Articles de revues sur le sujet « Civil society – Palestine »

This research paper aims to shed light on the theoretical perspectives and operational approaches adopted by the Palestinian civil society organization in connection with the peacebuilding and reconciliation process in the Palestinian context. The research question is what are the different moves, debates, and initiatives taken by the Palestinian civil society organizations to put an end to the conflict? Why could not they succeed or produce tangible results in fulfilling this goal? The first part of the paper considers debates, contexts, and developments of civil society organizations, in general, and Palestine, in particular, as well as their roles on political, national, cultural, and developmental levels. Civil society deepens its peaceful intervention in many developed and developing countries to build domestic peace and achieve reconciliation, along with other tasks and duties. Palestine’s case is not an exception but a unique case since the independent sovereign state of Palestine does not exist on the ground. The second part aims to deeply analyze the roles of civil society in the reconciliation process and to assess why this process failed to produce fruitful results until now. To use narrative methodologies, the paper collects primary data through structured interviews and the focus group. Interviews were conducted with the cadres and activists in the Palestinian civil society and other professionals and experts in this field. The last part concludes that civil society, especially among the youth, is necessary for reconciliation not only between Israeli and Palestinians but also within the Palestinians as well. Keywords: Civil Society, Peacebuilding, Israel, Palestine, conflict.

Palestinian society is geographically separated and politically fragmented. This is attributed to partisan affiliation and alignment, absence of conceptual and professional framework of civil society, unethical approach of Palestinian political leaders, and unconstitutional political institutions. Such polarization and division have created political antagonism within elites and between factions. The broad objective of this research is to investigate the legitimacy crisis in Palestine, the current political dilemma in the Palestinian Authority, and the public response to the situation. The research introduces direct and thorough understanding of the developing political context surrounding these issues; taking into consideration that growing deficit in legitimacy could create potentially dire consequences, particularly if present trends on the ground continue. The research promotes an analytical perspective based on legitimacy theory and exploring recent public opinion polls.

Why are there variances in young people’s civic and political participation in the aftermath of the Arab Uprisings, and what are the implications of these types of participatory modes on authoritarian rule in the region? Based on quantitative and qualitative fieldwork from five countries in the Middle East – Egypt, Palestine, Morocco, Tunisia and Lebanon – this paper demonstrates that young people in the region are increasingly drawn to independent and unconventional forms of participation to varying degrees, depending on each country’s authoritarian structure and institutional arrangements. Though the rise of unconventional participation is a manifestation of the presence of a vibrant Arab street, these participatory modes lead to civil society’s weakness and fragmentation. This adds to the volatility of new civic and political actors and provides the regimes with more authoritarian strategies for resilience.

Reports by UN-affiliated institutions, human rights organizations, academic researchers, and individual community members, as well as Palestine's Environment Quality Authority (EQA), point to the continuing transfer to the West Bank of hazardous wastes from inside Israel, and by illegal Israeli settlement industries operating in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt). Such transfers occur in contravention of the Geneva Conventions and of binding multilateral environmental agreements such as the Basel Convention on the Control of Transboundary Movements of Hazardous Wastes and Their Disposal, to which both Israel and Palestine are party. This article argues that despite inherent limitations, there are opportunities for leveraging the Basel Convention to hold accountable perpetrators, given the severe environmental, health, and human rights consequences of the uncontrolled movement and disposal of waste on the Palestinian population in the oPt. To date, such opportunities have remained largely unexplored both in academia and by broader sectors of civil society.

Civil society organisations in East Jerusalem play a crucial role in protecting Palestinian cultural heritage in the Old City of Jerusalem by providing grassroots support and enhancing the steadfastness of East Jerusalem's Palestinian residents. In critically engaging with the Palestine National Authority's (PNA's) definition of the role of culture, this article seeks to provide the first comprehensive assessment of this civil society mobilisation. After breaking new ground by demonstrating how Jerusalemite university students perceive Palestinian identity, it concludes by asserting that the forging of an active collaboration between the PNA, Jerusalemite students and minority communities could bolster the frontline defense of vulnerable cultural heritage against further Zionist remodeling of Jerusalem's ‘one giant house’. ( Ghoshen 2013 )

This essay by a prominent Israeli activist grows out of concern that advocacy efforts in support of the Palestinian cause have remained stuck at the protest-informational stage of combating disparate manifestations of the occupation. What is needed, the author argues, is a strategy to mobilize the vast range of civil society groups——Palestinian, Israeli, and international——to forge an effective lobbying and advocacy force that can lend the Palestinian leadership public support and a measure of parity with Israel. Intended as a starting point for debate, the essay explores the possibilities of a ““middle range”” strategy that would articulate the essential ““red line”” elements crucial to any just and sustainable settlement, provide a coordinated strategy of advocacy, and explore a range of ““endgames,”” including a regional approach to resolving the conflict if the ““two-state solution”” is found to be impossible because of irreversible ““facts on the ground.””

The process for developing social policies in the Palestinian Territories has undergone several changes in recent years. Most recently, the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) formally adopted the partnership approach whereby policies are developed with participation by the civil society sector and international donor organizations. However, it is unclear whether these partnerships have been realized as little is known about the power relationships between PNA and these other parties. Using a qualitative case study design, data were collected through semi-structured interviews with 16 Palestinian ministry officials and a review of archival materials. The findings confirmed that Palestinian agencies, civil sector organizations, and international donor organizations are now helping formulate anti-poverty policies. However, the partnerships are far from balanced or equal. Due to strained relationships with the PNA characterized by tension, conflict, and competition, the influence of the civil society sector remains modest. Conversely, international donor organizations continue to exert extraordinary influence on the policy-making process through financial and technical assistance. Implications for policy and future research are discussed.

Abstract Human rights are indivisible and are considered as the basis of enjoyment of civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights. It also ensures safe environment to exercise these rights through sustaining civil peace under the rule of law. Therefore, the researcher utilised the historical and analytical descriptive approaches. The findings confirm: first, that civil peace is a fundamental pillar of sustainable development of societies. Second, civil peace in Palestine is at its worst and at risk. In addition to this, the consequences of the collapse of civil peace in Palestinian society will have serious repercussions on the Palestinian cause. The researcher then reached a number of recommendations to restore civil peace in Palestinian society, some of which are: First, to renounce the culture of violence that sowed hatred and revenge among younger generations. Next, to invite the Supreme Council of the Judiciary to develop judges' skills and legal expertise. Then, to call on judges to expedite the disposition of cases before them to ensure fairness of the justice system. Finally, to call on the Palestinian legislature to codify the relationship between tribal customary law and the rule of law. Keywords: Tribal customary law, civil peace, rule of law, relationship of the tribal customary law and civil peace.

In the modern history of the Arab East, there has never been a time when wars were waged on three Arab societies at once. Nowadays, Palestine lives in a state of low intensity warfare; Iraq continues to experience a systematic process of devastation that has entered its fifth year; and Lebanon is suffering the repercussions of one of the most unrelenting and intense military campaigns ever mounted on a civil society this century. Is this a chance occurrence or is there a common thread that explains the causes, perpetrators, features and future settlement prospects of the three wars? This article will demonstrate that all three wars, notwithstanding their particularities, are impacted by similar forces. Consequently, an approach that attempts to deal with each conflict separately and without regard to the others will have little prospect of success. More alarming is the fact that there is a chance the region may witness the flare up of new wars if the present situation is left to fester.

This article reviews the feminist theorization of the concept of citizenship in an attempt to contextualize it in a situation where the basic ingredients for a sovereign state do not exist. The formation of the Palestinian Authority included the reconstruction of the Palestinian ‘imagined’ community within which approaches to gender policies were reformulated to suit a new era. However, the feminist use of the concept of citizenship itself comes into question under conditions of prolonged Occupation. In this analysis, I submit that while women’s NGOs and grass-roots organizations have an important role to play in creating space for women to politicize their demands in advocating full citizenship rights, there are serious limits to what institutions of civil society can achieve when the basic foundations for the state are in a precarious situation.

The Palestinian Right of Return Movement (RoRM) emerged among diaspora refugee communities following the Oslo accords and the perceived threat to the right of return. This article focuses on the RoRM in Syria in the context of the community's history and unique civil rights there. Based on extensive interviews in the Damascus area, it provides an overview of the heterogeneous movement, which, while requiring state approval, operates in an autonomous civil society sphere. RoRM activists translate visions of the return formulated in the Palestinian national arena into local community practices that mobilize memories of Palestine as resources (through oral history, village commemorations, etc.) with the aim of ensuring a future return by the new generation of refugees.

This paper argues for a secular, democratic state in historic Palestine as the most morally coherent solution to the century-old colonial conflict because it offers the best hope for reconciling the inalienable right of the indigenous Palestinians to self-determination and the acquired rights of the colonial settlers to live in peace and security, individually and collectively. Accepting colonists as equal citizens and full partners in building and developing a new shared society is the most magnanimous offer any oppressed indigenous population can present to its oppressors, but for such to be attained, settlers must shed colonial privileges and character, accept justice, unmitigated equality, and conscious integration into the region. Building a just and lasting peace anchored in international law and universal human rights, conducive to ethical coexistence requires the ethical decolonization, or de-Zionization of historic Palestine. Such a process is premised on a revitalized, democratized Palestinian civil resistance movement with a clear vision for a shared, just society and effective worldwide support for reaffirming Palestinian rights and ending Israel's violations of international law and universal rights. By emphasizing the equality of humanity as its most fundamental principle, this paper shows that the proposed secular democratic state promises to transcend national and ethnic dichotomies that now make it nearly impossible to envision reaching any just solution to the most intricate questions.

