Pour voir les autres types de publications sur ce sujet consultez le lien suivant : Civil war – Social aspects – Colombia.
Articles de revues sur le sujet « Civil war – Social aspects – Colombia »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les 50 meilleurs articles de revues pour votre recherche sur le sujet « Civil war – Social aspects – Colombia ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Parcourez les articles de revues sur diverses disciplines et organisez correctement votre bibliographie.
1
Ivkina, Liudmila. "In Search of National Identity: Colombia's Constitutional Acts of the Era of Radical Liberalism (1853–1863)." Latin-American Historical Almanac 34, no. 1 (2022): 45–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2022-34-1-45-73.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The middle of the XIX century in Colombia (then New Granada) was marked by radical transformations, which went down in history as the revolutionary events of the 50s. The modernization of Colombian soci-ety affected all aspects of public life: political economic, social and administrative. The younger generation of radical liberals who came to power in search of ways of national identity used two mutually contra-dictory practices in their activities: the development of modern legal norms of national creation (constitutional acts) and the practice of civil wars, a tradition rooted in the era of the War of Independence of 1810–1826. The constitutional acts of this period (1853–1863) and the crea-tion of the foundations of the modern state were based on the recogni-tion of the federal structure of the republican society and the complete eradication of all vestiges of the old colonial regime. The proposed work analyzes the constitutional acts and reforms of this period in the history of Colombia (1853–1863), their role and importance for the subsequent development of the country.
2
Richani, Nazih. "The Political Economy of Violence: The War-System in Colombia." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 39, no. 2 (1997): 37–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166511.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Violence, in its criminal and political aspects, largely reflects the contradictory impulses set in motion by modernization and serves as an expression of the various dislocations — social, economic, psychological and cultural — which accompany that process. Violence increases when the prevailing institutions fail to mediate among the various antagonistic forces unleashed by socio-economic and political change. Colombia represents a country where violence has risen overwhelmingly in recent years, reaching extremes of both extent and duration. A phenomenon well worth scholarly attention, the subject of violence has given rise to an impressive body of literature concerned with exploring its many aspects: its causes, trajectory, and variety of manifestations (see Sánchez, 1991).
3
Espejo, Maria Paula. "Drug-Trafficking in Colombia: The New Civil War Against Democracy and Peacebuilding." Co-herencia 18, no. 34 (2021): 157–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17230/co-herencia.18.34.6.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Drug-trafficking in Colombia has been a widely researched phenomenon, especially now, as the country undergoes a transition process with its older guerrilla. Now more than ever it is fundamental to examine how drug-trafficking organizations violent activities affect the consolidation of peace. This article considers different approaches to study violence derived from drug-trafficking, in order to advance towards the objectives of transitional justice. For that matter, this work is based on the idea that drug-trafficking directly generates and reproduces violence which is fueled by the structural violence present in the Colombian context. My thesis is that this phenomenon deters non-repetition guarantees and weakens democracy, which is why there will be three main arguments presented that will revolve around the lack of consensus and the implications of considering drug wars as civil wars, how decisions related to the conceptual apprehension limit the competence of international humanitarian law, and the need for holistic strategies capable of facing drug-trafficking’s political and violent power. Later, alternatives will be explored around the possibilities that each argument offers, as well as which aspects could contribute to a more appropriate approach to combat drug-trafficking. Lastly, I will defend why implementing bottom-up oriented actions can advance towards transitional justice’s intermediate and final objectives, as it is the only alternative that escapes fatalist, utopian or interventionist scenarios.
4
Pearce, Jenny. "Policy Failure and Petroleum Predation: The Economics of Civil War Debate Viewed ‘From the War-Zone’." Government and Opposition 40, no. 2 (2005): 152–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2005.00148.x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThe analysis of armed conflict in the post Cold War era has been profoundly influenced by neoclassical economists. Statistical approaches have generated important propositions, but there is a danger when these feed into policy prescriptions. This paper first compares the economics of civil war literature with the social movement literature which has also tried to explain collective action problems. It argues that the latter has a much more sophisticated set of conceptual tools, enriched by empirical study. The paper then uses the case of multipolar militarization in oil-rich Casanare, Colombia, to demonstrate complexity and contingency in civil war trajectories. State policy failure and civil actors can be an important source of explanation alongside the economic agendas of armed actors.
5
Arjona, Ana. "Wartime Institutions." Journal of Conflict Resolution 58, no. 8 (2014): 1360–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002714547904.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Theories of civil war usually theorize the choices of civilians and combatants without considering the institutional context in which they interact. Despite common depictions of war as chaotic and anarchic, order often emerges locally. Institutions vary greatly over time and space and, as in peacetime, shape behavior. In this article, I propose a research agenda on local wartime institutions. To this end, I present original evidence on conflict areas in Colombia to illustrate the scope of variation, propose the concept of wartime social order and a typology, and discuss several ways in which research on wartime institutions can contribute to our study of civil war both at the micro and macro levels.
6
Cohen, Emily. "Disciplining Pain." Body & Society 21, no. 3 (2015): 91–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1357034x15586241.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Colombia, a country at civil war for over 50 years, has one of the highest rates of landmine injury in the world. This article is based on ethnographic research conducted at the Amputation and Rehabilitation Unit of Bogota’s Central Military Hospital. Through an ethnographic description of surgical amputation and rehabilitation, I examine medical understandings of vitality and masculinity in respect to the senses – primarily that of pain in the act of amputation.
7
Velis, Emilio, Kate Samson, Isaac Robles, and Daniel Rodríguez. "Craft and Artisan Initiatives of the Salvadoran Civil War (1980–1992)." Digital Culture & Society 6, no. 1 (2020): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/dcs-2020-0103.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This article describes the testimonies of two arts and crafts collectives during the Salvadoran Civil War in the 1980s. These collectives, open to victims and refugees of the war, emerged as creative spaces during a time of significant social unrest. As participants learned to make and produce arts and crafts, these activities encouraged individual expression and allowed them to heal traumatic experiences. By describing the aspects that motivated and discouraged the involvement of participants over time, we show how the individual and collective aspects of making are important for the sustained participation of the people who engage in maker culture. We draw comparisons between the struggles of these historical movements and of current embodiments of the maker culture, in order to draw conclusions regarding how making can be a personal catalyst in the face of social hardship, the importance of economic sustainability in maker initiatives and how unjust gender dynamics take place in these spaces. The ability to compare and learn from these historical initiatives serves to unpack maker culture as a social asset that can be described beyond the mere use of digital tools and to repurpose it as a more inclusive concept that takes into account narratives from a broader range of expressions of making.
8
Arias, María Alejandra, Ana María Ibáñez, and Pablo Querubin. "The Desire to Return during Civil War: Evidence for Internally Displaced Populations in Colombia." Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 20, no. 1 (2014): 209–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2013-0054.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractArmed conflict in Colombia has forcibly displaced more than 3.6 million people. In a post-conflict scenario, the socioeconomic stabilization of displaced households is crucial, as families must decide whether to stay in the reception place, relocate to a new municipality or return to their site of origin. In this paper we identify the determinants of the desire to return of internally displaced households in Colombia. We find that i) land tenure in the place of origin provides an incentive to return; ii) vulnerable households, in particular female-headed households and those from ethnic minorities seek to establish themselves at the reception site and exhibit a lower desire to return; iii) those who displaced as a consequence of a direct attack are less willing to return; iv) economic opportunities in the place of origin encourage return while economic opportunities at the reception site decrease the willingness to return; and v) social networks, as exemplified by membership in peasant organizations and collective land ownership, increase the desire to return. To be successful, the design of stabilization programs for the displaced population must consider these particularities of the households that are willing to return and those who prefer to stay in the reception site.
9
Trapani, James. "Seeing ‘Reds’ in Colombia: Reconsidering the ‘Bogotazo’, 1948." Esboços - Revista do Programa de Pós-Graduação em História da UFSC 23, no. 36 (2017): 352. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-7976.2016v23n36p352.
