived experience shape civilian attitudes toward war and peace? Contrary to theories that link conflict exposure to intransigence, I argue that under certain conditions, exposure increases support for both peace as an outcome and the granting of concessions to armed actors who render settlement more likely. I use various model specifications and matching methodology on survey data from the Colombian peace process, finding strong evidence that civilians in conflict zones exhibit greater support for the peace process overall and are more willing to grant political concessions to armed groups. Mixed evidence further suggests that exposed civilians are less willing to reintegrate with demobilized fighters. The study has theoretical implications for accounts of conflict exposure and helps explain regional variation in the failed referendum vote in Colombia.
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León, Carlos Enrique Moreno. « Chronicle of a Survival Foretold : How Protest Behavior Against Armed Actors Influenced Violence in the Colombian Civil War, 1988–2005 ». Latin American Politics and Society 59, no 4 (2017) : 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/laps.12031.
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AbstractThis article examines the circumstances under which civilians, using protests as a mechanism, alter the strategic use of violence by armed actors (rebels and state forces). By examining the civil war in Colombia between 1988 and 2005, this study finds that combatants decrease their attacks against the population when civilians protest against the enemy. Combatants interpret such demonstrations as costly signals of loyalty. Furthermore, when insurgents are the target of the protests, insurgents increase repression against civilians as rebels get stronger. In contrast, state forces (and paramilitaries) compensate for their weakness in the area by multiplying civilian victims. Both state forces and rebels, however, are likely to decrease violence against civilians when civilians protest against both parties in contested zones. In such contexts, armed actors are likely to refrain from retaliation because any violence might drive noncombatants toward the enemy.
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Prunera, Frédérique. « Personnes déplacées en Colombie et personnes d'origine colombienne cherchant refuge dans les pays voisins ». International Review of the Red Cross 83, no 843 (septembre 2001) : 763–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1560775500119303.
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Abstract In the course of half a century of political turmoil and civil war in Colombia, a large number of civilians have fled their homes or been forcefully removed to other places. The author gives an overview of UNHCR and ICRC activities for these internally displaced persons. While UNHCR strives mainly to strengthen their ability to cope, the ICRC specializes in direct assistance to displaced persons and pursues its traditional protection work. Action taken for Colombian refugees in neighbouring countries is also discussed.
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Steele, Abbey. « Seeking Safety : Avoiding Displacement and Choosing Destinations in Civil Wars ». Journal of Peace Research 46, no 3 (mai 2009) : 419–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343309102660.
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Despite civil war violence, some civilians stay in their communities. Those who leave choose one of many possible destinations. Drawing on fieldwork in Colombia, this article argues that the way armed groups target civilians explains households' decisions about displacement. When groups of civilians are targeted based on a shared characteristic — `collective' targeting — their best options for avoiding violence differ from those targeted selectively or indiscriminately. This article outlines conditions under which people can stay in contexts of collective targeting, and where they are likely to go if these conditions are not met. A civilian facing collective targeting could move to a rival group's stronghold, cluster with others similarly targeted, or seek anonymity in a city or different region. Community characteristics, such as whether it is urban or rural, as well as macro characteristics of the war, such as whether or not there is an ascriptive cleavage, shape which decisions are relatively safest, which in turn leads to implications for aggregate patterns. For example, clustering together has a perverse effect: even though hiding among others with similar characteristics may reduce an individual's likelihood of suffering direct violence, the community may be more endangered as it is perceived to be affiliated with an armed group. This then leads to a cycle of collective targeting and displacement, which has important implications for the development of warfare. In turn, this cycle and related cleavage formation may have long-term impacts on postwar stability and politics.
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Hapsari, Renitha Dwi, Hendrina Nur Alifia Ramadhanti et Karenina Mutiara Putri. « Comparative Analysis of the United States’ War on Drugs Policy in Mexico and Colombia : Failure and Success Factors ». WIMAYA 2, no 01 (1 juin 2021) : 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33005/wimaya.v2i01.49.
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Drug smuggling activities in the United States carried out by drug cartels from Mexico and Colombia contribute to the region's instabilities. Many threats and terrorist acts that accompanied the distribution of illegal drugs left civilians in fear. The War on Drugs policy promoted by the United States, which aims to apprehend drug cartels, causes severe losses in the long run. Colombia is the only successful case. On the other hand, Mexico offers a different story despite both are countries with unstable political and weak law enforcement. The paper conducts a comparative study on Colombia and Mexico to evaluate the factors that contribute to the success and failure behind the implementation of the War on Drugs policy. The paper concludes that an aggressive approach (i.e., military) is less efficient in combatting drug smuggling activities than the developmental approach (i.e., socio-economic development).
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Arjona, Ana. « Wartime Institutions ». Journal of Conflict Resolution 58, no 8 (23 septembre 2014) : 1360–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002714547904.
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Theories of civil war usually theorize the choices of civilians and combatants without considering the institutional context in which they interact. Despite common depictions of war as chaotic and anarchic, order often emerges locally. Institutions vary greatly over time and space and, as in peacetime, shape behavior. In this article, I propose a research agenda on local wartime institutions. To this end, I present original evidence on conflict areas in Colombia to illustrate the scope of variation, propose the concept of wartime social order and a typology, and discuss several ways in which research on wartime institutions can contribute to our study of civil war both at the micro and macro levels.