Combining the literature on sovereignty and Europeanisation, this article investigates the engagement and impact of the European Union (EU) on contested states (states lacking recognition) through a comparative study of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) and Palestine. We find that characteristics of contested statehood mediate EU engagement and impact: the lack of international recognition limits EU’s engagement but encourages development promotion, international integration and assistance of local civil society. Lack of territorial control limits engagement, but ineffective government offers opportunities for development promotion and state-building. As such, and in addition to offering a rich empirical account of two prominent contested states, the article contributes to the discussion of international engagement by developing an innovative conceptual framework for understanding EU’s impact on contested states—a topic neglected within a literature dominated by conventional statehood or conflict resolution themes but very important given extensive international engagement in contested states—and related conflicts.

For over last 70 years, the concept of "return" attained primary focus for the national narrative of Palestinian struggle against devastating conditions, categorized as (i) eviction from ancestral homeland, (ii) diffusion in all aspects and (iii) reconstitution of national unity. However, the very idea create fears among Israelis regarding their authority of whole Zionist enterprise, as well as demographic stability of Arab-Jewish ventures, with regards to the return of large number of Palestinians to their own places or any other part in Palestine. Discrimination in opposition to Palestinians is no longer perpetrated fully by Israeli state, but common to its society, as well. Our article is an answer to the complicated question: Can refugees along with other displaced victims ever claim their right in entering Israel and Palestine, since this State includes Gaza and West Bank territories? Various articles have made an attempt to clarify the matter through some internal laws and have also interpreted the rights mentioned in ‘International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights’, particularly while clarifying the idea evolved from the typical term: 'his own country’. The article focuses on the viable first point, specifically on the claim as a right of the Diasporas return to the formerly called ‘Palestine’. Various resources are utilised for the purpose of the research. This includes books, scholarly researched articles and newspapers etc. The study is analytical in nature and based on qualitative research method. Most of the literature used for the article is Secondary. The conclusion drawn in precise manner is that the intentions are blended in repeated violations of human rights, along with ethnic and religious refining and various innumerable deficiencies, and try to become regularly involved in sensitive issues. This turned out to be disheartening for the people living there as no efforts are made for a truthful resolution.

This article discusses the modalities through which religious and secular nongovernmental medical organizations frame their work in relation to their constituencies. It argues that their discourses exemplify a differentiated approach to social work that can be explained in the context of massive aid disbursed to the occupied Palestinian territories. To understand how the political economy of aid impacts the framing of socioreligious movements, this article focuses on a case study of health organizations operating in the Hebron district, where a mixed matrix of charitable organizations, Islamic institutions, and zakat committees work along secular nongovernmental organizations. In the past decade, there seems to have been a revival of charitable organizations, which may shed light on current political victories of the Islamic sector. If Islamic socioreligious movements have been successful in promoting discourses of common good that attract more popular support than secular organizations, it is precisely because such discourses are in open (and sometimes conscious) tension with liberal conceptions such as good governance, strong civil society, and democracy promotion that are relayed generally by secular and professionalized nongovernmental organizations

After the World War II, the world remarks many changes in every aspect including culture, society, literature and so on. Writers around the world wrote about the effect of colonizer/colonized relationship. Edward Said is one of the pillars who deals with such discourse. Said believes that the legacy of the colonizer still exists in terms of civil wars, corruption and labor exploitation. In other word, Said means that the West creates a wrong image about the Orient and considers it as the “Other” in contrast to the ideal West. Said was the one who deconstructs the western’s thinking about the East. So his books : Orientalism (1978), The Question of Palestine (1979) and Covering Islam (1981) are appropriate to examine the idea of the ‘Other’ and to show how Said decipher the western wrong image about the East. Thus, this paper will emphasis on the concept of the Other according to Said.

As a result for the official and unofficial interactions between many effective sides on both local and central levels, and as a result for the well of the policies network within its different parts such as the legislative council, civil society organizations, financial and administrative audit office, authors, parities and citizens as well as foreign parts such as the international bank and some donating countries, the polices networks started to develop itself and started to work in cooperation with other parties. The networks accomplished all stages in the absence of the legislative council from 2008 till 2019. However, the result of its accomplishments started with short term plans from 1998-2010, in the last year the corruption law as announced, the anti-corruption commission was established. Therefore, the three pillars of anti-corruption were completed including prosecution and anti - corruption court as a type of judicial independence. The Anti-Corruption Law and Strategy has become a systematic policy in all Palestinian public sector institutions. In mid-2019, the PAA obtained a license from the Palestinian Ministry of Higher Education to open the Anti-Corruption Academy for Higher Education, which follows the vision and objective of the Anti-Corruption Commission, which is administratively independent, which will grant a Master's degree and a higher diploma to its members. Thus, we can note the integrated role of the Anti-Corruption Policy Network from implementation to evaluation.

<p>The research aims at examining the possibility of applying Arabian management theory by measuring the impact of Arabian management theory pillars (service concept, counseling concept, and justice concept) on employees' performance. A survey questionnaire was distributed to 385 employees at private, public, civil society, and regional organizations in 22 Arabian countries by e-mail to collect the relevant data about research constructs, and test the study hypotheses, where 202 valid questionnaires were retrieved from 14 Arabian countries (Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Syria, UAE, and Yemen); which represents 52.47% from distributed questionnaires and 63.64% from Arabian countries.</p><p>The study has detected the following findings:</p><p>- The perceptions of respondents about all items of Arabian management theory pillars (service concept, counseling concept, and justice concept) are high.</p><p>- There is a statistical impact of Arabian management theory pillars (service concept, counseling concept, and justice concept) on employees' performance.</p><p>- There are no statistically differences at significant P-value &lt; 0.05 in perceptions of respondents towards Arabian management theory pillars (service concept, counseling concept, and justice concept) attributable to nature of organization.</p><p>- There are no statistically differences at significant P-value &lt; 0.05 in perceptions of respondents towards Arabian management theory pillars (service concept, counseling concept, and justice concept) attributable to their countries.</p>Based on the findings of the study, private, public, civil society, and Arab regional organizations in Arab world are advised to apply Arabian management theory pillars in order to enhance its role in employees' performance through recruiting and hiring leaders who believe in Islamic values and Arab culture. Future studies could be conducted in terms of Arabian management theory on job satisfaction and other related constructs.

AbstractThe dominance of fossil fuel economies in the Middle East with large Muslim majority populations has led to a recurring question about the role Islamic ethics might play in galvanizing action on climate change. However, the perceived clash of economic values versus environmental norms in Islam deserves more careful examination. This brief article considers the advent of the “Islamic Declaration on Climate Change” which was promulgated in 2015 and considers the tangible steps Muslim government leaders and civil society have taken on this matter. The tangible steps that are being considered with an action plan are discussed in the light of earlier environmental movements within Islam. A brief discussion of environmental norms within Islamic scriptures is also provided to give theological context to this narrative. The establishment of the International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA) in the UAE as a treaty-based organization with United Nations affiliations is also considered. The environment can play an important peace-building role in the region as exemplified by organizations such as Eco-peace in Palestine, Israel, and Jordan. Based on the analysis of these developments, it is likely that Muslim countries will continue to play a more proactive role in addressing climate change than they are often given credit for in popular discourse.

This article looks at the representations of Naqab Bedouin in Bedouin advocacy NGOs, and their relationship to changing dynamics of Palestinian and Israeli nationalism, and to wider dynamics of control and risk management. Much has been written on the folklorisation of Bedouin culture, and on representations of the Bedouin in development. The Bedouin have been important as a traditional Other for a modern Israel, and as the ‘Negev Bedouin’ a transitional society and object of development. These ideas have been refashioned by a new body of knowledge on the Naqab Bedouin created by NGO advocacy, highlighting different aspects of Bedouin marginalisation, placing them within different rights frameworks of variously framed ‘Palestinian’, ‘indigenous’, ‘minority’ or ‘civil’ rights. This article looks at the construction of the Bedouin as an object for advocacy by Bedouin NGOs for a wider audience, and particularly how these representations have presented challenges to the control regime around the Naqab Bedouin. The post-OIslo transformation has been resonant with evolving new forms of control and exploitation in contemporary capitalism that channel Bedouin claims within national and international norms and frameworks, and are guided by the modalities of risk management and considering the Bedouin as a risk. I argue that this evolving structure of risk-based governance is reformulating Israel/Palestine, and this is where the Naqab has relevance for the dynamics of the wider Middle East.

The authors ground their reflections on gender and the complex realities of the second Palestinian intifada against Israeli occupation in the political processes unleashed by the signing of the Israeli–Palestinian rule, noting that the profound inequalities between Israel and Palestine during the interim period produced inequalities among Palestinians. The apartheid logic of the Oslo period – made explicit in Israel's policies of separation, seige and confinement of the Palestinian population during the intifada and before it – is shown to shape the forms, sites and levels of resistance which are highly restricted by gender and age. In addition, the authors argue that the Palestinian Authority and leadership have solved the contradictions and crisis of Palestinian nationalism in this period through a form of rule that the authors term ‘authoritarian populism’, that tends to disallow democractic politics and participation. The seeming absence of women and civil society from the highly unequal and violent confrontations is contrasted with the first Palestinian intifada (1987–91), that occurred in a context of more than a decade of democratic activism and the growth of mass-based organizations, including the Palestinian women's movement. The authors explore three linked crises in gender roles emerging from the conditions of the second intifada: a crisis in masculinity, a crisis in paternity and a crisis in maternity.