Texte intégralRésumé :
http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-7976.2016v23n36p352The Latin American Cold War theatre was distinct from the global struggle between American capitalism and Soviet communism. The Soviet Union had very little infuence on the region prior to Fidel Castro’s 1960 declaration of Marxism-Leninism. Despite this, a plethora of social struggles spanning virtually every Latin American republic have been broadly grouped together – defned by this Latin American ‘Cold War’. This paper seeks to determine the origins of this paradoxical defnition. It will argue that the convenient alignment of national and international crises was utilized by US Secretary of State George C Marshall in April 1948. The establishment of the Organization of American States sought to realize the political alignment of the hemisphere against ‘Communism’, both Soviet and internal. This confounded many Latin American leaders as communism, while evident, did not pose any legitimate threat to their nations or the region. Hence, Marshall’s sale of an anti-communist declaration, which would decrease the sovereignty of individual states, was made quite diffcult during initial negotiations. Conveniently, On April 9 Colombia was brought to the brink of Civil War following the assassination of Jorge Eliécer Gaitán. The US State Department knew that the ensuing Colombian Bogotazo was not related to the global Cold War. They had intelligence on the populist liberal Gaitán and the violent response to his assassination. Nevertheless, the opportunity to internationalize the crisis was seized by Marshall. In doing so, the Latin American Cold War emerged with devastating national and regional consequences.
10
Sanandres Campis, Eliana Sanandres, Ivonne Molinares-Guerrero, Roberto González González Arana, and Melissa Martínez Martínez Pérez. "A Quantitative Exploration of Reconciliation: Evidence from Colombia." Social Sciences 11, no. 10 (2022): 456. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci11100456.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The reconciliation of societies in negotiated transitions from civil war to peace represents a practical challenge. While the political dimension concerns the construction of socio-political relations, the interpersonal dimension focuses on intergroup relationships. Empirical evidence shows that reconciliation should not assign primacy to one dimension over another; rather, it should address the interaction between them. However, research on this topic is scarce. There is a need to develop an instrument to assess the political and interpersonal dimensions of reconciliation in peacebuilding contexts. This study developed the Political and Interpersonal Reconciliation Scale (PIRS) and assessed its psychometric properties based on a sample of Colombian population after the peace agreement between the Colombian government and the FARC guerrilla group. The results show the validity of a factorial structure for two components as well as an acceptable Cronbach’s alpha. Concerning external validity, in line with the existing literature, the scale under study was positively related to confidence in the peace agreement, trust in the ex-combatants, willingness to share with the adversary and community identification. This study provides evidence that the Political and Interpersonal Reconciliation Scale is a valid and reliable instrument for evaluating reconciliation in peacebuilding contexts.
11
Kreft, Anne-Kathrin. "Responding to sexual violence: Women’s mobilization in war." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 2 (2018): 220–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318800361.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Gender scholars show that women in situations of civil war have an impressive record of agency in the social and political spheres. Civilian women’s political mobilization during conflict includes active involvement in civil society organizations, such as nongovernmental organizations or social movements, and public articulation of grievances – in political protest, for example. Existing explanations of women’s political mobilization during conflict emphasize the role of demographic imbalances opening up spaces for women. This article proposes a complementary driving factor: women mobilize politically in response to the collective threat that conflict-related sexual violence constitutes to women as a group. Coming to understand sexual violence as a violent manifestation of a patriarchal culture and gender inequalities, women mobilize in response to this violence and around a broader range of women’s issues with the goal of transforming sociopolitical conditions. A case study of Colombia drawing on qualitative interviews illustrates the causal mechanism of collective threat framing in women’s collective mobilization around conflict-related sexual violence. Cross-national statistical analyses lend support to the macro-level implications of the theoretical framework and reveal a positive association between high prevalence of conflict-related rape on the one hand and women’s protest activity and linkages to international women’s nongovernmental organizations on the other.
12
Sanders, James E. "Hemispheric Reconstructions: Post-Emancipation Social Movements and Capitalist Reaction in Colombia and the United States." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 22, no. 1 (2023): 41–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781422000433.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractAs historians have begun to conceptualize the U.S. Civil War as a global event, so too must they consider Reconstruction as a political process that transcended national boundaries. The United States and Colombia both abolished slavery during civil wars; ex-slaves in both societies struggled for full citizenship and landholding, partially succeeding for a time; in both societies, a harsh reaction ripped full citizenship from the freedpeople and denied their claims to the land. These events, usually studied only as part of a national story in either the United States or Colombia, can also be understood, and perhaps be better understood, as a history of hemispheric and transnational processes—of race, of republican politics, of contests over equality, of capitalism. This essay examines the words and actions of historical actors, especially U.S. African Americans and afrocolombianos, to note the impressive commonalities of discourse (which was almost exactly the same in many cases) and political repertoires. This article focuses first on the agency of African Americans in both societies to create post-emancipation social movements for citizenship and land and then on the, largely successful, reactions against these movements.
13
Çelikkaya, Mehmet Emin, Ahmet Atıcı, Çigdem EL, and Bülent Akçora. "Innocent Children in the Syrian Civil War." European Journal of Pediatric Surgery 30, no. 02 (2019): 215–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0039-3400282.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Introduction Our aim is to present the clinical and surgical characteristics of the children affected by the Syrian civil war. Materials and Methods Medical records were reviewed retrospectively for Syrian war victims between the ages of 0 and 18 who were brought to the emergency department of the Education and Research Hospital between March 2011 and March 2019. Each patient was evaluated with respect to demographic data (gender, age), type of injury, history of operations in Syria, injured organ(s), accompanying traumas and the mortality and trauma score. Results The majority of our study population of 147 patients were male (108/147, 73.46%), and 39 of the total were girls (26.53%). The mean age of the patients was 9 (7.5 ± 4). The mean age of the girls was 8.5 (range: 7 months to 16 years), and the mean age of the boys was 9.2 (4 months to 17 years). Seventeen patients who had abdominal surgery in Syria were operated on again after clinical and radiological observations. A total of 83 patients were operated on in Turkey. For 66 of those patients, the operation in Turkey was their first surgery on their war injuries. Seventeen patients were operated on in Syria but needed surgery again in Turkey. Conclusion War affects not only the battlefield, but also the neighboring countries in many aspects such as medical, social, and economic. Hollow organ injuries are the most common intraabdominal pathologies. Delayed intervention is associated with increase mortality and morbidity.
14
ESTRADA-FUENTES, MARÍA. "Performative Reintegration: Applied Theatre for Conflict Transformation in Contemporary Colombia." Theatre Research International 43, no. 3 (2018): 291–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883318000548.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Civil wars and internal armed conflicts are commonly followed by transitional justice processes known as Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration programmes. Focusing on the social reintegration of ex-combatants in Colombia, this article examines the role of embodiment and secondary care in conflict transformation, and outlines the process of incorporating creative and embodied practice as core elements of transitional justice mechanisms. It discusses the relational qualities of applied theatre, policy development and implementation to demonstrate how embodied practice enables peace-building practitioners and ex-combatants to develop a better understanding of how affective transactions and emotional states shape transitional societies. In so doing, this article discusses some of the challenges of devising sustainable arts-based interventions when working with communities that have been significantly affected by war.
15
Fitzpatrick, David. "Irish consequences of the Great War." Irish Historical Studies 39, no. 156 (2015): 643–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2015.23.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractIt is now widely admitted that the Great War was also Ireland’s war, with profound consequences for every element of Irish life after 1914. Its impact may be discerned in aberrant aspects of Ireland’s demographic, economic and social history, as well as in the more familiar political and military convulsions of the war years. This article surveys recent scholarship, assesses statistical evidence of the war’s social and economic impact (both positive and negative), and explores its far-reaching political repercussions. These include the postponement of expected civil conflict, the unexpected occurrence of an unpopular rebellion in 1916, and public response to the consequent coercion. The speculative final section outlines a number of plausible outcomes for Irish history in the absence of war, concluding that no single counterfactual history of a warless Ireland is defensible.