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Rodriguez, Saul M. « Building civilian militarism : Colombia, internal war, and militarization in a mid-term perspective ». Security Dialogue 49, no 1-2 (1 janvier 2018) : 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010617743201.
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In late 2016, the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia signed a peace agreement to bring an end to an internal war in Colombia that had lasted more than 50 years. During this process, pro-military attitudes within Colombian society that called for a hardline solution and rejected the peace agreement were highly visible, revealing the extent to which militarism had been embedded in Colombia over the years. This embedding of militarism had been enabled by the country’s many years of chaos and the use of counterinsurgency forms of warfare, which over the years had led civilian elites to adopt a militaristic approach to countering threats. In this article, I will examine key issues related to the central role of militarism and militarization in the scenario of violence and insecurity in Colombia, drawing on mid- and short-term historical perspectives, to highlight what I refer to as the country’s ‘civilian militarism’. First, I discuss how the main conceptual framing regarding militarism, militarization, and security applies to the Colombian case. Second, I describe and analyze the origin of civilian militarism in the context of the struggle between Colombia’s traditional political parties, and the militarization of the police and the intertwining of its role with that of the army as a legacy of that time. Third, I briefly examine how various presidential programs have embedded the concept of security in the 1990s and thereafter, though this is seen as a façade to enable the unfolding of a military approach to countering threats over the years, and how mandatory military service was used until recently as a tool to bolster support for militarism among everyday people.
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Masullo, Juan. « Refusing to Cooperate with Armed Groups Civilian Agency and Civilian Noncooperation in Armed Conflicts ». International Studies Review 23, no 3 (9 janvier 2021) : 887–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isr/viaa090.
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Abstract Conflict scholars have increasingly stressed the importance of taking civilian agency seriously for understanding how conflicts operate on the ground and the social legacies they leave behind. Among the different expressions of civilian agency that this scholarship has studied, instances in which civilians refuse to collaborate with armed groups have captured particular attention. While this development is to be praised, the proliferation of neighboring terms (e.g., “voice,” “autonomy,” “civil action,” “oppositional agency,” “resilience,” and “resistance”) menaces the further progression of this intellectually stimulating and policy relevant field of inquiry. In dialogue with the growing literature on civilian agency, and drawing on an established literature on concept formation, I propose civilian noncooperation as the root concept to capture these instances and specify its meaning by identifying both necessary and accompanying attributes. I discuss the advantages of this concept and assess it vis á vis alternative terms and conceptualizations. Finally, I illustrate how these conceptual foundations provide a more solid basis for empirical research by introducing a descriptive typology and a database of civilian noncooperation campaigns in the Colombian civil war. Research on noncooperation holds great potential to improving existing theories of conflict, as well as to inform crucial policy debates, including the protection of civilians, peace-building, and post-conflict reconstruction. Conceptual rigor is central to fulfilling this potential.
Thèses sur le sujet "Civilians in war – Colombia"
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Fava, Alessandro. « Ballots and bullets : Elections and violence against civilians in Colombia ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-353607.
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Non-combatants, even though they not participate directly in a conflict, are often targeted by armed groups. This study seeks to answer to the question why some areas are more affected by violence against civilians than others. Considering their importance in the contemporary world, electoral processes are used to explain the patterns of civilians’ victimization. This study focuses on irregular civil wars as the effects of elections on the distribution of violence against civilians in those wars is particularly understudied. Elections provide crucial information to armed groups about the preferences of the local population and therefore also the presence of potential collaborators or enemies. In addition, local political elites have incentives to favour or curb the violence against civilians, according to their electoral strength in a specific area. The thesis tests the implication with a quantitative study in the case of Colombia by analysing the long- and short-term effects of electoral results on the distribution of violence. Contrary to conventional civil wars, the findings suggest that civilians living in political strongholds in irregular civil wars, areas where a political party has strong support, are more likely to be targeted.
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Bradley, Miriam. « Protecting civilians in internal armed conflict : the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:99b7b4ce-38c6-472c-9fcb-c4be82ed9371.
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This thesis examines the approaches taken by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to the protection of civilians during internal armed conflict, both at the level of global policy and at the level of implementation in the Colombian context. The thesis explains how the ICRC and UNHCR approach protection, why each has adopted its particular approach, and how and why the effectiveness of each approach is limited. In doing so, it offers a theoretical framework for explaining the approaches taken by international organizations (IOs) to new tasks within their mandates as well as policy implications for the ICRC, UNHCR and other humanitarian agencies. From a theoretical perspective, this research shows that factors internal to the IO carry greater explanatory power than external factors. Most significantly, when an IO expands into a new issue-area, it frames the new task in terms of the existing tasks within its mandate, replicating the specific goals and the means of pursuing those goals. The extent to which the approach is then adapted to the specificities of the new issue-area depends on the ‘bureaucratic personality’ of the IO, and specifically the extent to which decisions are informed by field-level experience. Internal conflicts by definition include armed non-state actors, and the analysis in this thesis emphasises both their significance in determining civilian security and their neglect in existing approaches to protection. While the ICRC seeks to reduce the threat posed by all armed actors (state and non-state) in its work at the field level, it relies heavily on an international legal framework which prioritises states and this partially undermines its attention to non-state actors at the field level. UNHCR retains a state-centric focus at both the field level and the level of global policy. From a policy perspective, therefore, the thesis advocates greater attention to armed non-state actors both at the level of practice and in the development of protection norms.