The study concentrates on the importance of circulating the school visions and its management message in terms of achieving its goals and strategies. This study scope was limited to the orphan’s Islamic school as a population under this study, which is school that is considered one of the well-known boarding schools in the northern Palestine and mainly in Jerusalem, the school is monitored by the Palestinian Ministry of AL-Awqaf and Religious Affairs. As aforementioned above the study was developed to focus on the reality and life experienced by the boarding students in this school, whom joined the school for different reasons in which among them there are orphans, whether father or mother or both parents together, and officially registered in the Palestinian civil registry, and some of them are registered as a social status, which face many different family issues and social problems such as but not limited to: divorce, abandonment by parents. These students are officially registered in the Palestinian Ministry of Community Affairs, and some of them for other reasons of family poverty and others. Total number of internal students reached (35) students in the second semester of the academic year 2021-2022, in the period expanding from February until the period of preparing this research. in addition to the body supervising them to sustain their life. In order to achieve the objectives of this study, the researchers adopted the qualitative research methodology "case study”. Detailed description of the case (boarding students in the Dar Al-Aytam Islamic Industrial School) through the use of approved data collection tools such as type of studies, which are interviews (students, internal supervisors, administrative and teaching staff), context-based observations and analysis of permitted official documents, such as recordings Audio and video, official school publications and official records. This study attempted to answer the questions. The main points from the point of view of its participants are: 1- What does your presence in Dar Al-Aytam Islamic Industrial School offer you? 2- How did your presence in this school affect your social, educational and professional life? 3- What are the challenges and problems that you face in the Dar Al-Aytam Islamic Industrial School? In addition to the sub-questions that arose during the interviews and related to the societal and family context, where a representative number of boarding students of various age, social and family groups, supervisors, administrative staff and educational counselors were interviewed. According to the case study methodology, the names of those participants in the interviews will not be disclosed, and we will suffice to give the codes to the names. It is worth noting that this study came to further emphasize the role of this Institutions to stand by this category of society, especially in our Palestinian society. Keywords: The Islamic Industrial Orphanage Institution, Challenges and Problems

The plan for the resettlement of 117 Palestinian refugees from Iraq in Brazil in 2007 involved the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the Brazilian government, and so-called civil society, including international nongovernmental organizations. These refugees had already developed a reputation in the Rwayshed refugee camp for being “undesirable” in comparison with other local refugees and unfit for refuge elsewhere. Examination of the principles of integration and tutelage in the light of this double rejection places in perspective the supposed apolitical character of humanitarianism and shows how mythical-ideological notions of Brazilianness helped to reinforce and reproduce stereotypes associated with Palestinians. El plan para el reasentamiento de 117 refugiados palestinos de Irak en Brasil involucró al Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para los Refugiados, el gobierno brasileño y la llamada sociedad civil, incluidas las organizaciones internacionales no gubernamentales. Estos refugiados ya habían adquirido una reputación en el campo de refugiados de Rwayshed por ser “indeseables” en comparación con otros refugiados locales y no aptos para refugiarse en otros lugares. El examen de los principios de integración y tutela a la luz de este doble rechazo pone en perspectiva el supuesto carácter apolítico del humanitarismo y muestra cómo las nociones mítico-ideológicas de lo brasileño ayudaron a reforzar y reproducir los estereotipos asociados con los palestinos.

The eminent British architect, designer and educator Charles Robert Ashbee (1863–1942) lived and worked in Jerusalem from 1918 to 1922, as Civic Adviser to the City of Jerusalem and principal officer of the Pro-Jerusalem Society. This proved to be a busy and fruitful period in his late career. Back in England sixteen years later, following a final visit to Palestine, Ashbee compiled his Jerusalem Collection, assembling and classifying all the research and planning material he had collected and developed during his Jerusalem years. Edited by Ashbee in his old age and never published in its entirety — and therefore remaining virtually unknown — the collection contains not only textual material but also hundreds of original drawings, plans and watercolour perspectives, together with photographs, the illustrated material bearing autograph annotations throughout.

The protests that swept the Arab Middle East and North Africa (MENA) are expected to have influenced two key civic attitudes fundamental to well-functioning democracies: trust and tolerance. However, systematic comparative assessments of the general patterns and particularities in this region are rare. This contribution theorizes the uprisings’ impact and presents new society-level measurements of trust and tolerance for the MENA, synchronizing over 40 Arab Barometer and World Values Survey surveys on Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Palestine, Tunisia, and Yemen, from before and after the uprisings. The analyses firstly show political-institutional trust falling in the uprisings’ aftermath in countries that went through democratic reform or regime change. It appears that politicians misbehaving and reforms not resolving social problems hurt people’s trust in politics. Secondly, in democratic transition countries Egypt and Tunisia, a decrease in social trust reflected the pattern of political-institutional trust indicating a spill-over effect. Thirdly, ethno-religious tolerance dropped region-wide after the uprisings, indicating that the aftermath of religious conflict impacted the entire Arab region. These results support rational-choice institutionalist theories, while at the same time refining them for the MENA context.

The emergence of graffiti's urban subculture as a means of political expression has become a singular issue of the so-called Arab Spring. Graffiti and urban art, which had little to no relevance in the Arab world until now, emerged with unusual force in many countries, notably in the Palestinian territories, Lebanon, and Egypt. This blossoming takes shape in tangent with the strengthening of a civil society and its rise as a decisive actor in the new political arena. In Egypt's case, graffiti achieved a leading role that reflected the milestones of civil disturbance, marking the walls with virtual snapshots of the popular sentiment. The proliferation of graffiti also had considerable resonance in international media because of the strategy of spreading rebellious and subversive slogans by means of the symbolic occupation of a public space, which, until now, was monopolized by authoritarian powers.Spanish Un fenómeno singular de la denominada “Primavera Árabe“ ha sido la eclosión de la subcultura urbana del graffiti como medio de expresión política. De escasa o nula relevancia hasta ahora, el arte urbano de las pintadas ha surgido con una fuerza inusitada en varias zonas del mundo árabe, notoriamente en los Territorios Palestinos, el Líbano y Egipto. Dicho florecimiento cuaja en paralelo con la rearticulación de la sociedad civil y su irrupción irreversible como actor de los nuevos escenarios políticos. En el caso de Egipto, los graffitis han tenido un señalado protagonismo como reflejo de los sucesivos hitos de las revueltas, marcando los muros y paredes con verdaderas instantáneas del sentir popular. La proliferación del graffiti ha tenido asimismo una considerable resonancia en los medios internacionales, debido a la estrategia de ocupar simbólicamente el espacio público, -que hasta ahora estaba reservado al monopolio de los poderes autoritarios- para la difusión de consignas contestatarias y subversivas.French Un phénomène singulier de la “printemps arabe“ a été l'émergence de la culture urbaine du graffiti comme un moyen d'expression politique. Avec peu ou pas d'importance jusqu'à ce jour, l'art urbain et le graffiti ont émergé avec une force inhabituelle dans diverses régions du monde arabe, notamment dans les Territoires Palestiniens, le Liban et l'Égypte. Ce e éclosion doit être mise en parallèle avec le renforcement de la société civile et son émergence comme acteur décisif dans le nouveau scénario politique. Dans le cas de l'Égypte, le graffiti a joué un rôle clé comme reflet des jalons successifs des révoltes, en marquant les murs avec des instantanés virtuelles du sentiment populaire. La prolifération des graffitis a rencontré aussi un écho remarquable dans les médias internationaux en raison de la stratégie d'occupation symbolique de l'espace public pour la diffusion des slogans rebelles et subversifs; un espace public qui était réservé jusqu'à aujourd'hui aux pouvoirs autoritaires.

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Pelanggaran HAM dan Hukum Humaniter Internasional Israel terhadap Palestina, banyak menyita perhatian negara dan masyarakat dunia tidak terkecuali Irlandia. Kesamaan sejarah membuat Irlandia mengambil posisi untuk mendukung Palestina dalam meraih kemerdekaannya di bawah jajahan Israel. IPSC (Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign) sebagai salah satu CSO (Civil Society Organization) di Irlandia menjadi salah satu aktor yang berperan aktif dalam menekan pemerintah Irlandia untuk mengesahkan RUU tentang Larangan Impor Produk Israel, yaitu melalui gerakan BDS (Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions). Berdasarkan hal tersebut, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memahami bagaimana signifikansi peranan jaringan transnasional yang dilakukan IPSC sebagai CSO dalam studi Hubungan Internasional ditinjau dari kerangka pemikiran Transnational Advocacy Network ‎(TAN) khususnya ‘leverage politics’ dan ‘accountability politics’. Penelitian ini menerapkan metode kualitatif dengan teknik deskriptif analitis dalam mengkaji sumber data penelitian. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa secara horizontal, IPSC sebagai CSO berdampak positif terhadap terciptanya kesadaran masyarakat Irlandia mendukung perjuangan rakyat Palestina meraih kemerdekaannya. Adapun secara vertikal, respon IPSC cukup signifikan dalam mengadvokasi berbagai aktor jaringan transnasional, terutama dalam memengaruhi tataran hukum Pemerintah Irlandia untuk mengesahkan produk hukum RUU Larangan Impor Produk Israel tahun 2018, salah satunya melalui gerakan BDS (Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions). Dalam ranah hubungan internasional, masyarakat sipil mempunyai peran signifikan sebagai aktor hukum internasional, yang memiliki andil besar terhadap proses pembuatan kebijakan luar negeri suatu negara. Kata Kunci: Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign (IPSC), Civil Society Organization (CSO), Transnational Advocacy Network ‎(TAN), Boycott-Divestment and Sanctions (BDS‎).