16
Shcherbinin, Pavel, Aleksei Chubarov, and Ylia Shcherbinina. "Orphans during the Civil War: from homelessness to concentration camps." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 182 (2019): 260–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2019-24-182-260-271.
Texte intégralRésumé :
We investigate specifically and comprehensively the orphans situation and transformation of social protection system in the Civil War years and its ultimate phase Tambov Rebellion in the Tambov Governorate through the lens of children’s everyday life and policy of the Soviet government. On the basis of a wide complex of primary materials attraction, first of all archival documents, we representatively and specially investigate various little-known aspects of the scien-tific problem declared in study. We generalize practices of children survival in the incredibly bloody and violent clashes of rebels and parts of the Red Army in one region – Tambov Gover-norate. We reveal the conditions of children placement in concentration camps, as well as attempts of the authorities to regulate their situation, to stabilize the morbidity of children and catastrophic child mortality. We provide the specific data on the peculiarities of orphans charity in the conditions of Civil War, Tambov Rebellion, new economic policy at the regional and county level, which allows to evaluate not only the social policy of the Soviet government, but also the survival of children’s society in the chronological period under consideration. We clarify the consequences of taking rebel family members (residents of the region who joined A.S. Antonov) hostage and using children as an attractive mechanism to combat “banditry”. We specially consider the influence of “party and class” selection of children at their admission to orphanages, as well as taking into account their social origin, the position of parents. We reveal the main results of the new economic policy (NEP) impact on children’s social protection and the constriction of the existing practice of orphans charity in the conditions of the actual cessation of funding for many children’s institutions. We draw conclusions about the historical experience, traditions and features of the children survival, including orphans at the regional level (governorate and county) in the conditions of hunger strikes of the 20s of the 20th century, which allowed to successfully reconstruct the actual population situation of the Tambov Governorate in the post-revolutionary period. We give the characteristics of the local authorities’ policy, the interaction of the capital and the regions in the conditions of almost incessant cataclysms and social disasters of the first years of Soviet power.
17
Liikanen, Ilkka. "National Sovereignty and Popular Overeignty in the Making of Finnish Independence and the Civil War of 1918." Lithuanian Historical Studies 13, no. 1 (2008): 151–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-01301011.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the following an attempt is made to summarize the basic lines of the academic discussion on the character of the Finnish civil war. I pose some questions concerning the nature of the conflict in terms of modern politics. Following the recent discussion on the contradictions of modern political culture, I will ask to what degree the war can be understood in terms of conflicting patterns of national sovereignty and popular sovereignty. In terms of historiography, the nature of the civil war of 1918 was defined during the interwar and Cold war periods mainly in two opposing ways. In the hegemonic academic tradition, the war was interpreted as a fight for national sovereignty, as the ‘war of liberation’. In the discourse close to the labour movement, the conflict was conceptualized as an internal matter, as a social conflict or a ‘class war’. First from the 1960s on, there have appeared new interpretations that have tried to cover both aspects of the crises and reassessed in what sense the war can be understood as a struggle for national sovereignty and to what degree it should be seen in the context of an internal social and political conflict.
18
Arjona, Ana. "Institutions, Civilian Resistance, and Wartime Social Order: A Process-driven Natural Experiment in the Colombian Civil War." Latin American Politics and Society 58, no. 3 (2016): 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2016.00320.x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractWhy do armed groups fighting in civil wars establish different institutions in territories where they operate? This article tests the mechanisms of a theory that posits that different forms of wartime social order are the outcome of a process in which an aspiring ruler—an armed group—expands the scope of its rule as much as possible unless civilians push back. Instead of being always at the mercy of armed actors, civilians arguably have bargaining power if they can credibly threaten combatants with collective resistance. Such resistance, in turn, is a function of the quality of preexisting local institutions. Using a process-driven natural experiment in three villages in Central Colombia, this article traces the effects of institutional quality on wartime social order.The FARC were everything in this village. They had the last wordon every single dispute among neighbors. They decided whatcould be sold at the stores, the time when we should all go home, andwho should leave the area never to come back.... They alsomanaged divorces, inheritances, and conflicts over land borders.They were the ones who ruled here, not the state.— Local leader, village of Librea, municipality of ViotáWe [the peasant leaders] are the authority here.People recognize us as such. [The FARC] could not takethat away from us. They didn’t rule us.— Local leader, village of Zama, municipality of Viotá
19
Cherneha, Andriy P., Zhanna V. Udovenko, Nataliia A. Sergiienko, Nataliia O. Oblovatska, and Alyona O. Dotsenko. "State Guarantees of the Right to Housing for War Veterans: Substantive and Procedural Aspects." Cuestiones Políticas 38, Especial (2020): 223–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.38e.15.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of the article was to reveal the problematic aspects of the realization of the right to housing by war veterans who participated in counter-terrorism operations / joint operations. I am interested in observing the protection of this right in civil, criminal and executive proceedings based on national and international law. The methodological basis of the study includes general and special methods of scientific research (historical, statistical, formal logic, comparative legal and structural logic). Statistics are given on the number of war veterans (combatants) as of 2019-2020, in the dynamics of providing them a living space in Ukraine during 2015-2020. In addition, the article provides examples of the elimination of conflicts of laws and ambiguous judicial practices of application of civil, family, housing and social law, as well as civil, criminal and executive procedure in the field of exercise of the right to housing by combatants and their families, protection of this right before the courts and execution of decisions in this category of cases. The results of this work can be useful for combatants who need to improve their living conditions, as well as for human rights defenders who help these people.
20
WILSON, ANDREW. "Pentagon Pictures: The Civil Divide in Norman Mailer's The Armies of the Night." Journal of American Studies 44, no. 4 (2010): 725–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875809991319.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper focusses on Norman Mailer's treatment of the 1967 March on the Pentagon in his Pulitzer Prize-winning work of non-fiction The Armies of the Night. The visual and linguistic properties developed by the author throughout the first book of The Armies of the Night are identified and assessed in relation to the anti-war movements and counterculture temperament of the 1960s. Comparisons are made with post-war writers and earlier North American authors as a means of clarifying “American” aspects of Mailer's handling of his material. Mailer's journalistic techniques, his often spontaneous and engaged responses, are also defined within the context of the social conflicts of the late 1960s.
21
Alarcón, Renato D., Antonio Lozano-Vargas, Elvia Velásquez, et al. "Venezuelan Migration in Latin America: History and sociodemographic aspects." Revista de Neuro-Psiquiatria 85, no. 2 (2022): 107–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.20453/rnp.v85i2.4228.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The migration of millions of Venezuelans to South American countries in the last two or three decades is one of the most significant social phenomena in the continent’s history. This article presents a brief historical account of the process and describes a variety of dramatic aspects of the migrants’ experiences throughout the long road towards Colombia, Ecuador, Perú and other countries. The main socio-demographic characteristics of the migrant population (numbers, population types, geographic location in the host country, age, gender and civil status, work and employment) in the above three countries, are described as a relevant basis of further inquiries on the repercussions of migration on the mental health of its protagonists. The information covers important aspects of the journey and the arrival as the initiation of a painful and uncertain process of acculturation and adaptation.
22
Chen, Dongyang. "Marx's Idea of The People's Subject and Its Value of The Times from the Perspective of The French Civil War." International Journal of Education and Humanities 5, no. 2 (2022): 158–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ijeh.v5i2.2130.
Texte intégralRésumé :
As the first proletarian regime in human history, the Paris Commune put "people" on its banner for the first time, turning Marx's idea of the people's subject from science to reality. In The Civil War of France, Marx scientifically defined the scope of the people's subject and elaborated the concrete embodiment and practical principles of the people's subject in social life from economic, political and cultural aspects. In the new era, it is of great value to dig deeper into the idea of the people's subject contained in The French Civil War, clarify its evolution and connotation, and to deeply understand this idea and implement the concept of "people first".