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Brodie, Abdullah. « Colombia : Postured for Failure, a Lesson in Counterinsurgency Strategy ». Scholarly Repository, 2009. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_theses/188.
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There is little solid research that explores counterinsurgency practices against the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), not only from the standpoint of what is being done, but, rather, what should be done based on past COIN successes. Notable works on counterinsurgency in Colombia include the research of Tom Marks, who focused on operational strategy and tactics; Kevin Self, who professes the importance of controlling territory in defeating the FARC, by addressing the social and institutional ills within Colombia itself; and Dennis Rempe, who notes US involvement in shaping Colombia's COIN strategy. Using a comparative case study model, this thesis provides an analysis of Colombia?s counterinsurgency (COIN) strategies and tactics through the lens of successful and unsuccessful COIN operations in Iraq, Algeria, Malaya, South Vietnam, Thailand, Algeria and El Salvador over the course of the 20th and early 21st centuries. After all, no matter how successful a COIN force is militarily, their accomplishments will ultimately be fruitless if the conditions which fuel insurgency remains present. This paper begins by providing the historical context for the conditions which shaped the Colombian social order, which led to the revolutionary movement. It then follows the growth of the FARC, examining that organization?s strengths and weaknesses. The FARC is contrasted by outlining recent COIN transformation efforts within the Colombian government, to include little acknowledged failures and successes, strengths and weaknesses. An important focus is placed on Colombian President Alvaro Uribe Velez? Democratic Security Policy as the model for Colombia?s current COIN efforts. After next examining various ongoing factors contributing to the Colombian insurgency?to include institutional failures, illicit funding and the problem of paramilitary groups?this thesis examines past COIN efforts by other governments. Finally, after applying lessons learned from thee past COIN efforts?cross-referencing historically successful and unsuccessful tactics with tactics used and not used by Bogota in its fight against the FARC?I provide recommendations to the government of Colombia (GOC) on how to improve its COIN efforts. Although it is important to look at this problem set from an external standpoint, we must still factor in internal factors that have limited Colombia?s ability to emerge victorious, such as allowing porous borders, airspace and coastlines; placing a priority on killing or capturing the enemy and not on engaging the population; and the primacy of military direction of counterinsurgency; disregard of basic human rights; an insufficient judiciary structure; failure to halt financial support mechanisms; and the lack of an outlet for political inclusion . From this vantage point, we will be able to see that these elements?when properly implemented?have proven successful over time and may enhance GOC success and ultimately result in victory over the insurgency that has plagued their country for 40+ years
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Heaton, John Ricou. « Civilians at war reexamining the status of civilians accompanying the armed forces / ». View thesis, 2004. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA425026.
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Thesis (LL. M.)--George Washington University, 2004.Title from title screen (viewed Sept. 9, 2005). "May 23, 2004." "ADA425026"--URL. Includes bibliographical references. Also issued in paper format.
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Carpenter, Robyn Charli. « "Innocent women and children" : gender, norms and the protection of civilians / ». view abstract or download file of text, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3113003.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2003.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 244-291). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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Slim, Hugo. « The humanitarian ethic in war : moral values, civil-military relations and humanitarian professionalism in the 1990s ». Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289127.
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Forsberg, Sanna. « Violence Against Civilians in Civil War : A Comparative Case Study of the Sierra Leone Civil War ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-314790.
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Vargas, Gonzalo. « Explaining violence against civilians : insurgency, counterinsurgency and crime in the Middle Magdalena Valley, Colombia (1996-2004) ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3509/.
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During the last decade there has been intense controversy over the nature of contemporary armed conflicts and their connection with religion, ethnicity, crime and natural resources. Central to the discussion is the question of why armed organisations use violence against civilians. Recent contributions underscore the self-interested behaviour of individuals and suggest that war, violence and collaboration are increasingly driven by personal ambitions rather than political goals. Combatants, warlords and politicians seem less interested in victory than in satisfying their lust for power and money, usually at the expense of the population; meanwhile, fearful but rational civilians try to exploit the opportunities that conflict throws up, engaging in individualistic alliances with armed organisations and even prompting the use of violence against their fellows. These trends, it is argued, are compounded by the convergence between crime and warfare, and the Colombian conflict is often cited as a typical example. This dissertation examines these claims by studying a recent outbreak of violence against civilians in the Middle Magdalena Valley, in Colombia, that left nearly 2,000 civilians dead and more than 110,000 people forcefully displaced. Based on data obtained from official and unofficial sources on conflict and violence, interviews with key informants and news reports, the dissertation argues that violence was used by armed organisations and, to a lesser extent, by the state, to extend and strengthen the territorial and political control they had over the region. Despite the salience of illegal economies, there is no evidence that economic motives have significantly contributed to the production of violence. Furthermore, civilian collaboration went beyond the narrow sphere of private interests as politicians, parties and social organisations took part in alliances with armed organisations and aimed to advance the interests of the social groups they represented. The dissertation thus challenges common misconceptions and influential contributions in the field of armed conflict and political violence; it also sheds light on the nature of the Colombian conflict.