By drawing from authors’ fieldwork in Egypt, Palestine, and Turkey, this article critically examines perceptions of project-think among civic organizations in the Middle East. As a managerial rationality, project-think has four key components: (a) a prioritization of discrete needs and discrete groups, (b) an orientation toward funding, (c) a focus on short-term and measurable results, and (d) the positioning of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) as career ladders. Through unpacking these four components, we find that project-think is perceived to contribute to the fragmentation of civil society by fracturing social issues, dividing the NGO sector, isolating organizational energy, and complicating relations between groups. Simultaneously, we demonstrate that, civic actors use various strategies to circumvent the perceived impacts of fragmentation. By mapping these intertwined meanings and experiences of fragmentation and defragmentation, this study contributes to debates concerning the political effects of managerialism among civil society in the Global South.

Abstract This article extends the literature on “ngo-ization” in the Middle East and Global South to examine “voluntary grassroots organizations” (vgo s): groups that operate on a voluntary basis and position themselves outside of the formal ngo sector and foreign aid system. Based on nine months of ethnographic research in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, the article examines how vgo s use heritage practices as a two-pronged challenge to the ngo-ization of Palestinian civil society. Whereas ngo-ization depoliticized civil society, vgo s resist depoliticization by mobilizing Palestinians to counter the Israeli occupation. And whereas ngo-ization professionalized civil society, vgo s resist professionalization by building large volunteer bases, emphasizing long-term processes of citizen mobilization rather than short-term outcomes, and remaining grounded in local communities and accountable to local citizens. Their work reflects larger trends around the world in which civic actors turn to informal organizing in an era of growing disenchantment with traditional ngo s.

Dr. Mohammad Mustafa is chairman and CEO of the Palestine Investment Fund (PIF) and an economic adviser to Palestinian Authority President Mahmud Abbas. PIF, the leading investor in Palestine, is a publicly limited company fully owned by the people of Palestine. It was established in 2003 with the transfer of assets managed by the Palestinian Authority. Financially and administratively autonomous, it is governed by an independent board of directors and a general assembly representing civil society, nongovernmental organizations, academia, and the public and private sectors. In pursuit of its mandate—which is to strengthen the local economy through investments that foster sustainable economic development while maintaining and increasing existing national reserves—PIF owns direct majority and minority stakes in companies and follows a business model based on public-private partnerships. Currently, PIF has approximately $800 million in assets under management and is leading a $4 billion investment program aimed at stimulating economic growth and creating over 100,000 new job opportunities within the next five years. The interview was conducted in Amman, Jordan, in mid-December 2009 by Nasr Abdul Karim, former dean of economics at An-Najah University, Nablus, and by Salim Tamari and Khalid Farraj, respectively director and associate director of the Institute for Palestine Studies, Ramallah.

This paper argues that the violation of justice in Palestine began in 1948 and was deepened in 1967 with the further occupation and de-development of Palestine which continues to this day. For forty two years, international law has been defied by Israel with one excuse after another that few people accept. Israel has persistently built more and more settlements and separations that make the basic human right to education and health near impossible for the Palestinians. Whilst international aid has been necessary, it has been politically ineffective in halting the capture and annexing of more and more Palestinian land. More Palestinians are removed from Jerusalem every day as violence upon violence is piled on the people of Palestine. This paper argues that this is unacceptable for the international family of higher education. It argues that universities around the world should take a political lead in response to the call from Palestinian and other peace workers to build the Boycott, Disinvestment and Sanctions movement in global civil society. This paper moves the position that history has built up to a point where justice for Palestine is now an undeniable global issue for people of conscience everywhere. The situation is such that universities cannot step back and leave it to politicians. Academics and students must speak out and take a lead in ending the day to day abuse of basic Palestinian rights.

هدفت هذه الدراسة إلى تقديم تصور مقترح للحد من عمالة الأطفال في فلسطين وفقاً لبعض التجارب العربية، والتعرف على الهيئات المسؤولة عن تنفيذ التصور وآلية التنفيذ، وتم استخدام طريقة تحليل المضمون والطريقة المقارنة لعدد من الدراسات التي تمثل التجارب العربية في الحد من عمالة الاطفال وبلغت (22) دراسة أو تجربة، وتوصلت الدراسة الى النتائج الآتية: (أ) الهيئات التشريعية والتنفيذية والشريكة هي المسؤولة عن الحد من ظاهرة عمالة الأطفال؛ (ب) وزارة العمل، وزارة التربية والتعليم ووزارة التنمية الاجتماعية هي الهيئات التنفيذية للتصور المقترح؛ (ج) مؤسسات المجتمع المدني تمثل الهيئات الشريكة في التصور. This study aimed to present a proposed perception to reduce child labor in Palestine according to some Arab experiences, and to identify the bodies responsible for implementing the perception and the implementation mechanism. The content analysis method and the comparative method was used for a number of studies that represent Arab experiences in reducing child labor. A total of (22) studies or experiments were reported, and this study reached the following results: (a) the legislative, executive and partner bodies are responsible for curbing the phenomenon of child labor; (b) the ministry of labor, the ministry of education and the ministry of social development are the executive bodies of the proposed scenario; (c) civil society institutions represent partner bodies in the visualization.

This study aimed to clarify the level of psychological and social pressures and the level of psychological adaptation among the wives of the martyrs, through relying on the study tool (the questionnaire), which consisted of (30) paragraphs the researcher used to study the level of the study variables and their relationship with each other, and the researcher collected the opinions of the study sample Which consisted of (200) wife of a martyr, and the results showed an increase in the level of psychological and social pressures faced by the wives of the martyrs in addition to the high level of psychological adaptation to them, the results also showed a statistically significant correlation between levels of facing psychological and social pressure The psychological impact of martyrs ’wives in Palestine, and the absence of statistically significant differences between levels of coping with psychological and social pressures among martyrs’ wives in Palestine due to the age variable, marital status, place of residence, educational attainment, number of years of husband’s martyrdom, work, number of children, in addition to The absence of statistically significant differences between the levels of psychological adaptation of the wives of the martyrs in Palestine due to the variable of age, marital status, place of residence, educational attainment, the number of years of the husband's martyrdom, work, the number of children, and the researcher recommended the need to work on providing psychological and social support for the wives of the martyrs By activating the role of civil and governmental organizations which reduces the psychological and social pressures facing them, and supporting the wives of the martyrs by providing financial and psychological support to them through working to find jobs and businesses that contribute to changing their conditions and enabling them to re-engage in society, which helps them to increase the level of Their psychological adaptation, and the organization of feminist workshops with the wives of the martyrs to talk about their different experiences and communicate to benefit from each other's experiences, which increases their ability to face the psychological and social pressures surrounding them.

One of the least-remarked upon features of Israel's Operation Defensive Shield was the massive popular response it engendered at the popular level throughout the Islamic world (and in many other countries in Europe and Asia): within days, hundreds of thousands of people from Morocco in the west to Indonesia and Malaysia in the east had taken to the streets to protest Israel's assault on the Palestinian territories and U .S. support of Israel. In the Arab countries, where reactions were strongest (the estimated attendance of a single demonstration in Rabat, Morocco, ranged from 500,000 to a million), angry protesters, even in places such as Saudi Arabia and the Gulf, railed against the passivity and impotence of the Arab regimes; in a number of countries, U.S. diplomatic facilities were attacked, and protests turned violent; demonstrators were killed in Egypt, Jordan, Tunisia, and Yemen. Common patterns included the role of satellite television coverage of Israeli destruction in galvanizing popular anger, massive collections of funds and supplies to send to Palestine amounting to tens of millions of dollars, and boycotts of American-made goods that continued after the demonstrations had died down in May 2002, and indeed are still in force in many places. Moreover, while Islamic groups spearheaded the demonstrations in some countries, everywhere secular and civil society groups had a strong presence. What differed from country to country was how the governments handled the protests——by co-optation, repression, and combinations thereof. The following are brief reports on the public response in the four countries bordering Israel and in Turkey.

In international development as noted at the Wikipedia, good governance is a subjective term that describes how public institutions conduct public affairs and manage public resources in the preferred way. Governance is the process of decision – making and the process by which decisions are implemented or not. The term governance can apply to corporate, international, national, local governance or to the interactions between other sectors in the society. (1) "What is Good Governance". UNESCAP, 2009. Accessed July 10, 2009. This paper explores the concept of good governance from different perspective that then emerges as a model to compare ineffective economies or political bodies with viable economies and political bodies. The concept centers on the responsibility of governments and governing bodies to meet the needs of the masses as opposed to select groups in society. Because countries often described as most successful are liberal democratic states concentrated in Europe and the Americas( 2) Khan, Mushtaq Husain (2004). State formation in Palestine: viability and governance during a social transformation: Volume 2 of Political economy of the Middle East and North Africa. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-33802-8. found at Google Books , good governance standards often measure other state institutions against these states. Aid organizations and the authorities of developed countries often will focus the meaning of “good governance “ to a set of requirements that conform to the organization agenda , making good governance imply many different things in many different contexts. (3) Poluha, Eva; Rosendahl, Mona (2002). Contesting 'good' governance:crosscultural perspectives on representation, accountability and public space. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-7007-1494-0.Thus this paper would adopt the concept of good governance in the Philippine context particularly at the grass root level- the barangay which is considered as the smallest political and yet influential political body in the society. This paper presents the focal area of good governance in terms of delivering public services to the people from different sectors of the society such as Education and Healthcare, Social Protection, Financial Management , Peace and Security, Business Friendliness, Tourism, Environmental Management and Disaster Preparedness.(4) DILG Memorandum Circular No. 2018-194 dated November 6, 2018. There will be some indicators and data requirements in each area of services that would suggest, prove and validate that good governance at the grass root level are met. Through these strategies, the abilities of public sector institutions particularly the barangays in the City of Makati as well as the entire country to deliver key services more effectively and efficiently will be strengthened an these would help a range of public private, civil society partners and stakeholders expand access to and improve the quality of community services.