23
Pacheco, José M. "Mobility and Migration of Spanish Mathematicians during the Years around the Spanish Civil War and World War II." Science in Context 27, no. 1 (2014): 109–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889713000409.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ArgumentThis paper considers some aspects of the reception and development of contemporary mathematics in Spain during the first half of the twentieth century, more specifically between 1910 and 1950. It analyzes the possible influence of scientists’ mobility in the adoption of newer views or theories. A short overview of key points of the social and scientific background in nineteenth-century Spain locates the expounded facts in an appropriate context. Three leading threads are followed. First is the consideration of the mobility of some Spanish mathematicians during a period including World War I and World War II – when Spain was a theoretically neutral country – and the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939). Second, the emergence and socio-political behavior of a dominant mathematical group gathered around Julio Rey Pastor between 1915 and 1936 is also accounted for, as well as its continuity after the Civil War into the 1940s. Third, attention is paid to the migration or interior exile of a number of mathematicians as a consequence of the Civil War. The paper is organized around nine Tables containing information on mobility of mathematicians, doctorates awarded in the mathematical sciences, and mathematical production in Spain during this period, accompanied by statistical résumés and comments on interesting entries. The main conclusions drawn are: 1) a number of integrants of the Rey group, himself included, officially traveled to Austria, France, Germany, Italy, and Switzerland – usually after having obtained doctorates and fixed positions – imported mathematical knowledge into Spain; 2) the group also managed to dominate the mathematical panorama from both the scientific and the sociological viewpoint; 3) social usages in Spanish mathematical affairs established in Spain in the years prior to the Civil War present a clear continuity under the Franco regime once the war was over.
24
Villamizar-Santamaría, Sebastián F. "Eyes on the Screen: Digital Interclass Coalitions against Crime in a Gentrifying Rural Town." City & Community 21, no. 1 (2021): 62–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/15356841211041363.
Texte intégralRésumé :
According to the theories of social disorganization and collective efficacy, population heterogeneity contributes to the erosion of social ties and the increase in crime. I test that assumption through an in-person and digital ethnography in La Calera, a rural area in Colombia undergoing population change through gentrification and facing increasing burglaries, cattle theft, and other crimes. I argue that the use of social media in this socially mixed community for a common goal—safety—enables coalitions among residents that reach across social divisions. By participating in community meetings but especially through social media, residents monitor the area to look after homes and each other, highlighting feelings of “unity” and “cohesion” that strengthen social ties among them and the police despite the heterogeneity in class composition. This case examines when social organization can occur despite class polarization, even in a country with a long civil war history and high class inequality.
25
Buc, Philippe. "Civil war and religion in medieval Japan and medieval Europe: War for the Gods, emotions at death and treason." Indian Economic & Social History Review 57, no. 2 (2020): 261–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464620912616.
Texte intégralRésumé :
To compare and contrast medieval Japan and medieval Western Europe allows one to discover three things. First, analogous to Catholic holy war, in Japan becomes visible a potential for war (albeit seldom actualised) for the sake, quite surprisingly, of Buddhism. Second, the different role played by emotions during war: in Europe, when vicious (and motivated by emotions such as greed, ambition or lust), they endanger the victors; thus the concern for right emotions foster, to a point, proper behavior during war; in Japan, however, the focus is on the emotions of the defeated, which may hamper a good reincarnation and produce vengeful spirits harmful to the victors and to the community at large. Finally, while Japanese warriors could and often did switch sides, the archipelago did not know for centuries anything approaching the European concept of treason, ideally punished with the highest cruelty, hated and feared to the point of generating collective paranoia and conspiracy theories. Western treason was (and is still) a secularised offspring of the Christian belief in the internal enemy of the Church, the false brethren. Arguably, the texture of the religions present in the two ensembles gave their specific form to these three aspects of warfare.
26
Trunova, Halyna. "Legal aspects of social protection of citizens of Ukraine under martial law." Yearly journal of scientific articles “Pravova derzhava”, no. 33 (September 2022): 456–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/1563-3349-2022-33-456-465.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article is dedicated to the promotion of legal aspects of the social protection of the citizens of Ukraine in the minds of the military camp. It is clear that the peculiarities of social risks, which are blamed in the minds of overarching situations, are considered to be a group of sovereign-political risks, which are characterized by a high level of insecurity for life and non-negotiable physical, material and moral costs. Emphasis is placed on the priority rights of the social protection in the minds of military aggression against Ukraine. At the same time, it is naked on the need for a steel defense against traditional social risks.I mean respect for the nurturing of legal regulation in the sphere of social protection in the minds of the higher minds. Classical characteristics of the method of legal regulation of the right of social protection are given. It has been established that in the minds of the war the key aspect of legal regulation in the sphere of social protection against spontaneous social risks is insanely the factor of the hour. It was determined that, in order to increase the effi ciency of the operational legal regulation of the organization of social protection against the victims of the war, it was ensured that the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine take legal decisions on food. The author analyzed the installation of additional legal guarantees in the sphere of the defense of the citizens during the war period to become unemployed. The aspects of fi nancial security of the change in the order of implementation of the rights of citizens in the sphere of social insurance on the way of unemployment have been completed. The legal decision to the body of the constitutional jurisdiction of the hundred-fold exchange of social and labor payments for the minds of the military or the super-offi cial camp was reviewed. Additional social guarantees were appointed for the citizens of Ukraine, with a method of defending against social risks in the minds of the war. Respect is attached to the procedural aspects of the realization of the right to social defense in the minds of the military camp. Analyzed are the changes in the civil legislation how to clear the minds of the sphere of realizing the right of the citizens to social defense. The author concludes that the reduction of the availability of social guarantees of the rights of the citizens in the minds of the wartime is provided with elements of the digital transformation of the state. Key words: social protection, martial law, social risk, social benefi ts, digitalization
27
Chrisidu-Budnik, Agnieszka. "Z problematyki emigracji z Grecji do Polski Ludowej." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 43, no. 4 (2021): 291–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.43.4.22.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The 1944–1949 Greek civil war between the supporters of the monarchy with the right-wing government and the left-wing forces with the Democratic Army of Greece resulted in the death of approximately 100,000 people and forced partisans and their families to migrate to countries of “people’s democracy.” It is estimated that the Polish People’s Republic accepted approximately 14,000 people (children and adults). The article describes the genesis of the conflict that led to the outbreak of the civil war as well as the increasing polarization of the Greek population. It presents the (political and social) complexity of the processes of emigrating from Greece to the people’s democracies and selected aspects of the organization of the Greek community’s life in the Polish People’s Republic.
28
McPherson, Michael. "History of Economic Thought, Methodology, and Heterodox Approaches: Worldly Philosopher: The Odyssey of Albert O. Hirschman." Journal of Economic Literature 51, no. 4 (2013): 1185–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.51.4.1183.r2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Michael McPherson of The Spencer Foundation reviews, “Worldly Philosopher: The Odyssey of Albert O. Hirschman” by Jeremy Adelman. The Econlit abstract of this book begins: “Explores the life and economic work of Albert O. Hirschman. Discusses Hirschman's early life in the Weimar Republic; Hirschman's education and early relationship with politics; Hirschman's journey to Paris; Hirschman's move to the London School of Economics and involvement in the Spanish Civil War; Hirschman's return to France and the outbreak of World War II; Hirschman's emigration to the United States; Hirschman's involvement in the U.S. Army; the aftermath of World War II; the Cold War and Red Scare; Hirschman's years in Colombia; Hirschman's Yale University years and The Strategy of Economic Development; the RAND Corporation; travel and research; the upheaval of the late 1960s; crisis and hope in Latin America; Hirschman and the Institute for Advanced Study; Hirschman's relationship with the human body; Hirschman during the late 1970s and early 1980s; Hirschman's study of the ethics of social science; Hirschman's work in retirement; and Hirschman's final years. Adelman is Walter Samuel Carpenter III Professor of Spanish Civilization and Culture and Director of the Council for International Teaching and Research at Princeton University.”