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Reilly, Emma. « Civilians into soldiers : the British male military body in the Second World War ». Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2010. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=13721.
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Sjöstedt, Oskar. « Coerced Concessions : : Does Government Mass Killing of Civilians Affect Rebel Groups’ War Aims ? » Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-354655.
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A government’s choice to kill civilians on a massive scale in civil wars has long been a puzzling phenomenon. Although the scholarly discussion on the motives behind such actions has been growing in the last decades, the understanding of the impact of mass killings is still limited. This thesis aspires to contribute to the understanding of the consequences of civilian victimization by asking “How does government mass killing of civilians affect military power-sharing in peace agreements?”. The hypothesis predicts that governments can use mass killing of civilians to indirectly pressure rebels to concede on their war aims and sign a peace agreement in order to stop the civilian victimization. The focus is on rebels’ war aims concerning military power-sharing, and to what degree the mass killing can lower the rebels’ demands on this aspect. Eight peace agreements have been selected, where four of them had government mass killing and the other four did not. This is to ensure variation on the independent variable. This thesis uses a structured focus comparison of the eight civil war peace agreements to test the hypothesis. The empirical results do not confirm the hypothesis, as no correlation is seen between the relationship of interest, rather, it contradicts it slightly.
Livres sur le sujet "Civilians in war – Colombia"
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Gonsalves, Marc. Out of captivity : Surviving 1,967 days in the Colombian jungle. New York : Harper, 2010.
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Tom, Howes, Stansell Keith et Brozek Gary, dir. Out of captivity : Surviving 1,967 days in the Colombian jungle. New York : William Morrow, 2009.
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Villamizar, Viviana Esguerra. Crónología del desencuentro (1996-2012) : Tres lustros del acuerdo humanitario. Bogotá : Centro de Memoria, Paz y Reconciliación, 2014.
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¿Cuál ha sido la aplicación que los diferentes actores del conflicto armado colombiano le han dado al principio de limitación, en cuanto a los medios de guerra, durante el período comprendido entre los años 2002 y 2006. Bogotá : Universidad La Gran Colombia, 2008.
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Downes, Alexander B. Targeting civilians in war. Ithaca, N.Y : Cornell University Press, 2012.
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Badalič, Vasja. The War Against Civilians. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-12406-9.
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Downes, Alexander B. Targeting civilians in war. Ithaca : Cornell University Press, 2008.
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Targeting civilians in war. Ithaca : Cornell University Press, 2008.
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Cisco, Walter Brian. War crimes against Southern civilians. Gretna : Pelican Pub. Co., 2007.
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Cisco, Walter Brian. War crimes against Southern civilians. Gretna, LA : Pelican Pub. Co., 2007.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Civilians in war – Colombia"
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Hibberd, Dominic, et John Onions. « Civilians ». Dans Poetry of the Great War, 109–24. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18185-8_6.
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Belzer, Allison Scardino. « Civilians ». Dans Women and the Great War, 123–55. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230113619_7.
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McKeogh, Colm. « Innocence and Modern War ». Dans Innocent Civilians, 75–97. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403907462_5.
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McKeogh, Colm. « Involvement and Total War ». Dans Innocent Civilians, 123–43. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403907462_7.
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McKeogh, Colm. « Guilt and Punitive War 1 ». Dans Innocent Civilians, 19–36. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403907462_2.
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McKeogh, Colm. « Guilt and Punitive War 2 ». Dans Innocent Civilians, 37–48. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403907462_3.
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McKeogh, Colm. « Social Roles and Feudal War ». Dans Innocent Civilians, 49–74. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403907462_4.
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McKeogh, Colm. « Non-combatancy and Formal War ». Dans Innocent Civilians, 99–122. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403907462_6.
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Thoral, Marie-Cécile. « Civilians in the War ». Dans From Valmy to Waterloo, 175–208. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230294981_8.
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Barter, Shane Joshua. « Aceh’s Civilians in War ». Dans Civilian Strategy in Civil War, 59–91. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137402998_4.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Civilians in war – Colombia"
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« Introduction : “War and Civilians” ». Dans Symposium of the Melammu Project. Vienna : Austrian Academy of Sciences Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/melammu10s293.
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Brinyuk, N. Yu. « The problem of oppression of civilians by Kolchak troops ». Dans Civil War in the East of Russia (November 1917 – December 1922). FUE «Publishing House SB RAS», 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/978-5-7692-1664-0-438-445.
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Abdalhusein Almtlak, Asmar. « The genocide crimes of ISIS gangs in Iraq 2014-2017 ». Dans Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/41.
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During the period confined between 2014-2017, the so-called Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIS) took control of a number of important cities in Iraq, and the organization led a wide campaign of violence and systematic violations of human rights and international law, which amounts to war crimes and crimes against humanity. 0 The Iraqi people were subjected to the largest brutal crime in the history of humanity when these terrorist elements targeted women, children, civilians and minorities, as well as religion and belief, and committed many crimes of genocide against them.
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Aslandogan, Y. Alp, et Bekir Cinar. « A SUNNI MUSLIM SCHOLAR’S HUMANITARIAN AND RELIGIOUS REJECTION OF VIOLENCE AGAINST CIVILIANS ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/yynr3033.