Cairns, Alan C. Citizens Plus: Aboriginal Peoples and the Canadian State. By Joyce Green 623Flanagan, Tom. First Nations? Second Thoughts. Par Jean-François Savard 625Manfredi, Christopher P. Judicial Power and the Charter: Canada and the Paradox of Liberal Constitutionalism. By Miriam Smith 627Corbo, Claude, sous la direction de. Repenser l'École : une anthologie des débats sur l'éducation au Québec de 1945 au rapport Parent. Par Annie Mercure 629Howe, R. Brian and David Johnson. Restraining Equality. By Paul Groarke 632Stewart, David K. and Keith Archer. Quasi-Democracy? Parties and Leadership Selection in Alberta. By Harold J. Jansen 634Adkin, Laurie E. Politics of Sustainable Development: Citizens, Unions and the Corporations. By Milton Fisk 635Gibson, Robert B., ed. Voluntary Initiatives. The New Politics of Corporate Greening. By Jean Mercier 637Vosko, Leah F. Temporary Work: The Gendered Rise of a Precarious Employment Relationship. By David Camfield 639Amar, Akhil Reed. The Bill of Rights: Creation and Reconstruction. By Matthew DeBell 640Kagan, Robert A. and Lee Axelrad, eds. Regulatory Encounters: Multinational Corporations and American Adversarial Legalism. By Susan Summers Raines 641Barbier, Maurice. La modernité politique. Par Jean-François Lessard 643Badie, Bertrand. The Imported State: The Westernization of the Political Order. By Geoff Martin 645Gill, Graeme. The Dynamics of Democratization: Elites, Civil Society and the Transition Process. By Daniel M. Brinks 646Gunther, Richard and Anthony Mughan, eds. Democracy and the Media: A Comparative Perspective. By Bartholomew Sparrow 648Klieman, Aharon. Compromising Palestine: A Guide to Final Status Negotiations. By Julie Trottier 650Huang, Jing. Factionalism in Chinese Communist Politics. By Chih-Yu Shih 652Kim, Samuel S., ed. Korea's Globalization. By Hoon Jaung Chung-Ang 654Powell, Jr., G. Bingham. Elections as Instruments of Democracy: Majoritarian and Proportional Visions. By Richard Johnston 655Tesh, Sylvia Noble. Uncertain Hazards: Environmental Activists and Scientific Proof. By William Chaloupka 657Watts, Ronald L. Comparing Federal Systems. By Michael Stein 658Eisenstadt, S. N. Paradoxes of Democracy; Fragility, Continuity, and Change. By Brian Donohue 660Castles, Stephen and Alastair Davidson. Citizenship and Migration: Globalization and the Politics of Belonging. By Triadafilos Triadafilopoulos 661Sidjanski, Dusan. The Federal Future of Europe: From European Community to the European Union. By Emmanuel Brunet-Jailly 663DeWiel, Boris. Democracy: A History of Ideas. By Florian Bail 664Newell, Waller R. Ruling Passion: The Erotics of Statecraft in Platonic Political Philosophy. By Andrew Hertzoff 666Hueglin, Thomas O. Early Modern Concepts for a Late Modern World: Althusius on Community and Federalism. By Phillip Hansen 668Slomp, Gabriella. Thomas Hobbes and the Political Philosophy of Glory. By Don Carmichael 670Thompson, Norma, ed. Instilling Ethics. By Gary K. Browning 671Boutwell, Jeffrey and Michael T. Klare, eds. Light Weapons and Civil Conflict: Controlling the Tools of Violence. By Kirsten E. Schulze 672Falk, Richard. Predatory Globalization: A Critique. By Stella Ladi 674Meyer, Mary K. and Elisabeth Prügl. Gender Politics in Global Governance. By Naomi Black 675

Palestinian Women’s organizations have a very important role in Palestine's civil society. The development of these organizations is well recognized and they reached their peak at the beginning of the INTIFADA. Until the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA), women’s organizations formed part of the national struggle against the Israeli occupation, and their agenda was subordinate to that of the national movement. In the late 1980s, however, a process of transformation was initiated that provided women’s organizations with the opportunity to focus on women’s issues. Indeed, since the creation of the PA, women’s organizations have focused almost exclusively on women’s issues. The PA, in contrast, has attempted to marginalize women, as reflected in the process of its consolidation. As a result, women’s organizations have attempted to influence PA policy to improve the position of women in Palestinian society. This paper examines the means and strategies that the Palestinian Women’s Organizations have adopted to influence Palestinian Authority (PA) policy.