29
Belea, Simion. "Human Rights without Borders for Refugees and Asylum Seekers. Social and Jurisdictional Aspects." Journal for Ethics in Social Studies 5, no. 1 (2022): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/jess/5.1/39.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The refugee crisis generated by internal conflicts and civil wars from various areas consolidated unilateral interventions towards security, rather than developing a collective answer and providing immediate actions based on human rights to support vulnerable groups. A retrospection of the past decade events in the Arabic World, illustrates that during the years 2014 - 2021, the world witnessed the highest wave of refugees migrating from Syria, Yemen, Afghanistan and Iraq to Europe. By analysing this, we can argue that concerns regarding security policies led to a significant increase in the number of difficulties that refugees and asylum seekers encounter in obtaining international protection support. The 24th of February 2022 marks the beginning of the Russian invasion in Ukraine. It similarly marks the day when the twenty seven countries – members of the EU allowed the directive for temporary protection and support to the Ukrainian refugees, for the first time in the European Union history. This current study examines the collective efforts of the Intra – European relocations offering immediate support to those fleeing the war while respecting the fundamental international human rights.
30
Ndomondo, Mathayo Bernard. "New Music Emerging from War: Lingwangwanja during the Frelimo-Renamo Civil Conflict in Mozambique 1977-1992." Utafiti 13, no. 2 (2018): 109–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26836408-01302007.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Lingwalangwanja is a dance tradition performed by young male members of the Makonde society in the northern part of Mozambique, and in south eastern Tanzania. It is usually performed in the evening for the purpose of entertainment. The tradition involves a variety of topical songs, including love, politics, and important social and cultural issues. The emergence of lingwalangwanja is linked to an outbreak of the Frelimo-Renamo civil war in Mozambique when young musicians, due to their fear of landmines, were unable to go to the bush to fetch wild animal-hides and tree-trunks for making drum shells, resorted to improvising alternative musical instruments. These instruments yielded a new dance tradition. Research on this dance tradition is important because most of the studies done on the impact of the civil war in Mozambique have focused on other social, cultural, economic and political aspects; yet there has been no attention paid to the impact of this war on the musical practices of the Makonde, including this dance. By employing an eclectic research methodology, and drawing upon complex theories of musical change, the emergence of lingwalanganja can be revealed as emanating from both the impact of the Frelimo-Renamo civil war in Mozambique, as well as from migratory movements of Makonde of Mozambique to Tanzania, and between the Makonde of both countries. The study draws on fieldwork experience conducted 1995-1998 and upon follow-up research thereafter in the districts of Newala and Mtwara Rural in Mtwara region concerning the music of migrations among the Makonde in Mtwara region, as well as the variety of published sources related to the impact that war and the search for refuge have upon music making.
31
Khaminov, Dmitry V., and Alexander N. Sorokin. "Born by the Revolution: The Professional Community of Historians of Asian Russia in the Grip of the Civil War." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 458 (2020): 168–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/458/21.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The history of higher education, science, and academia in the Asian part of Russia has been extensively covered in historiography. Historians have focused on various aspects of these phenomena in connection with social, cultural, economic, as well as political and ideological processes. In most cases, these processes have been approached from two different perspectives. The first one focuses on the center-periphery relations and entails a comparison of the provincial processes with what was happening in the center of Russia. The second concentrates on regional and local processes, including at the micro level. However, the period of the Revolution of 1917 and the Civil War (1918–1920) in the history of Asiatic Russia is of particular importance for the scientific and educational complex of the region in general and for its social sciences and humanities segment, in particular. The authors’ focus is history. Historical research itself, education, science, and the corporation of historians in the paradigm of that period played the most important structure-forming roles. The political, ideological, and sociocultural implications of historical research (the formation of the historical consciousness, civic and political identity and culture, ideological attitudes, moral values, patriotism) are difficult to overestimate. In the period of uncertainty of the development of both the country as a whole and its Asiatic periphery (when the outcome of the armed confrontation was not obvious to anyone), the role of historians in different spheres of the state and society grows, they become important actors of key processes, epitomized by the so-called “third the role of universities”. The study of these aspects of historians’ activities, the mechanisms of their interaction, the influence on the system of social interactions and other aspects, foregrounds this new trend in historical research. The work is written on the basis of a wide range of historical sources: official documents and materials (laws and regulations on the organization of higher education and science); archival materials (most of them are first introduced into academic discourse) – organizational, administrative records that reflect daily activities of universities and research institutions; materials of regional and local periodicals; sources of personal origin; historiography of the Asiatic periphery. In the course of the study, the authors come to the conclusion that the initiative to develop historical research, academic institutions, strengthen the “third role” of universities and scientific communities was generated both “bottom-up” and “top-down”. Both historians and public legal entities, that is authorities at all levels, benefited in these relations.
32
Hernández Huerta, José Luis. "Extensions of schooling environments into the local community, and social construction of democracy in Spain (1931-1939). Contributions made by the Freinet pedagogical movement." Cadernos de História da Educação 18, no. 1 (2019): 122–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/che-v18n1-2019-7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article highlights the social nature of the Freinet movement in Spain during the period of the Second Republic (1931-1936) and the Civil War (1936-1939), and investigates the community-based aspect of its schooling practices. To begin with, we examine a number of aspects of Spain’s Freinet movement which help to see it as a social movement as well as a pedagogical one. Then, we study a) the main strategies employed by teachers to facilitate the social building of democracy through the schooling system, and b) the most significant extensions of the school into the local community, which helped break down the physical and symbolic barriers separating schooling institutions from the framework of ordinary citizens’ daily existence.
33
Sidorov, Sergey. "V International Scientific Conference “Military History of Russia: Problems, Search, Decisions” Devoted to the 75th Anniversary of the Victory in the Great Patriotic War (September 11–12, 2020, Volgograd)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 1 (2021): 253–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.1.22.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article presents information about the V International scientific conference “Military history of Russia: problems, search, solutions” held in Volgograd on September 11–12, 2020, dedicated to the 75th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War. The conference was held at Volgograd State University. The conference was informative and representative in its composition: more than 220 representatives of scientific institutions of the Russian Academy of Sciences, civil and military universities and centers, archives, museums and libraries in 48 cities of Russia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Great Britain, Kazakhstan, USA, Turkmenistan and Ukraine. Among the participants of the conference there was a corresponding member of RAE, 39 doctors and 82 candidates of sciences. Along with professors and associate professors, the conference was attended by young scientists: assistant lecturers, postgraduate students, master students, students and schoolchildren. The article analyzes the work of the plenary session, sections, round tables and the discussion platform. The mainstream sections were the following: “Patriotic War: history and modernity”, “National economy of the USSR during the Great Patriotic War”, “Social history of the Great Patriotic War”, “Lower Volga and the Don during the Great Patriotic War”, “Source base for the study of the Great Patriotic War”, “Problems of historiography of the Great Patriotic War”. The permanent sections presented reports on military history in ancient times, the middle ages, modern and contemporary times, social protection of the population in wartime, and international aspects of the Battle of Stalingrad. The round tables discussed issues of military and political security of society and the state, problems of military memorial tourism in the Russian Federation, and international aspects of military conflicts. The discussion platform was dedicated to patriotic education of children and youth.
34
Tsoutsoumpis, Spyridon. "The Far Right in Greece. Paramilitarism, Organized Crime and the Rise of ‘Golden Dawn’." Südosteuropa 66, no. 4 (2018): 503–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2018-0039.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The article unravels the ties between conservatism, the state, and the far right in Greece. It explores the complex social and political reasons which facilitated the emergence of far-right groups in Greece during the civil war and have allowed them to survive for seven decades and to flourish from time to time. The author pays particular attention to paramilitarism as a distinct component of the Greek far right. He follows the activities of ‘Golden Dawn’ and other far-right groups, in particular their paramilitary branches. To the wider public, among the most shocking aspects of the rise of ‘Golden Dawn’ was the use of violence by its paramilitary branch, tagmata efodou. The article examines the far right’s relationship to the state and the security services, and explores its overall role in Greek politics and society. He demonstrates how an understanding of the decades following the civil war are indispensable to making sense of recent developments.