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This paper analyses the multi-faceted response of a Sunni-Hanafi scholar, Fethullah Gülen, to the phenomenon of violence against civilians under a religious rhetoric. Gülen’s response involves four components: (a) humanitarian, (b) religious, (c) political or realist, and (d) practical/educational. (a) Gülen categorically condemns acts of violence against innocent non-combatants including women and children as inhuman. (b) Gülen sets out the principles of Islamic jurisprudence that invalidate any declaration of war by individuals or groups: hence, such self-declared wars under the banner of Islam cannot be regarded as legitimate. He refutes ‘the end justifies the means’ argument, calling it a Marxist-Communist rhetoric, with no Islamic justification whatever. (c) While discussing misunderstanding, misrepresentation and abuse of religious texts, Gülen hints at the presence of individuals, interest groups, and other entities that benefit from friction and violent conflict. He suggests that the possibility should be considered that some individuals have been manipulated, perhaps even ‘hypnotised’ through special drugs, to carry out actions they would otherwise not carry out. (d) Gülen offers practical approaches to rooting out the problem of hate-mongering and violent conflict. The underlying dynamic of this approach is to provide, through education, mutual understanding, respect, opportunity and hope. Only educational institutions that foster inter- faith and intercultural dialogue, mutual understanding and respect, and offer hope of upward mobility, can provide lasting solutions. Concepts such as ‘love of creation due to the Creator’ can be located in every culture and spiritual tradition. Gülen’s own emphasis on Islamic spirituality provides an example that is particularly significant for Muslims: his argument against terrorism and for peaceful interfaith relations is based upon the authoritative view of the Sunni tradition, to which 90% of the world’s Muslims adhere.
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Vardanyan, Anna. « THE ROLE OF PHYSICAL FEATURES OF THE SITE IN THE DESIGN OF MILITARY-RESISTANT BUILDING ». Dans 22nd SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference 2022. STEF92 Technology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2022/5.1/s20.062.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Military resistant architecture (MRA) is a trend to protect civilians, settlements, the environment, and existing buildings from the strikes happening during the war. The development of military technologies and armaments brings with it the need to define new urban security solutions. In this case, it is very important to analyze the physical characteristics of the building and its surrounding, such as the tectonics and physical parameters of the building�s site. To secure the buildings from new, sixth-generation warfare weapons, the architectural solution must follow certain principles according to the building material, construction system, especially composition, landscape, etc. Thus, possible building forms of the site�s physical characteristics such as platonic forms, and irregular forms expressed in the terms of the blocked, courtyard, angular and polarized types of composition are discussed in the presentation. The mentioned forms are observed by smooth, slopping, and combined placement of the terrain (See Diagram 1). The strike direction is supposed to be from the right side and above the building. The presentation includes an introduction and historical overview, threat and risk assessment, and analysis, as shown in the diagram. The situation is discussed including the above-mentioned parameters: the environment, the landscape, the shape and the shell of the building, as well as the type of the roof. As a result of the analysis, several conclusions on possible risk management, were presented.
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ابراهيم عزيز حسين, لمى. « Genocide in Halabja ». Dans Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/8.
Texte intégralRésumé :
"Halabja: It is an Iraqi city located in the Kurdistan region of Iraq, near the Iranian border, about 8-10 miles away, 150 miles away from Baghdad and located in the southeast of the city of Sulaymaniyah. It is one of the important cities that contains many mosques, shrines and shrines. In 1985, this city was subjected to the former regime's aerial bombardment, where more than 450 Kurdish villages were bombed, 300 citizens executed within one month, and internationally prohibited chemical weapons were used. The Iraqi regime’s violations of human rights continued to reach their climax in 1988, which was known as the Halabja events, which will be the subject of our research, the Halabja massacre, which took place at the end of the first Gulf War or what is known as the Iran-Iraq war from 16-17 March 1988, the killing of Kurdish civilians and the use of chemical weapons against them and the effects of a war The first Gulf and the breach of the international treaty through the use of chemical weapons that are banned internationally, as well as international reports on human rights violations in Halabja, which left about 5,000 martyrs, most of whom are residents of the region, and we will also clarify who is responsible for the events of Halabja, and the truth can be highlighted through documents and evidence The editorial in the Halabja case, where these documents included information about chemical weapons in handwriting and not in a printer to evade responsibility. The document talks about the production and accumulation of chemical agents by the former regime and the intention of the former regime to strike them when necessary, in addition to other documents that we will address through the research, There is also an appendix with the names of a number of companies involved in supplying the government at that time with unconventional weapons, including missile weapons and other weapons Chemical materials and advanced technology, and this is very clear in the violation of human rights by extremely barbaric repressive methods and means, and northern Iraq has become the scene of these crimes that have been circulated between international press agencies and television screens, articles, photos and documentaries expressing the horror of the calamity and the magnitude of the tragedy. Well-known international documents and documents and what Halabja has been exposed to are classified within the concept of genocide wars. This type of war is not attended by all international laws and segments only, but also the simplest rules of behavior and human and civilized interaction between people belonging to the human race. We will also show the issue of Halabja in the corridors of the Iraqi Parliament, which was during the session on 7/3/2011 of the second electoral cycle, the first legislative year, the second legislative term in the Iraqi Council of Representatives, held in Baghdad, by submitting a proposal to the Council of Representatives regarding the position of the House of Representatives regarding the crime of bombing Halabja with chemical weapons. In conclusion, I hope you will like this summary."
