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1
Abele, Christine. « Civil society assistance in Central and Eastern Europe ». Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/15749.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Die Arbeit stellt sich die Frage, inwieweit es externen Akteuren möglich ist, zivilgesellschaftli-che Strukturen eines in der Transformation befindlichen Staates zu stärken, um damit einen Beitrag zur Konsolidierung nachkommunistischer Gesellschaften zu leisten. Resultiert die externe Förderung tatsächlich in eine „zivilere“ Gesellschaft, welche sich auf mündige und aktive Bürger stützt, oder führt sie zu einem bloßen Transfer von Strukturen in Form von Nicht-Regierungsorganisationen (NRO), welche jedoch keine gesellschaftliche Anbindung haben und bloße Zuarbeiter westlicher Geberorganisationen sind? // Um diese Frage zu beantworten, werden im theoretischen Teil der Arbeit ausgehend vom akteurszentrierten Institutionalismus zwei wesentliche Mechanismen identifiziert, durch wel-che die Aktivitäten der Geber Veränderungen bei den Nehmern erzielen: Ermächtigung und Lernen. Während Ersteres die Einsatzmöglichkeiten und Ressourcen einiger Akteure stärkt und damit vorhandene Akteurskonstellationen ändert, führt Letzteres dazu, dass neue Ideen Eingang in die politische Arena finden. // Die Arbeit stellt die Aktivitäten vier verschiedener Geberländer und –organisationen in Polen und der Slowakei in den 1990er Jahren vor; der Europäischen Union, Deutschlands, der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika und dem privaten Netzwerk der Soros Stiftungen; und un-tersucht deren Beitrag zur zivilgesellschaftlichen Entwicklung beider Länder. Hierzu werden lokale NROs in den Blick genommen, welche maßgeblich von westlichen Gebern unterstützt werden und untersucht, inwieweit diese als Träger der Zivilgesellschaft fungieren, welche Legitimität sie bei der Bevölkerung besitzen und ob sie nach Rückzug der Geber weiter exis-tieren. // Die Arbeit kommt zu dem Schluss, dass westliche Zivilgesellschaftsförderung in beiden un-tersuchten Ländern einen positiven Effekt hatte in dem Sinne, dass maßgeblich geförderte NROs tatsächlich als Träger der Zivilgesellschaft fungierten. Sie bemühten sich um die Un-terstützung anderer NROs, erweitern gesellschaftliche Partizipationsmöglichkeiten und sind soweit in nationale Strukturen und in der Gesellschaft verankert, dass auch ein Fortbestand ohne westliche Gelder möglich ist.With the end of the communist bloc and the transformations taking place in Central and Eastern Europe the promotion and protection of democracy from abroad became a major field of assistance. Especially civil society assistance, understood as direct support granted to non-governmental actors of the target state with the explicit aim to promote the consolida-tion of democracy, became a major pillar of democracy aid. The dissertation analyzes civil society assistance and aims to tackle the question whether it is feasible to promote and strengthen civil society from abroad. Does civil society assistance result in more civil society or does it result in nothing more than the establishment of donor driven NGOs which are nei-ther voluntary nor independent but solely function as puppets of donors? // In order to answer this question and following the insights of actor-centered institutionalism, the dissertation identifies to modes of external intervention labeled „empowerment” and “learning. In the first case, donors may increase the action resources of chosen domestic actors, thus altering domestic actor constellations, by providing finances, technical equip-ment, information and know-how. In the latter case, external actors may impact upon the ori-entations, that is, the perceptions and preferences, of domestic actors. // The dissertation analyses the contribution of the activities of four different donors; the Euro-pean Union, the USA, Germany and the private network of Soros Foundations; to the devel-opment of civil society in Poland and Slovakia. In order to pinpoint outcomes of civil society assistance the dissertation focuses on recipients and their activities. The dissertation thus clarifies to what extent main recipient organizations act as carriers of civil society, whether they transmit the interests of their constituency into politics, whether they fulfill a watch-dog function and democratic functions attributed to civil society. It therefore analyzes main recipi-ents, their sustainability, legitimacy and effectiveness as carriers of civil society. // The dissertation jumps to the conclusion that externally driven civil society assistance had positive effects in both countries under investigation as supported NGOs acted as carriers of civil society.