In PilsenTwenty-six Station Road,She climbed to the third floorUp stairs which were all that was leftOf the whole house,She opened her doorFull on to the sky,Stood gaping over the edge.For this was the placeThe world ended.Thenshe locked up carefullylest someone stealSiriusor Aldebaranfrom her kitchen,went back downstairsand settled herselfto waitfor the house to rise againand for her husband to rise from the ashesand for her children’s hands and feet to be stuck back in placeIn the morning they found herstill as stone, sparrows pecking her hands.Five Minutes after the Air Raidby Miroslav Holub(Calder 287) Holding Still Detonation. Affect. During the Second World War, London and other European cities were subjected to the terrors of aerial bombardment, rendered through nightmarish anticipations of the bomber (Gollin 7) and the material storm of the real air-raid. The fall of bombs plagued cities and their citizens with the terrible rain of explosives and incendiary weapons. A volatile landscape was formed as the urban environment was ‘unmade’ and urged into violent motion. Flying projectiles of shrapnel, debris and people; avalanches of collapsing factories and houses; the inhale and exhale of compressed air and firestorms; the scream of the explosion. All these composed an incredibly fluid urban traumatic, as atmospheres fell over the cities that was thick with smoke, dust, and ventilated only by terror (see for instance Sebald 10 and Mendieta’s 3 recent commentary). Vast craters were imprinted onto the charred morphologies of London and Berlin as well as Coventry, Hamburg and Dresden. Just as the punctuations of the bombing saw the psychic as well as the material give way, writers portraying Britain as an ‘volcano island’ (Spaight 5) witnessed eruptive projections – the volleys of the material air-war; the emotional signature of charged and bitter reprisals; pain, anguish and vengeance - counter-strikes of affect. In the midst of all of this molten violence and emotion it seems impossible that a simultaneous sense of quiescence could be at all possible. More than mere physical fixity or geographical stasis, a rather different sort of experience could take place. Preceding, during and following the excessive mobilisation of an air raid, ‘stillness’ was often used to describe certain plateuing stretches of time-space which were slowed and even stopped (Anderson 740). Between the eruptions appeared hollows of calm and even boredom. People’s nervous flinching under the reverberation of high-explosive blasts formed part of what Jordan Crandall might call a ‘bodily-inclination’ position. Slackened and taut feelings condensed around people listening out for the oncoming bomber. People found that they prepared for the dreadful wail of the siren, or relaxed in the aftermath of the attack. In these instances, states of tension and apprehension as well as calm and relief formed though stillness. The peculiar experiences of ‘stillness’ articulated in these events open out, I suggest, distinctive ways-of-being which undo our assumptions of perpetually fluid subjectivities and the primacy of the ‘body in motion’ even within the context of unparalleled movement and uncertainty (see Harrison 423 and also Rose and Wylie 477 for theoretical critique). The sorts of “musics of stillness and silence able to be discovered in a world of movement” (Thrift, Still 50), add to our understandings of the material geographies of war and terror (see for instance Graham 63; Gregory and Pred 3), whilst they gesture towards complex material-affective experiences of bodies and spaces. Stillness in this sense, denotes apprehending and anticipating spaces and events in ways that sees the body enveloped within the movement of the environment around it; bobbing along intensities that course their way through it; positioned towards pasts and futures that make themselves felt, and becoming capable of intense forms of experience and thought. These examples illustrate not a shutting down of the body to an inwardly focused position – albeit composed by complex relations and connections – but bodies finely attuned to their exteriors (see Bissell, Animating 277 and Conradson 33). In this paper I draw from a range of oral and written testimony archived at the Imperial War Museum and the Mass Observation wartime regular reports. Edited publications from these collections were also consulted. Detailing the experience of aerial bombing during the Blitz, particularly on London between September 1940 to May 1941, forms part of a wider project concerning the calculative and affective dimensions of the aeroplane’s relationship with the human body, especially through the spaces it has worked to construct (infrastructures such as airports) and destroy. While appearing extraordinary, the examples I use are actually fairly typical of the patternings of experience and the depth and clarity with which they are told. They could be taken to be representative of the population as a whole or coincidentally similar testimonials. Either way, they are couched within a specific cultural historical context of urgency, threat and unparalleled violence.Anticipations The complex material geographies of an air raid reveal the ecological interdependencies of populations and their often urban environments and metabolisms (Coward 419; Davis 3; Graham 63; Gregory The Colonial 19; Hewitt Place 257). Aerial warfare was an address of populations conceived at the register of their bio-rhythmical and metabolic relationship to their milieu (Adey). The Blitz and the subsequent Allied bombing campaign constituted Churchill’s ‘great experiment’ for governments attempting to assess the damage an air raid could inflict upon a population’s nerves and morale (Brittain 77; Gregory In Another 88). An anxious and uncertain landscape constructed before the war, perpetuated by public officials, commentators and members of parliament, saw background affects (Ngai 5) of urgency creating an atmosphere that pressurised and squeezed the population to prepare for the ‘gathering storm’. Attacks upon the atmosphere itself had been readily predicted in the form of threatening gas attacks ready to poison the medium upon which human and animal life depended (Haldane 111; Sloterdijk 41-57). One of the most talked of moments of the Blitz is not necessarily the action but the times of stillness that preceded it. Before and in-between an air raid stillness appears to describe a state rendered somewhere between the lulls and silences of the action and the warnings and the anticipatory feelings of what might happen. In the awaiting bodies, the materialites of silence could be felt as a kind-of-sound and as an atmospheric sense of imminence. At the onset of the first air-raids sound became a signifier of what was on the way (MO 408). Waiting – as both practice and sensation – imparted considerable inertia that went back and forth through time (Jeffrey 956; Massumi, Parables 3). For Geographer Kenneth Hewitt, sound “told of the coming raiders, the nearness of bombs, the plight of loved ones” (When the 16). The enormous social survey of Mass Observation concluded that “fear seems to be linked above all with noise” (original emphasis). As one report found, “It is the siren or the whistle or the explosion or the drone – these are the things that terrify. Fear seems to come to us most of all through our sense of hearing” (MO 378). Yet the power of the siren came not only from its capacity to propagate sound and to alert, but the warning held in its voice of ‘keeping silent’. “Prefacing in a dire prolepsis the post-apocalyptic event before the event”, as Bishop and Phillips (97) put it, the stillness of silence was incredibly virtual in its affects, disclosing - in its lack of life – the lives that would be later taken. Devastation was expected and rehearsed by civilians. Stillness formed a space and body ready to spring into movement – an ‘imminent mobility’ as John Armitage (204) has described it. Perched on the edge of devastation, space-times were felt through a sense of impending doom. Fatalistic yet composed expectations of a bomb heading straight down pervaded the thoughts and feelings of shelter dwellers (MO 253; MO 217). Waves of sound disrupted fragile tempers as they passed through the waiting bodies in the physical language of tensed muscles and gritted teeth (Gaskin 36). Silence helped form bodies inclined-to-attention, particularly sensitive to aural disturbances and vibrations from all around. Walls, floors and objects carried an urban bass-line of warning (Goodman). Stillness was forged through a body readied in advance of the violence these materialities signified. A calm and composed body was not necessarily an immobile body. Civilians who had prepared for the attacks were ready to snap into action - to dutifully wear their gas-mask or escape to shelter. ‘Backgrounds of expectation’ (Thrift, Still 36) were forged through non-too-subtle procedural and sequential movements which opened-out new modes of thinking and feeling. Folding one’s clothes and placing them on the dresser in-readiness; pillows and sheets prepared for a spell in the shelter, these were some of many orderly examples (IWM 14595). In the event of a gas attack air raid precautions instructions advised how to put on a gas mask (ARPD 90-92),i) Hold the breath. ii) Remove headgear and place between the knees. iii) Lift the flap of the haversack [ …] iv) Bring the face-piece towards the face’[…](v) Breathe out and continue to breathe in a normal manner The rational technologies of drill, dressage and operational research enabled poise in the face of an eventual air-raid. Through this ‘logistical-life’ (Reid 17), thought was directed towards simple tasks by minutely described instructions. Stilled LifeThe end of stillness was usually marked by a reactionary ‘flinch’, ‘start’ or ‘jump’. Such reactionary ‘urgent analogs’ (Ngai 94; Tomkins 96) often occurred as a response to sounds and movements that merely broke the tension rather than accurately mimicking an air raid. These atmospheres were brittle and easily disrupted. Cars back-firing and changing gear were often complained about (MO 371), just as bringing people out of the quiescence of sleep was a common effect of air-raids (Kraftl and Horton 509). Disorientation was usually fostered in this process while people found it very difficult to carry out the most simple of tasks. Putting one’s clothes on or even making their way out of the bedroom door became enormously problematic. Sirens awoke a ‘conditioned reflex’ to take cover (MO 364). Long periods of sleep deprivation brought on considerable fatigue and anxiety. ‘Sleep we Must’ wrote journalist Ritchie Calder (252) noticing the invigorating powers of sleep for both urban morale and the bare existence of survival. For other more traumatized members of the population, psychological studies found that the sustained concentration of shelling caused what was named ‘apathy-retreat’ (Harrisson, Living 65). This extreme form of acquiescence saw especially susceptible and vulnerable civilians suffer an overwhelming urge to sleep and to be cared-for ‘as if chronically ill’ (Janis 90). A class and racial politics of quiescent affect was enacted as several members of the population were believed far more liable to ‘give way’ to defeat and dangerous emotions (Brittain 77; Committee of Imperial Defence).In other cases it was only once an air-raid had started that sleep could be found (MO 253). The boredom of waiting could gather in its intensity deforming bodies with “the doom of depression” (Anderson 749). The stopped time-spaces in advance of a raid could be soaked with so much tension that the commencement of sirens, vibrations and explosions would allow a person overwhelming relief (MO 253). Quoting from a boy recalling his experiences in Hannover during 1943, Hewitt illustrates:I lie in bed. I am afraid. I strain my ears to hear something but still all is quiet. I hardly dare breathe, as if something horrible is knocking at the door, at the windows. Is it the beating of my heart? ... Suddenly there seems relief, the sirens howl into the night ... (Heimatbund Niedersachsen 1953: 185). (Cited in Hewitt, When 16)Once a state of still was lost getting it back required some effort (Bissell, Comfortable 1697). Cautious of preventing mass panic and public hysteria by allowing the body to erupt outwards into dangerous vectors of mobility, the British government’s schooling in the theories of panicology (Orr 12) and contagious affect (Le Bon 17; Tarde 278; Thrift, Intensities 57; Trotter 140), made air raid precautions (ARP) officers, police and civil defence teams enforce ‘stay put’ and ‘hold firm’ orders to protect the population (Jones et al, Civilian Morale 463, Public Panic 63-64; Thomas 16). Such orders were meant to shield against precisely the kinds of volatile bodies they were trying to compel with their own bombing strategies. Reactions to the Blitz were moralised and racialised. Becoming stilled required self-conscious work by a public anxious not to be seen to ‘panic’. This took the form of self-disciplination. People exhausted considerable energy to ‘settle’ themselves down. It required ‘holding’ themselves still and ‘together’ in order to accomplish this state, and to avoid going the same way as the buildings falling apart around them, as some people observed (MO 408). In Britain a cup of tea was often made as a spontaneous response in the event of the conclusion of a raid (Brown 686). As well as destroying bombing created spaces too – making space for stillness (Conradson 33). Many people found that they could recall their experiences in vivid detail, allocating a significant proportion of their memories to the recollection of the self and an awareness of their surroundings (IWM 19103). In this mode of stillness, contemplation did not turn-inwards but unfolded out towards the environment. The material processual movement of the shell-blast literally