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Saeed Ghafoor Ahmad, Kosar, et Amanj nasih qadir omer. « Prosecuting the perpetrators of the Camp Speicher crime according to Iraqi laws or the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court ». Dans Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/45.
Texte intégralRésumé :
"This work includes talking about the crime of Camp Speicher, in which 1,700 students of the Iraqi army of the Sheea creed were killed by the gangs of the terrorist organization ISIS, with the aim of eliminating the members of this sect because of the misleading ideology carried by those gangs. On 6-12-2014, Iraqi soldiers at Camp Speicher (Speicher Air Base) in Tikrit were subjected to murder and enforced disappearance by terrorist organizations because of their affiliation to the Sheea creed. This crime was among a series of brutal crimes for the genocide of Sheeas in Iraq. This is similar to what happened in the Badoush prison crime in the province of Mosul, which the Iraqi Parliament considered it as a crime of genocide, in which these gangs executed about (400) members of the prison inmates of the Sheea component. After ISIS took control of the city of Tikrit in Iraq, and one day after they took control of the city of Mosul, they captured (2000-2200) soldiers and led them to the presidential palaces in Tikrit, and they shot them there and in other areas and buried some of them alive. This disaster had a negative impact on the families of the victims of the Speicher where they went out in demonstrations demanded that the leaders who handed over the victims of Speicher to ISIS must be prosecuted, and in one of the demonstrations they managed to enter Parliament and demanded that the leaders who handed over Speicher to ISIS be held accountable. After that, many demonstrations took place by the families of the victims, some of which led to the closure of a bridge in Baghdad a few times Protesting the government's delay in clarifying the fate of their children or taking quick measures. The Iraqi parliament and government recently considered the Speicher incident “genocide” in reference to the premeditated murder of Badoush Prison inmates in Nineveh Governorate and the unarmed Speicher military base, the premeditated murder of members of the Albu Nimr, Jabour, al-Lahib, and al-Ubaid tribes, and the killing and displacement of civilians from Kurds, Christians, Yazidis and Shabaks in Sahel Nineveh, Sinjar, deliberate killing and displacement of Turkmens in Tal Afar and Bashir. This decision paves the way for obtaining international recognition from it as a ""genocide"" as stipulated in the Contract of the United Nations in 1948, and Iraq signed it in the fifties of the last century. This study attempts to explain the Al-Ikhnasas Court in looking into the crimes of genocide committed by ISIS against the bereaved students of the Air Force Base (Speicher) due to what this issue raised from the national and international public opinion, especially after the involvement of the Iraqi army leaders in this massacre, according to what witnesses reported in that area and what was reported by soldiers who survived the incident, in addition to the involvement of some members of the Sunni tribes in these crimes with the terrorist organization ISIS. The importance of this study lies in the following aspects: - That ISIS elements were tried according to Anti-Terrorism Law No. 13 of 2005, and from our point of view that the aforementioned law is vague and broader than it should be, and it applies to serious and simple crimes from murder to crimes of sabotage, and the list of crimes punishable by the death penalty according to the aforementioned law is a long list and spacious. - The Iraqi government has embarked on an attempt to develop a legal framework to prosecute ISIS elements, and its mission focused on understanding the procedures and results drawn from those judicial efforts, and its mission also focused on showing the efforts taken by the Iraqi government to address violations in the field of the right to life, including those committed by affiliated forces government as well as other international and domestic actors. The International Criminal Court is specialized in considering specific crimes under Article (5) of its Statute, which are war crimes, aggression and crimes against humanity, which necessitates the adaptation of Speicher's crime within any of the mentioned types of crimes. The assumption of the International Criminal Court in relation to the Speicher crime, includes several positive matters and results at the same time a set of negatives, which must be presented to those positives and negatives in order to give preference between them and the choice of authorizing the court to consider the crime or not. The terrorist organization ISIS has committed serious systematic violations, including war crimes and others, and perhaps those that are not under its control, and that none of these crimes can be addressed within the anti-terrorism law, which cannot address human rights violations. The international community has recognized the heinous violations committed by ISIS against the citizens of Iraq by adopting Resolution (2370) in September of 2017, issued by the Security Council, which authorizes the Security Council to appoint an investigation team to support local efforts to hold ISIS elements accountable by collecting and preserving evidence in Iraq, which can rise to a high level, and it was committed by the elements of the organization. It considers that the decision constitutes a burden and an obligation on Iraq to investigate all allegations of violations committed by government forces for the purpose of holding them accountable, as well as requiring the establishment of special courts and trained judges in relation to ISIS crimes to deal with them. Terrorism is a global curse that has recently spread horizontally to all countries of the world and its effects have been concentrated vertically in some countries, and no one denies that the parties to this phenomenon are increasing (perpetrators and victims) and the United Nations in particular and the international community in general has not succeeded in reducing it despite the fact that the resolutions of the UN Security Council It is increasing, but the proportionality is absent between these decisions and the practical reality. The phenomenon of terrorism is spreading rapidly, and the perpetrators of terrorist acts are on the rise, corresponding to an increase in the victims of terrorism. Also, the circumstances and events that Iraq is going through, especially after 2003, put it at the forefront of countries which suffers from terrorism that has killed the people, using methods and forms that were not previously known and brutal and bloody cruel. ) for the year 2005, and since terrorism was not limited to Iraq, but included many countries, and was not specific to a place or time, nor was it recent in terms of composition. In addition, the aforementioned law cannot be aware of all violations of international and humanitarian law, as we mentioned previously, which requires the necessity of referring the criminals to a competent court. The Court conducts its rule under Article (13) of its Statute when referred to it by a state party to the same system or by the Security Council or when the Public Prosecutor conducts the investigation on his own, and then how does the Court take its measures regarding the aforementioned crime if we take a look Considering that the State of Iraq is not a member of the Statute of the Court. The rule of the court is free from the death penalty, which makes the idea of authorizing the court to consider the crime rejected by most Iraqis, especially the families of the victims. What are the negative aspects of the Iraqi national judiciary’s view of the Speicher crime, and how can it be avoided if the International Criminal Court plays this role? What are the guarantees provided by the court in the event that it proceeds with its procedures regarding this crime? The research on this subject is according to the appropriate method, which is the analytical and comparative method, which works on studying and comparing topics by analyzing ideas and jurisprudential rulings, and the positions of the governments of countries and the United Nations, as well as the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly, and comparing arbitration between Iraqi courts. And the international courts regarding the trial of the perpetrators of the Speicher base crime, and then come up with a set of conclusions and recommendations."