35
Sribnyak, Milana. "SOCIAL ADAPTATION OF UKRAINIAN POWS IN GERMANY AFTER THE FIRST WORLD WAR." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1 (December 17, 2020): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2020-31-61-66.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article analyses the peculiarities of social adaptation of Ukrainian prisoners of war in Germany, particularly its legal, political and social aspects. The problem of repatriation of POWs was discussed at the international conferences and was regulated by various armistices and treaties (the Armistice of Compiègne, the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, the Treaty of Versailles). After German surrender in the war and the demise of its empire, POWs of all nationalities acquired the status of interned persons, which notably improved their condition. At the same time, former POWs faced difficult social and economic life conditions in Germany, particularly food shortages. Besides, late 1918 and early 1919 saw repatriation commissions of various states starting their activity in Germany. They included the Ukrainian repatriation commission, which helped return several tens of thousands of people to Ukraine. Therefore, within the dichotomy faced by Ukrainian soldiers in Germany (repatriation against a decision to stay in Germany as political emigrants with subsequent adaptation to life conditions in this country), most long-term captives decided to return. In the wake of dramatic geopolitical changes in Europe and the world, repatriation to the homeland was regarded by most as the best option. On the other hand, some Ukrainians decided to stay in Germany for a longer period. They became witnesses to considerable changes in German political, economic and civil life. The Germans were suspicious of former POWs staying in the country, regarding them as competitors on the job market and as “aliens” in general. However, despite all obstacles some “brave men” managed to successfully adapt in Germany and even create families, becoming a part of their new country’s society.
36
Das, Shruti, and Deepshikha Routray. "Climate Change and Ecocide in Sierra Leone: Representations in Aminatta Forna’s Ancestor Stones and The Memory of Love." eTropic: electronic journal of studies in the Tropics 20, no. 2 (2021): 221–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.25120/etropic.20.2.2021.3812.
Texte intégralRésumé :
War has been instrumental in destroying land and forests and thus is a major contributor to climate change. Degradation due to war has been especially significant in Africa. The African continent, once green, is now almost denuded of its rich forests and pillaged of its precious natural resources due to the brutality of colonisation and more recent postcolonial civil wars. In Sierra Leone the civil war continued for over eleven years from 1991 to 2002 and wrought havoc on the land and forests. Thus the anxiety and trauma suffered by the people not only includes the more visible aspects of human brutality, but also the long lasting effects of ecocide which relate to climate change. Underlying narratives that address traumatic ecological disasters is a sense of anxiety and depression resulting from the existential threat of climate change. This paper demonstrates how narratives can metaphorically represent both ecocide and climate change and argues that such stories help people in tackling the real life stresses of anxiety and trauma. To establish the argument this paper has drawn on scientific and sociological data and placed these vis-à-vis narrative episodes in Aminatta Forna’s novels Ancestor Stones (2006) and The Memory of Love (2010). In these novels Forna depicts the ecological crisis that colonisation and civil war have wrought on Sierra Leone. The anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder – of war and ecocide – suffered by the fictional Sierra Leonean characters are explained through Cathy Caruth’s trauma theory.
37
H.Saleem, Dr Qasem Mohammed. "La Soledad y la Alienación Psicológica en la novela "Nada" de Carmen Laforet …La tentativa de la interpretación (Un estudio analítico)." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 221, no. 1 (2017): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v221i1.414.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this research we discuss negative effects of isolation and alienation in Spanish society , in the period after the Spanish civil war directly , this situation have bad effect on both person and society , by the novel (Nothing) of Spanish writer (Carmen Laforet) , It's an invitation to writers and thinkers to succor and support their community Through their literature creativity , the bad effect of wars , disasters and crises destroyed all aspects of life (social , economic, political, cultural ) , which lead to isolation and alienation and also on human Leaves psychological impact .
38
Shcherbinin, Pavel. "“Physically defective children” and their care in the first third of the 20th century: the regional aspect." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 178 (2019): 140–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2019-24-178-140-148.
Texte intégralRésumé :
We systematically study the practice of social protection of children with hearing and vision disabilities, as well as other categories of “physically defective” children and adolescents in the Tambov Governorate in the first third of the 20th century. On the basis of a wide range of primary materials, first of all, periodicals, archival sources, memories, statistical data, various little-known aspects of the claimed scientific problem were studied. We summarize the domestic and foreign experience of studying the social security system of “special” children in provincial Russia. The variants of social care for children with disabilities, including in the context of charitable activities, have been clarified. The legal aspects of the regulation of physical and social defectiveness during the Soviet period are specially considered. The main stages of the charitable and public initiative to support children with disabilities are identified. Attention is drawn to the impact of the First World War of 1914–1918, revolutionary upheavals, Civil War, regional specificity and the specific historical manifestations of the care of these “special” children at the level of a particular region – Tambov Governorate. The influence of regional trends on education and training, as well as the subsequent socialization of children with hearing and vision disabilities is clarified. It is proved that the new economic policy has had a powerful negative impact on the entire system of social security of orphans, children’s homes, in fact eliminating all the positive developments and experience that has developed in the Tambov Governorate.
39
McGuire, John Thomas. "Social Justice Feminism and its Counter-Hegemonic Response to Laissez-Faire Industrial Capitalism and Patriarchy in the United States, 1899-1940." Studies in Social Justice 11, no. 1 (2017): 48–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v11i1.1358.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article uses the hegemonic/counter-hegemonic framework of Italian scholar and activist Antonio Gramsci to explain how a movement known as social justice feminism emerged as a counter-hegemonic response to two hegemonic concepts established in and continued, respectively, the post-Civil War United States: laissez-faire industrial capitalism and patriarchal dominance. In four stages from 1899 through 1940, social justice feminists pursued the promotion of an “entering wedge” labor legislation strategy and the increasing participation of women in national politics, particularly in the Democratic Party. While substantially successful in its goals, social justice feminism failed in two important aspects: its inability to work independently of a patriarchal political system, and, most significant, its apparent refusal to include women of color.
40
Thanon, Omar Hashim. "The foundations of peaceful coexistence after the war ... Mosul is a model." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 16 (July 2, 2019): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i16.146.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since peaceful coexistence reflects in its various aspects the concept of harmony between the members of the same society with their different national, religious and sectarian affiliations, as well as their attitudes and ideas, what brings together these are the common bonds such as land, interests and common destiny. But this coexistence is exposing for crises and instability and the theft of rights and other that destroy the communities with their different religious, national, sectarian, ethnic aspects, especially if these led to a crisis of fighting or war, which produces only destruction and mass displacement, ttherefore, the process of bridging the gap between the different parts of society in the post-war phase through a set of requirements that serve as the basis for the promotion of peaceful coexistence within the same country to consolidate civil and community peace in order to create a general framework and a coherent basis to reconstruct the community again.
 Hence the premise of the research by asking about the extent of the possibility and ability of the community of religious and ethnic diversity, which has been exposed to these crises, which aimed at this diversity, basically to be able to rise and re-integrate within the same country and thus achieve civil and community peace, and Mosul is an example for that, the negative effects of the war and the accomplices of many criminal acts have given rise to hatred and fear for all, leading to the loss of livelihoods, which in the long term may have devastating social and psychological consequences.
 To clarify all of this, the title of the first topic was a review of the concept and origin of peaceful coexistence. While the second topic dealt with the requirements of peaceful coexistence and social integration in Mosul, the last topic has identified the most important challenges facing the processes of coexistence and integration in Mosul. All this in order to paint a better future for the conductor at all levels in the near term at the very least to achieve the values of this peaceful coexistence, especially in the post-war period.