evacuated all sound and materials from its centre to leave a vacuum of negative pressure. Diaries and oral testimonies stretch out these millisecond events into discernable times and spaces of sensation, thought and the experience of experience (Massumi, Parables 2). Extraordinarily, survivors mention serene feelings of quiet within the eye of the blast (see Mortimer 239); they had, literally, ‘no time to be frightened’ (Crighton-Miller 6150). A shell explosion could create such intensities of stillness that a sudden and distinctive lessening of the person and world are expressed, constituting ‘stilling-slowing diminishments’ (Anderson 744). As if the blast-vacuum had sucked all the animation from their agency, recollections convey passivity and, paradoxically, a much more heightened and contemplative sense of the moment (Bourke 121; Thrift, Still 41). More lucid accounts describe a multitude of thoughts and an attention to minute detail. Alternatively, the enormous peaking of a waking blast subdued all later activities to relative obsolescence. The hurricane of sounds and air appear to overload into the flatness of an extended and calmed instantaneous present.Then the whistling stopped, then a terrific thump as it hit the ground, and everything seem to expand, then contract with deliberation and stillness seemed to be all around. (As recollected by Bill and Vi Reagan in Gaskin 17)On the other hand, as Schivelbusch (7) shows us in his exploration of defeat, the cessation of war could be met with an outburst of feeling. In these micro-moments a close encounter with death was often experienced with elation, a feeling of peace and well-being drawn through a much more heightened sense of the now (MO 253). These are not pre-formed or contemplative techniques of attunement as Thrift has tracked, but are the consequence of significant trauma and the primal reaction to extreme danger.TracesSusan Griffin’s haunting A Chorus of Stones documents what she describes as a private life of war (1). For Griffin, and as shown in these brief examples, stillness and being-stilled describe a series of diverse experiences endured during aerial bombing. Yet, as Griffin narrates, these are not-so private lives. A common representation of air war can be found in Henry Moore’s tube shelter sketches which convey sleeping tube-dwellers harboured in the London underground during the Blitz. The bodies are represented as much more than individuals being connected by Moore’s wave-like shapes into the turbulent aggregation of a choppy ocean. What we see in Moore’s portrayal and the examples discussed already are experiences with definite relations to both inner and outer worlds. They refer to more-than individuals who bear intimate relations to their outsides and the atmospheric and material environments enveloping and searing through them. Stillness was an unlikely state composed through these circulations just as it was formed as a means of address. It was required in order to apprehend sounds and possible events through techniques of listening or waiting. Alternatively being stilled could refer to pauses between air-strikes and the corresponding breaks of tension in the aftermath of a raid. Stillness was composed through a series of distributed yet interconnecting bodies, feelings, materials and atmospheres oriented towards the future and the past. The ruins of bombed-out building forms stand as traces even today. Just as Massumi (Sensing 16) describes in the context of architecture, the now static remainder of the explosion “envelops in its stillness a deformational field of which it stands as the trace”. The ruined forms left after the attack stand as a “monument” of the passing of the raid to be what it once was – house, factory, shop, restaurant, library - and to become something else. The experience of those ‘from below’ (Hewitt 2) suffering contemporary forms of air-warfare share many parallels with those of the Blitz. Air power continues to target, apparently more precisely, the affective tones of the body. Accessed by kinetic and non-kinetic forces, the signs of air-war are generated by the shelling of Kosovo, ‘shock and awe’ in Iraq, air-strikes in Afghanistan and by the simulated air-raids of IDF aircraft producing sonic-booms over sleeping Palestinian civilians, now becoming far more real as I write in the final days of 2008. Achieving stillness in the wake of aerial trauma remains, even now, a way to survive the (private) life of air war. AcknowledgementsI’d like to thank the editors and particularly the referees for such a close reading of the article; time did not permit the attention their suggestions demanded. Grateful acknowledgement is also made to the AHRC whose funding allowed me to research and write this paper. ReferencesAdey, Peter. Aerial Geographies: Mobilities, Bodies and Subjects. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010 (forthcoming). 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Introduction For migrants, the dream of a better life is often expressed by the metaphor of the journey (Papastergiadis 31). Propelled by a variety of forces and choices, migrant life narratives tend to revolve around movement from one place to another, from a homeland associated with cultural and spiritual origins to a hostland which offers new opportunities and possibilities. In many cases, however, their dreams of migrants are deferred; migrants endure hardships and make sacrifices in the hope of a better life for their children. Many studies have explored the social and economic outcomes of the “second” generation – the children of migrants born and raised in the new country. In Australia studies have found, despite some notable exceptions (Betts and Healy; Inglis), that the children of migrants have achieved the economic and social integration their parents dreamed of (Khoo, McDonald, Giorgas, and Birrell). At the same time, however, research has found that the second generation face new challenges, including the negative impact of ethnic and racial discrimination (Dunn, Blair, Bliuc, and Kamp; Jakubowicz, Collins, Reid, and Chafic), the experience of split identities and loyalties (Butcher and Thomas) and a complicated sense of “home” and belonging (Fabiansson; Mason; Collins and Read). In this articles, we explore what the dream of a better life means for second generation migrants, and how that dream might reshape Australia’s multicultural identity. A focus on this generation’s imaginings, visions and hopes for the future is important, we argue, because its distinctive experience, differing from that of other sections of the Australian community in some important ways, needs to be recognised as the nation’s multicultural identity is refashioned in changing circumstances. Unlike their parents, the second generation was born into what is now one of the most diverse countries in the world, with over a quarter (26%) of the population born overseas and a further 23% having at least one parent born overseas (Australian Bureau of Statistics). Unlike their parents, they have come of age in the era of digitally-enabled international communication that has transformed the ways in which people connect. This cohort has a distinctive relationship to the national imaginary. The idea of “multicultural Australia” that was part of the country’s adoption of a multicultural policy framework in the early 1970s was based on a narrative of “old” (white Anglo) Australians “welcoming” (or “tolerating”) “new” (immigrant) Australians (Ang and Stratton; Hage). In this narrative, the second generation, who are Australian born but not “old” Australians and of “migrant background” but not “new” Australians, are largely invisible, setting them apart from both their migrant parents and other, overseas born young Australians of diverse backgrounds, with whom they are often grouped (Collins, Reid, and Fabiansson; Ang, Brand, Noble, and Sternberg; Collins, Reid, and Fabiansson; Harris).In what follows, we aim to contribute to calls for a rethinking of Australian national identity and “culture of interaction” to better reflect the experiences of all citizens (Levey; Collins, Reid, and Fabiansson) by focusing on the experiences of the second generation. Taking our cue from Geoffrey Levey, we argue that “it is not the business of government or politicians to complete the definition of what it means to be Australian” and that we should instead look to a sense of national identity that emerges organically from “mundane daily social interaction” (Levey). To this end, we adopt an “everyday multiculturalism” perspective (Wise and Velayutham), “view[ing] situations of co-existence ... as a concrete, specific context of action, in which difference comes across as a constraint ... and as a resource” (Semi, Colombo, Comozzi, and Frisina 67). We see our focus on the second generation as complementary to existing studies that have examined experiences of young Australians of diverse backgrounds through an everyday multiculturalism prism without distinguishing between newly arrived young people and those born in Australia (Ang, Brand, Noble, and Sternberg; Collins, Reid, and Fabiansson; Harris). We emphasise, however, after Mansouri and Johns, that the second generation’s distinctive cultural and socio-structural challenges and needs – including their distinctive relationship to the idea of “multicultural Australia” – deserve special attention. Like Christina Schachtner, we are cognisant that “faced with the task of giving meaning and direction to their lives, the next generation is increasingly confronted with a need to reconsider the revered values of the present and the past and to reorientate themselves while establishing new meanings” (233; emphasis ours). Like her, we recognise that in the contemporary era, young adults often use digital communicative spaces for the purpose of giving meaning to their lives in the circumstances in which they find themselves (Schachtner 233). Above all, we concur with Hopkins and Dolic when they state that “understanding the processes that inform the creation and maintenance of ... ethnic minority and Australian mainstream identities amongst second-generation young people is critical if these young people are to feel included and recognised, whilst avoiding the alienation and social exclusion that has had such ugly results in other parts of the world (153).In part one, we draw on initial findings from a collaborative empirical study between Swinburne University and the Victorian Multicultural Commission to outline some of the paradoxes and contradictions encountered by a particular – well-educated (currently or recently enrolled at university) and creative (seeking jobs in the media and cultural industries) – segment of the second generation in their attempts to imagine themselves within the frame of “multicultural Australia” (3 focus groups, of 60-90 minutes duration, involving 7-10 participants were conducted over 2018 and 2019). These include feeling more Australian than their parents while not always being seen as “really” Australian by the broader community; embracing diversity but struggling to find a language in which to adequately express it; and acknowledging the progress being made in representing diversity in the mainstream media while not seeing their stories and those of their parents represented there.In part two, we outline future research directions that look to a range of cultural texts and mediated forms of social interactions across popular culture and media in search of new conversations about personal and national identity that could feed into a renewal of a more inclusive understanding of Australian identity.Living and Talking DiversityOur conversations with second generation young Australians confirmed many of the paradoxes and contradictions experienced by young people of diverse backgrounds in the constant traversing of their parents’ and Australian culture captured in previous research (Ang, Brand, Noble, and Sternberg; Harris). Emblematic of these paradoxes are the complicated ways they relate to “Australian identity,” notably expressed in the tension felt between identifying as “Australian” when overseas and with their parent’s heritage when in Australia. An omnipresent reminder of their provisional status as “Aussies” is questions such as “well I know you’re Australian but what are you really?” As one participant put it: “I identify as Australian, I’m proud of my Australian identity. But in Australia I’m Turkish and that’s just because when someone asks I’m not gonna say ‘oh I’m Australian’ ... I used to live in the UK and if someone asked me there, I was Australian. If someone asks me here, I’m Turkish. So that’s how it is. Turkish, born in Australia”The second generation young people in our study responded to these ambiguities in different ways. Some applied hyphenated labels to themselves, while others felt that identification with the nation was largely irrelevant, documented in existing research (Collins, Reid, and Fabiansson; Harris). As one of our participants put it, “I just personally don’t find national identity to be that important or relevant – it’s just another detail about me – I [don’t] think it should affect anything else.” The study also found that our participants had difficulty in finding specific terms to express their identities. For some, trying to describe their identities was “really confusing,” and their thinking changed from day to day. For others, the reason it was hard to express their identities was that the very substance of mundane, daily life “feels very default”. This was the case when many of our participants reported their lived experiences of diversity, whether related to culinary and sport experiences, or simply social interactions with “the people I talk to” and daily train trips where “everyone [of different ethnicities] just rides the train together and doesn’t think twice about it”. As one young person put it, “the default is going around the corner for dinner and having Mongolian beef and pho”. We found that a factor feeding into the ambivalence of articulating Australian identity is the influence – constraining and enabling – of prevailing idioms of identity and difference. Several instances were uncovered in which widely circulating and highly politicised discourses of identity had the effect of shutting down conversation. In particular, the issue of what was “politically correct” language was a touchstone for much of the discussion among the young people in our study. This concern with “appropriate language” created some hesitancy and confusion, as when one person was trying to describe white Australians: “obviously you know Australia’s still a – how do you, you know, I guess I don’t know how to – the appropriate, you know PC language but Australia’s a white country if that makes sense you know”. Other participants were reluctant to talk about cultural groups and their shared characteristics at all, seeing such statements as potentially racist. In contrast to this feeling of restricted discourse, we found many examples of our participants playing and repurposing received vocabularies. As reported in other research, the young people used ideas about origin, race and ethnicity in loose and shifting ways (Back; Butcher). In some cases, in contrast to fears of “racist” connotations of identifying individuals by their cultural background, the language of labels and shorthand descriptors was used as a lingua franca for playful, albeit not unproblematic, negotiations across cultural boundaries. One participant reported being called one of “The Turks” in classes at university. His response expressed the tensions embedded in this usage, finding it stereotyping but ultimately affectionate. As he expressed it, “it’s like, ‘I have a personality, guys.’ But that was okay, it was endearing, they were all with it”. Another finding highlighted more fraught issues that can be raised when existing identity categories are transposed from contexts strongly marked by historically specific circumstances into unrelated contexts. This was the case of a university classmate saying of another Turkish participant that he “was the black guy of the class because … [he] was the darkest”. The circulation of “borrowed” discourses – particularly, as in this case, from the USA – is notable in the digital era, and the broader implications of such usage among people who are not always aware of the connotations of a discourse that is deeply rooted in a particular history and culture, are yet to be fully examined (Lester). The study also shed some light on the struggles the young people in our study encountered in finding a language in which to describe their identities and relationship to “Australianness”. When asked if they thought others would consider them to be “Australian”, responses revealed a spectrum ranging from perceived rejection to an ill-defined and provisional inclusion. One person reported – despite having been born and lived in Australia all their life – that “I don’t think I would ever be called Australian from Australian people – from white Australian people”. Another thought that it was not possible to generalise about being considered Australians by the broader community, as “some do, some don’t”. Again, responses varied. While for some it was a source of unease, for others the distancing from “Australianness” was not experienced negatively, as in the case of the participant who said of being singled out as “different” from the Anglo-Celtic mainstream, “I actually don’t mind that … I’ve got something that a lot of white Australians males don’t have”.A connected finding was the continuing presence of, often subtle but clearly registered, racism. The second generation young people in the study were very conscious of the ways in which experiences of racism they encountered differed from – and represented an improvement on – that of their parents. Drawing an intergenerational contrast between the explicit racism their parents were often subjected to and their own experiences of what they frequently referred to as microaggressions, they mostly saw progress occurring on this front. Another sign of progress they observed was in relation to their own propensity to reject exclusionary thinking, as when they suggested that their parents’ generation are more likely to make “assumptions about culture” based on people’s “outward appearance” which they found problematic because “everyone’s everywhere”. While those cultural faux pas were judged as “well-meaning” and even justified by not “growing up in a culturally diverse setting”, they are at odds with young people’s own experiences and understanding of diversity.The final major finding to emerge from the study was the widespread view that mainstream media fails to represent their lives. Again, our participants acknowledged the progress that has been made over recent decades and applauded moves towards greater representation of non-Anglo-Celtic communities in mainstream free-to-air programming. But the vast majority reported that their experiences are not represented. The sentiment that “I’d love to see someone who looks like me on TV more – on a really basic level – I’d like to see someone who looks like my Dad” was shared by many. What remained missing – and motivated many of the young people in our study to embark on filmmaking careers – was content that reflected their local, place-based lifestyles and the intergenerational dynamics of migrated families that is the fabric of their lives. When asked if Australian media content reflected their experience, one participant put it bluntly: “if I felt like it did, I wouldn’t be actively trying to make documentaries and films about it”.Dreaming DiversityThe findings of the study confirmed earlier research highlighting the ambiguities encountered by second generation Australians who are demographically, emotionally and culturally marked by their parents’ experiences of migration even as they forge their post-migration futures. On the one hand, they reported an allegiance to the Australian nation and recognised that in many ways that they are more part of its fabric than their parents. On the other hand, they reported a number of situations in which they feel marginalised and not “really” Australian, as when they are asked “where are you really from” and when they do not see their stories represented in the mainstream media. In particular, the study highlighted the tensions involved in describing personal and Australian identity, revealing the struggle the second generation often experience in their attempts to express the complexity of their identifications and sense of belonging. As we see it, the lack of recognition of being “really” Australian felt by the young people in our study and their view that mainstream media does not sufficiently represent their experience are connected. Underlying both is a status quo in which the normative Australian is Anglo-Celtic. To help shift this prevailing view of the normative Australian, we endorse earlier calls for a research program centred on analyses of a range of cultural texts and mediated forms of social interactions in search of new conversations about Australian identity. Media, both public and commercial, have the potential to be key agents for community building and identity formation. From radio and television programs through to online discussion forums and social media, media have provided platforms for creating collective imagination and a sense of belonging, including in the context of migration in Australia (Sinclair and Cunningham; Johns; Ang, Brand, Noble, and Sternberg). By supplying symbolic resources through which cultural differences and identities are represented and circulated, they can offer up opportunities for societal reflection, scrutiny and self-interpretation. As a starting point, for example, three current popular media formats that depict or are produced by second-generation Australians lend themselves to such a multi-sited analysis. The first is internet forums in which second generation young people share their quotidian experiences of “bouncing between both cultures in our lives” (Wu and Yuan), often in humorous forms. As the popularity of Subtle Asian Traits and its offshoot Subtle Curry Traits have indicated, these sites tap into the hunger among the Asian diaspora for increased media visibility. The second is the work of comedians, including those who self-identify as of migrant descent. The politics of stereotyping and racial jokes and the difference between them has been a subject of considerable research, including into television comedy productions which are important because of their potential audience reach and ensuing post-viewing conversations (Zambon). The third is a new generation of television programs which are set in situations of diversity without being heralded as “about” diversity. A key case is the television drama series The Heights, first screened on the Australian Broadcasting Corporation in Australia in 2019, which explores the relationships between the residents of a social housing tower and the people who live in the rapidly gentrifying community that surrounds it in the melting pot of urban Australia. These examples represent a diverse range of cultural expressions – created informally and spontaneously (Subtle Asian Traits, Subtle Curry Traits), fashioned by individuals working in the entertainment industry (comedians), and produced professionally and broadcast on national TV networks (The Heights). What unites them is an engagement with the novel forms of belonging that postwar migration has produced (Papastergiadis 20) and an attempt to communicate and represent the lived experience of contemporary Australian diversity, including negotiated dreams and aspirations for the future. We propose a systematic analysis of the new languages of identity and difference that their efforts to represent the evolving patterns and circumstances of diversity in Australia are bringing forth. Conclusions To dream in the context of migration implies, more often than not, the prospect of a better material life in an adopted country. Instead, through the notion of “dreaming diversity”, we foreground the dreams, expectations and imaginations for the future of the Australian second generation which centre on carving out their cultural place in the nation.The empirical research we presented paints a picture of the second generation's paradoxical and contradictory experiences as they navigate the shifting landscape of Australia’s multicultural society. It gives a glimpse of the challenges and hopes they encounter as well as the direction of their attempts to negotiate their place within “Australian identity”. Finally, it highlights the need for a more expansive conversation and language in which that identity can be expressed. A language in which to talk – not just about the many cultures that make up the nation, but also to each other from within them – will be crucial to facilitate the deeper intercultural understanding and engagement many young people aspire to. Our ambition is not to codify a register of approved terms, and even less to formulate a new official discourse for use in multicultural policy documents. It is rather to register, crystalise and expand a discussion around difference and identity that is emerging from everyday interactions of Australians and foster a more committed conversation attuned to contemporary realities and communicative spaces where those interactions take place. In search of a richer vocabulary in which Australian identity might be reimagined, we have identified a research program that will explore emerging ways of talking about difference and identity across a range of cultural and media formats about or by the second generation. While arguing for the significance of the languages and idioms that are emerging in the spaces that young people inhabit, we recognise that, no less than other demographics, second-generation Australians are influenced by circulating narratives and categories in which (national) identity is discussed (Harris 15), including official conceptions and prevailing discourses of identity politics which are often encountered online and through popular culture. Our point is that the dreams, visions and imaginaries of second generation Australians, who will be among the key actors in fashioning Australia’s multicultural futures, are an important element of reimagining Australia’s multiculturalism even if those discourses may be partial, ambivalent or fragmented. We see this research program as building on and extending the tradition of sociological and cultural analyses of popular culture, media and cultural diversity and contributing to a more robust and systematic catalogue of multicultural narratives across different popular formats, genres, and production arrangements characteristic of the diversified media landscape. 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DOI: 10.1177/0163443716663640.AcknowledgmentsThe empirical data reported here was drawn from Zooming In: Multiculturalism through the Lens of the Next Generation, a research collaboration between Swinburne University and the Victorian Multicultural Commission exploring contemporary perspectives on diversity among young Australians through their filmmaking practice, led by Chief Investigators Dr Glenda Ballantyne (Department of Social Sciences) and Dr Vincent Giarusso (Department of Film and Animation). We wish to thank Liam Wright and Alexa Scarlata for their work as Research Assistants on this project, and particularly the participants who shared their stories. Special thanks also to the editors of this special issue and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful feedback on an earlier version of this article. FundingZooming In: Multiculturalism through the Lens of the Next Generation has been generously supported by the Victorian Multicultural Commission, which we gratefully acknowledge.