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Civilians in war – Colombia"
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Champin, Alejandro L. The War on Drugs : U.S. Policy in Colombia. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, mars 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada376011.
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Mitchell, Charles W. All Terrorists are Not Equal - The Drug War in Colombia After September 11th. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, avril 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada404959.
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Wright, Kevin T., et Joseph S. Hamilton. Evaluation of the United States Drug War Policy Abroad : A Case Study in Colombia. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, décembre 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada536344.
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Roy, Joaquin. European Perceptions of Plan Colombia : A Virtual Contribution to a Virtual War and Peace Plan ? Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, mai 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada394163.
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Leal, Javier F. Costs of the War in Colombia : A Strategic Vision of the End of the Conflict. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, mars 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada432728.
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P., BASTIAENSEN. Triage in the trenches, for the love of animals : a tribute to veterinarians in the First World War. O.I.E (World Organisation for Animal Health), octobre 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.20506/bull.2018.nf.2883.
Texte intégralRésumé :
On the occasion of the centenary of the First World War, remembered across the world from 2014 until the end of 2018, many aspects and experiences of this global conflict have been re-examined or brought to light for the first time, as we honour the memory of those estimated 16 million soldiers and civilians who perished in what was then known as the ‘Great War’, or the ‘War to End All Wars’. So many of these died on the infamous fields of Flanders, where Allied and Central Forces dug themselves into trenches for the better part of four years. Over the past few years, new research has brought to light many insights into the plight of animals in this War, which – for the younger readers amongst you – was fought at the dawn of motorised warfare, using anything powered by two or four feet or paws, from the homing pigeons delivering secret messages across enemy lines, to the traction provided by oxen and mules to pull cannons and other heavy artillery, to the horses of the cavalry. Not least among these roles was the supply of animal protein to the troops, whether this came through the specific designation of animals for this purpose or as the result of a failed attempt at delivering any of the above services. Several leading publications today have documented the role (and suffering) of animals in ‘La Grande Guerre’. Less so the role of veterinarians in the ‘War to End All Wars’. Who were they? How many? How were they organised? What did they do, on either side of the enemy lines? The present article is a humble attempt to shed some light on these veterinary colleagues, based on available, mostly grey, literature…
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Avella, Mauricio. Historical background of the public debt in Colombia : the role of the internal public debt under alternative macroeconomic scenarios during World War II. Bogotá, Colombia : Banco de la República, novembre 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.32468/be.316.