41
Slepkova, N. V. "The Zoological Museum and Institute in Petrograd–Leningrad: from the First World War to the “Great Break” (1914–mid-1930s)." Proceedings of the Zoological Institute RAS 323, no. 3 (2019): 268–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.31610/trudyzin/2019.323.3.268.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper considers some aspects of the history of the Zoological Museum and the Zoological Institute of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, which appeared on its base in 1931, during two decades following the outbreak of the First World War. It deals with the scientific, social and political consequences caused for the Zoological Museum by the First World War, two Revolutions of 1917 and subsequent Civil War. The paper describes establishment of the Museum’s Council, which ruled from 1917 to 1930, and an attempt to evacuate collections in 1917, as well as conditions under which the Museum zoologists had to work in the period of the wars and revolutions. The first years of the restoration of normal work of the Zoological Museum after the Civil War are considered, as well as the effects of the flood, which damaged the Ichthyological, Herpetological and Osteological departments of the Museum in 1924. The renaming of the Museum into the Institute during the reform of the Academy of Sciences in 1929–1934 is discussed as well as layoffs and repressions during this reform. The paper considers changes in the Exhibition Department, made on demand of the authorities. The information is given about the Faunistic Conference of 1932, which was hosted by the Zoological Institute of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR under the slogan for “the Party’s” and “Bolshevik’s faunistic studies”.
42
Mujicinovic, Fatima. "In Search of Bernabé: Politicized Motherhood." Ethnic Studies Review 24, no. 1 (2001): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2001.24.1.29.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Connecting its storyline to the historical context of the civil war in El Salvador, this US Latina text dramatizes dehumanizing effects of political violence on individual and collective being. With an emphasis on the dialectical connection between the personal and the social, the novel focuses on individual strategies of survival and resistance in conditions of authoritarianism in order to suggest new forms of political opposition and liberation. Its narrative reveals subversive and empowering aspects of the intimate, as the discourse of motherhood and religiosity reclaims its place in the public sphere and takes a direct stance against violence and oppression.
43
Агапов, Г. А. "The Castilian Civil War and Anglo-French Conflicts in the 1360s." Вестник Рязанского государственного университета имени С.А. Есенина, no. 1(74) (April 1, 2022): 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.37724/rsu.2022.74.1.005.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Исследование различных аспектов истории пиренейских государств является одним из приоритетных направлений в медиевистических штудиях последних десятилетий. Касается это и эпохи позднего Средневековья, в частности XIV века. В поле зрения ученых попадают новые, ранее практически неисследованные сюжеты, радикальному переосмыслению подвергаются казавшиеся незыблемыми историографические оценки. Данная устремленность характерна в первую очередь для зарубежных исследований, испано- и англоязычных. Но и в отечественной историографии наблюдаются схожие тенденции: происходит отказ от приоритетной для советского периода социально-эко-номической проблематики, изучения аграрной истории в сторону новых исследовательских направлений, к числу которых относится исследование межгосударственных отношений королевства Кастилия. Близость установок прослеживается и в изучении крупнейшего военно-политического конфликта Средневековья — Столетней войны. От довольно традиционного комплекса вопросов отказываются в пользу более широкого круга анализируемых проблем. Таким образом, сформировалось особое исследовательское поле, лежащее на стыке собственно испанистики и изучения проблем Столетней войны. Целью статьи является изучение роли и значения одного из ключевых эпизодов, связанных с участием пиренейских государств в Столетней войне, а именно — с гражданской войной в Кастилии. Предметом исследования выступают отношения королевств Англии и Франции с основными участниками войны за корону Кастилии — Педро I и Энрике Трастамарским. The investigation of various aspects of the history of Medieval states on the Iberian Peninsula (both during the early and late Middle Ages, the 14th century in particular) has become a high priority subject in recent decades. Modern researchers focus on previously underinvestigated issues, on reassessing historiographic data. This is particularly characteristic of foreign researchers (especially Spanish-speaking and English-speaking ones). Russian historiographers are also no longer as committed to the investigation of social and economic issues and agrarian history as their Soviet colleagues used to be. Modern Russian researchers are involved in novel investigations, one of which if the investigation of the foreign affairs of the Kingdom of Castile. A similar tendency can be seen in the investigation of one of the largest military and political conflicts of the era — the Hundred Years’ War. The range of traditionally investigated issues has expanded significantly. A specific research field has emerged at the intersection of Spanish studies and the Hundred Years’ War studies. The aim of the article is to investigate the role and significance of the Castilian Civil War, a key episode of Spanish history during the Hundred Years’ War. The subject of the research is therelationships between the kingdoms of England and France on the one side and the major parties in the War for the Castilian Succession — Peter the Cruel and Henry of Trastámara — on the other.
44
Smirnova, T. M. "Topical Issues in the Study of Soviet Social Policy, 1917−1929." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S8 (2022): S800—S809. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622140143.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract A series of 100th anniversaries of recent years (the First World War, the Revolution of 1917, the Russian Civil War, the introduction of the NEP) has stimulated historians and representatives of related sciences (sociologists, philosophers, political scientists, culturologists, economic historians, etc.) to summarize the study of this turning point for the national history of the period, which is increasingly often regarded as homogeneous (“the time of wars and revolutions”), as well as its immediate consequences, stretching back to the 1920s and 1930s. The works published within the framework of the anniversaries and the discussions that flared up around them more clearly exposed the least studied and controversial aspects of the problems and made it possible to identify urgent tasks for the future. Quite expectedly, the focus was on subjects such as rethinking the causes of the revolutionary events and the role of various social groups in them; comparison of the events of February and October 1917, the degree of discontinuity and continuity of processes and the existence of alternative ways of Russia’s development; characteristics of the armed forces and political movements opposed to the Bolsheviks; the relation of “red” and “white” terror; problems of social stratification in postrevolutionary Russia and the relationship between the concepts of former people, the socially alien, economically dangerous elements, NEPmen; etc. In addition, summarizing the results of studying the revolution and its consequences has contributed to the revival of conceptual discussions about totalitarianism, the social base of the Soviet regime of the 1920s−1930s, and the features of the formation of civil society in Russia, as well as about the conditions for the formation and specifics of the “welfare state” of the Soviet type. At the same time, one should admit that the problem of the social policy of the Bolsheviks, which directly relates to many of the above conceptual or debatable issues, remained practically outside the framework of scientific, historical, and political discussions. Meanwhile, for example, the outcome of the Civil War and the further fate of Russia were largely determined by the nature and priorities of the social policy of the warring parties, the degree of the attractiveness of their slogans for ordinary people in the rear and at the front, as well as the ability to bring these slogans to life. The problems of continuity with the pre-Soviet past of the country, the novelty and relevance for society of the Bolsheviks’ transformations in the social sphere, and their compliance with the global trends of the era also seem key to understanding many debatable issues of early Soviet history. In particular, it is impossible to answer the question about the presence or absence of elements of civil society and the so-called “welfare state” in Soviet Russia without an objective assessment of the social slogans declared by the state and the methods of their implementation, as well as the nature of the interaction between the authorities and society in solving certain topical tasks.
45
Sokov, Ilya. "Review of New American Studies on the Civil War (1861–1865) and Reconstruction in the USA (1865–1877) for 2019." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 3 (July 2020): 225–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.3.20.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Introduction. Studies of American historians on the Civil War and Reconstruction continue to be central issues in the 21st century. There is an increased public demand for these studies. The author of the analytical review of American publications tries to answer the question of what this interest is related to. Methods. The author of the review uses the methodological tools such as the scientific principle of objectivity, the special historicalcomparative method and the systematic approach to answer this question. Analysis. The author points out the main areas of studying new aspects marked by American historians of the mid-19th century. These areas include the issues and interpretations on military, political, everyday, anthropological, social and cultural, and economic history. Besides, new approaches in peer-reviewed monographs for the comprehensive coverage of the study material of this issue are highlighted. Results. The interest of academicians and the American public to studying the historical period of the Civil War and Reconstruction, on the one hand, tells about carrying the deep psycho-civilizational trauma by all subsequent generations of both white and black Americans at this time, and on the other hand, this war debunks the myth of God’s chosen destiny of the American nation to build a “City on a Hill”. Constant refinements, additions, revisions, and reinterpretations of the events and consequences of the Civil War and Reconstruction in contemporary American historiography only confirm this conclusion. The publications selected by the reviewer on this issue for 2019 not only introduce new American historical works to Russian Americanists, but also provide an opportunity to expand their own research on this issue.