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Lewis, Dustin. Three Pathways to Secure Greater Respect for International Law concerning War Algorithms. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/wwxn5790.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Existing and emerging applications of artificial intelligence in armed conflicts and other systems reliant upon war algorithms and data span diverse areas. Natural persons may increasingly depend upon these technologies in decisions and activities related to killing combatants, destroying enemy installations, detaining adversaries, protecting civilians, undertaking missions at sea, conferring legal advice, and configuring logistics. In intergovernmental debates on autonomous weapons, a normative impasse appears to have emerged. Some countries assert that existing law suffices, while several others call for new rules. Meanwhile, the vast majority of efforts by States to address relevant systems focus by and large on weapons, means, and methods of warfare. Partly as a result, the broad spectrum of other far-reaching applications is rarely brought into view. One normatively grounded way to help identify and address relevant issues is to elaborate pathways that States, international organizations, non-state parties to armed conflict, and others may pursue to help secure greater respect for international law. In this commentary, I elaborate on three such pathways: forming and publicly expressing positions on key legal issues, taking measures relative to their own conduct, and taking steps relative to the behavior of others. None of these pathways is sufficient in itself, and there are no doubt many others that ought to be pursued. But each of the identified tracks is arguably necessary to ensure that international law is — or becomes — fit for purpose. By forming and publicly expressing positions on relevant legal issues, international actors may help clarify existing legal parameters, pinpoint salient enduring and emerging issues, and detect areas of convergence and divergence. Elaborating legal views may also help foster greater trust among current and potential adversaries. To be sure, in recent years, States have already fashioned hundreds of statements on autonomous weapons. Yet positions on other application areas are much more difficult to find. Further, forming and publicly expressing views on legal issues that span thematic and functional areas arguably may help States and others overcome the current normative stalemate on autonomous weapons. Doing so may also help identify — and allocate due attention and resources to — additional salient thematic and functional areas. Therefore, I raise a handful of cross-domain issues for consideration. These issues touch on things like exercising human agency, reposing legally mandated evaluative decisions in natural persons, and committing to engage only in scrutable conduct. International actors may also take measures relative to their own conduct. To help illustrate this pathway, I outline several such existing measures. In doing so, I invite readers to inventory and peruse these types of steps in order to assess whether the nature or character of increasingly complex socio-technical systems reliant upon war algorithms and data may warrant revitalized commitments or adjustments to existing measures — or, perhaps, development of new ones. I outline things like enacting legislation necessary to prosecute alleged perpetrators of grave breaches, making legal advisers available to the armed forces, and taking steps to prevent abuses of the emblem. Finally, international actors may take measures relative to the conduct of others. To help illustrate this pathway, I outline some of the existing steps that other States, international organizations, and non-state parties may take to help secure respect for the law by those undertaking the conduct. These measures may include things like addressing matters of legal compliance by exerting diplomatic pressure, resorting to penal sanctions to repress violations, conditioning or refusing arms transfers, and monitoring the fate of transferred detainees. Concerning military partnerships in particular, I highlight steps such as conditioning joint operations on a partner’s compliance with the law, planning operations jointly in order to prevent violations, and opting out of specific operations if there is an expectation that the operations would violate applicable law. Some themes and commitments cut across these three pathways. Arguably, respect for the law turns in no small part on whether natural persons can and will foresee, understand, administer, and trace the components, behaviors, and effects of relevant systems. It may be advisable, moreover, to institute ongoing cross-disciplinary education and training as well as the provision of sufficient technical facilities for all relevant actors, from commanders to legal advisers to prosecutors to judges. Further, it may be prudent to establish ongoing monitoring of others’ technical capabilities. Finally, it may be warranted for relevant international actors to pledge to engage, and to call upon others to engage, only in armed-conflict-related conduct that is sufficiently attributable, discernable, and scrutable.
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Kelly, Luke. Definitions, Characteristics and Monitoring of Conflict Economies. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), février 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.024.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The idea of conflict economies is a broad concept encompassing several research angles. Definitions differ according to these focuses. Some of the main uses of the concept are to understand: • economic analysis of the motives for and likelihood of war • financing of state and non-state belligerents • how the continuation of conflicts can be explained by rational motives including economic ones • how conflict affects economic activity, and how conflict parties and citizens adapt Some distinctive characteristics of war economies are (Ballentine & Nitzschke, 2005, p. 12): • They involve the destruction or circumvention of the formal economy and the growth of informal and black markets, • Pillage, predation, extortion, and deliberate violence against civilians is used by combatants to acquire control over lucrative assets, capture trade networks and diaspora remittances, and exploit labour; • War economies are highly decentralised and privatised, both in the means of coercion and in the means of production and exchange; • Combatants increasingly rely on the licit or illicit exploitation of / trade in lucrative natural resources • They thrive on cross-border trading networks, regional kin and ethnic groups, arms traffickers, and mercenaries, as well as legally operating commercial entities, each of which may have a vested interest in the continuation of conflict and instability. The first section of this rapid review outlines the evolution of the term and key definitions. Most of this discussion occurs in the academic literature around the early 2000s. The second looks at key characteristics of conflict economies identified in the literature, with examples where possible from both academic and grey literature. The third section briefly identifies methodologies used to measure and monitor conflict economies, as well as some current research and programmes on conflict economies, from academic literature as well as NGOs and other sources. The findings have been derived via a literature search and advice from experts in the field. Given time constraints, the report is not comprehensive. The review is gender- and disability blind.
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Idris, Iffat. Preventing Atrocities in Conflict and Non-conflict Settings. Institute of Development Studies, août 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.137.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Atrocity prevention refers to activities to prevent atrocity crimes against civilians. These include genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing, and can take place in both conflict and non-conflict settings. This points to the need to prioritise and implement atrocity prevention specifically, and not just as part of conflict prevention efforts. Atrocity prevention interventions are broadly of two types: operational (short-term responses) and structural (addressing underlying causes/drivers). These encompass a wide range of approaches including: acting locally (with local actors taking the lead in prevention activities); tackling hate speech, and promoting an independent and strong media; documenting human rights violations, and prosecuting and punishing those responsible (establishing rule of law). The international community should prioritise atrocity prevention, but work in a united manner, take a comprehensive approach, and give the lead to local actors. Atrocity crimes generally develop in a process over time, and risk factors can be identified; these traits make atrocity prevention possible. This rapid review looks at the concept of atrocity prevention, how it is distinct from conflict prevention, the different approaches taken to atrocity prevention, and the lessons learned from these. The review draws on a mixture of academic and grey literature, in particular reports produced by international development organisations such as the United Nations (UN) and USAID. The literature was largely gender-blind (with the exception of conflict-related sexual violence) and disability-blind.