46
Rojas, Angela Milena. "Deuda pública interna, patrón metálico y guerras civiles: interconexiones institucionales, la Colombia del siglo XIX." Lecturas de Economía, no. 67 (July 31, 2009): 195–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.17533/udea.le.n67a2026.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Este artículo analiza los impactos monetarios e institucionales de la deuda pública interna en Colombia en el siglo XIX. Se expone la naturaleza de esta deuda y su evolución institucional, con el fin de bosquejar una parte de la matriz institucional del siglo XIX; para ello, se utilizan ideas del nuevo institucionalismo económico. El artículo deriva de una investigación más extensa en la que se reconstruyeron series fiscales y e información cualitativa a partir de fuentes primarias. Aquí se muestra el vínculo estrecho entre la emisión de notas de deuda y las guerras civiles, y se expone evidencia sobre cómo la deuda estructuró un patrón metálico impuro. Se encuentra que, esta deuda tuvo impacto sobre el nivel de precios y consolidó la persistencia del caos monetario y las guerras civiles. Palabras clave: deuda pública interna, patrón oro, guerra civil, instituciones, siglo diecinueve. Clasificación JEL: E42, N16, N26, N46. Abstract: This article analyzes the monetary and institutional impacts of the domestic public debt in 19th century Colombia. It shows the nature of this debt and its evolution so as to ultimately sketch one side of the institutional matrix of that century. The article draws upon the New Economic Institutionalism and it is derived from a broader research where fiscal data and qualitative information were built by using primary sources. It points out the close link between the issuing of debt notes and civil wars, and displays evidence on how this debt structured an impure gold standard. It is found that this debt had impact on the price level and strengthened the persistence of the monetary chaos and civil wars. Keywords: domestic public debt, gold standard, civil war, institutions, nineteen century. JEL classification: E42,N16,N26,N46. Résumé: Cet article présente une analyse des impacts monétaires et institutionnels concernant la dette publique interne en Colombie au XIXème siècle. On expose ici la nature de la dette et de son évolution institutionnelle à fin d.esquisser une matrice institutionnelle du XIXème siècle. L.article utilise certaines idées du nouvel institutionnalisme économique, lesquelles ont été obtenues à partir d.une étude plus étendue dans laquelle on a reconstruit des séries fiscales et de l.information qualitative en utilisant des sources primaires. On montre le lien étroit existant entre l.émission de certificats de dette et les guerres civiles, tout en montrant les preuves sur la manière dont la dette publique a permit l.apparition d.un étalon métallique impur. On trouve que cette dette a eu un impact sur le niveau des prix et elle a consolidé le chaos monétaire et les guerres civiles. Mots clef: dette publique interne, étalon or, guerre civile, institutions, XIXème siècle. Classification JEL: E42,N16,N26,N46.
47
Samoshchuk, Oksana. "PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF SALVADOR DALÍ'S PERSONALITY AND CREATIVE PROCESS." PSYCHOLOGICAL JOURNAL 6, no. 1 (2020): 175–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31108/1.2020.6.1.17.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article is devoted to the study of the psychological aspects of Salvador Dalí’s personality and creative process. Based on the analyzed data taken from cultural and historical conditions of the artist's life, as well as from biographical, autobiographical facts and works of art, the following groups of factors were found that influenced both the psychological characteristics and elements of the artist's creative products. The group of macro factors includes geographical, in particular the tendency to portray the landscape, where the artist lived, as the background image in his paintings; global events (the image of the Civil War was used in the painting "Soft Construction with Boiled Beans: Premonition of Civil War" (1936)). Micro factors include two subcategories: close social environment and personal events. The death of the elder brother had seemingly an intense influence on artist's personality and creativity that led to the development of guilt in the parents who treated Dalí in a special way, as their second and only son. This situation formed a sense of permissiveness and uniqueness that, becoming Dalí’s fixed personality traits, were manifested in art: the widespread use of free associations and a surrealistic approach in paintings. Freud's ideas had an exceptional influence on Salvador Dalí, and led to the development of a unique method in his works of art - a paranoid-critical method that allows mixing real objects in paintings with the fantastic ones. It is worth noting the influence of two strong childhood emotional impressions that have signs of psychological trauma: contemplation of the decomposition process of a hedgehog’s corpse and entomophobia of grasshoppers. These two events formed individual images that the artist often used in his surrealist paintings. Therefore, based on these facts we can talk about the existence of a certain mechanism that transform the image of psychological trauma into a permanent element of creativity. The results of the study showed the presence of the following Dalí’s main personality traits: shyness (especially in childhood and adolescence), narcissistic personality type, alienation and closed nature, ambition and the desire for recognition. Thus, it can be argued that there is a certain mechanism in the creative process that transforms the formed psychological traumas and phobias into stable symbolic elements of creative products. The consistent effect of certain events in a life on personality structure was established and, accordingly, the impact of such events on a choice of a certain style in creativity was revealed.
48
Weeks, John. "An Interpretation of the Central American Crisis." Latin American Research Review 21, no. 3 (1986): 31–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100016186.
Texte intégralRésumé :
For the last ten years, Central America has been in upheaval, experiencing fundamental social and political change, with the Nicaraguan revolution representing the most dramatic rupture with the past. This revolution, the civil war in El Salvador, two recent coups in Guatemala, and the militarization of Honduras by the United States are all aspects of the crisis currently transforming the region. This article will argue that these dramatic events comprise a general disintegration of what might be called the “old order” in Central America. While the particular characteristics of each country must be taken into account, a process of creative destruction can be identified that is best understood at the level of the region as a whole.
49
Camfield, David. "From Revolution to Modernising Counter-Revolution in Russia, 1917–28." Historical Materialism 28, no. 2 (2020): 107–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341798.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This article presents a historical-materialist approach to key issues of revolution and counter-revolution and uses it to analyse what happened in Russia between 1917 and the late 1920s. What took place in 1917 was indeed a socialist revolution. However, by the end of 1918 working-class rule had been replaced with the rule of a working-class leadership layer that was improvising a fragile surplus-extracting state of proletarian origin. The eventual transformation of that layer into a new ruling class represented the triumph of a modernising counter-revolution. The decisive determinants of these developments were material pressures acting, first, on a working class plunged into catastrophic social crisis and war and then, after the Civil War, on the party-state leadership layer that sought to maintain its state against both European capitalist societies and the classes from which it had to extract surpluses. However, aspects of Bolshevik ideology also played a role.
50
Danylenko, Serhiy, and Oleksandra Fursai. "“Vaccinodemic” as a component of the global hybrid conflict between democracy and autocracy: the case of Ukraine." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 20, no. 2 (2022): 19–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2022.2.2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Today, there is no doubt that the large-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russian troops in February 2022 represents just another phase of the Russo-Ukrainian War that has lasted for nine years. There are many aspects to this confrontation. The consequences of the war will affect the future of the world order. It will include such aspects as security, formation of new political blocs, force interaction of political regimes, the choice of state-building models by the countries, the art of war, the role of civil society, and strengthening of the informational component in the confrontation between states and their alliances. Russia-Iran has already emerged as one such aggressive alliance. In the article, the authors explain the phenomenon of the infodemic and one of its structural elements, the “vaccinodemic”. The COVID-19 pandemic became a vivid example of the global clash of actors in international relations that implement conflicting ideologies – democratic or authoritarian rule in the social and political life of their states – and realize such aspects in foreign policy. The authors assert that the current situation in Ukraine, namely, the open military Russian invasion and the further aggravation of the security crisis, primarily in the European region, are only the next phase of an ideological confrontation that could be observed during the response to the COVID-19 pandemic by humanity. Now, this confrontation continues in a more aggressive, conventional format. Manifestations of the infodemic and its unique form, the “vaccinodemic”, captured the essence of the global confrontation, which will determine international processes for decades. Namely, Russia’s fight between democracy and authoritarianism has acquired neo-totalitarian characteristics. This fight will determine, in addition to other social phenomena, the structure and content of the global information space. It is noted that authoritarian regimes have shown some success in addressing the pandemic, which may aggravate the rivalry between democracy and authoritarianism, as the former will have to prove its effectiveness and long-term advantages.