2
Vandor, Peter, Nicole Traxler, Reinhard Millner et Michael Meyer. « Civil Society in Central and Eastern Europe : Challenges and Opportunities ». ERSTE Foundation, 2017. http://epub.wu.ac.at/6256/1/Study_Civil%2DSociety%2Din%2DCEE_WU%2DWien.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Building on the work of 27 authors and a survey of 400 experts, this volume provide a map of civil society in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). The analysis comprises 16 CEE countries in four distinct country groups:
a) the Visegrád group, which consists of Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary, b) Slovenia and Croatia, c) Bulgaria and Romania, and finally, d) the non-EU countries Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro, Kosovo, Albania, and Moldova. Austria serves as a reference country for comparing CEE civil society with a traditional Western European civil society.
For each country, a chapter provides an overview over recent historical developments, the shapes and forms of civil society, its most important fields and activity, and an assessment of its institutional environment. Chapters also contain an analyisis of trends and future developments in civil society.
In addition, the volume contains a synthesis chapter which provides a general investitgation of civil societes across the region. We find that, even though the four groups are very diverse, similarities and shared patterns can be identified, such as the important role of the European Union and the accession process in shaping the institutional framework. Analyses also reveal distinct features of civil society within the four country groups, such as a particularly high level of donor dependency in the non-EU country group and a low level of institutional trust in Bulgaria and Romania. Despite recent challenges, including the withdrawal of foreign donors and political tensions in some countries, the outlook we provide for this dynamic region remains largely optimistic.
3
Meyer, Michael, Clara Maria Moder, Michaela Neumayr et Peter Vandor. « Civil Society and Its Institutional Context in CEE ». Springer US, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11266-019-00106-7.
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Although civil societies in Central and Eastern Europe are often portrayed as similar, united by a shared communist past, they have developed along increasingly divergent trajectories over the past three decades. This article investigates the current state of civil society in the region and the role the institutional context plays in it. Drawing on historical institutionalism and the process of European integration, we classify the 14 countries under investigation into three distinct groups and analyze data from a survey of more than 350 local civil society experts. We find that, together with domestic governments, international donors and the EU are perceived as the most influential institutional actors for civil society organizations. Their respective influences, however, depend largely on a country's stage in the EU accession process. Overall, the study provides a differentiated mapping of civil society in this region and a better understanding of how the institutional context relates to a Country's civil society.
4
Cruickshank, Neil A. « Power, civil society and contentious politics in post communist Europe ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/559.
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This dissertation examines how contentious collective action in two post communist states, Poland and the Czech Republic, has broadened to include European and international actors. It identifies the emergence of new opportunities for contention brought about by recent episodes of institutional change, specifically EU accession, and questions how they benefit materially or politically weak NGOs. With the intention of determining how three interrelated processes, democratization, Europeanization and internationalization, affect the nature and scope of contentious politics, this dissertation carries out an investigation of several concrete episodes of political mobilization and contention. As shown these 'contentious events' involved a myriad of national, European and international actors, mobilizing to challenge national policy. Data from NGO questionnaires, interviews and newswire/newspaper archives are used to discern the nature and scope of contentious collective action. This dissertation assesses the extent to which transnationalization of advocacy politics has disrupted existing power arrangements at the national level between NGOs and government. Hypothesizing that European Union accession in 2004 changed the nature and scope of contentious collective action in post communist Europe, this dissertation undertakes a comparative empirical examination of three sectors, environment, women and Roma, and twenty-nine representative NGOs. My research identifies three important developments in the Polish and Czech nonprofit sector: first, European advocacy networks and institutions are helping national NGOs overcome power disparities at the national level; second, issues once confined to national political space have acquired a European dimension, and; third, despite Europeanization, a few notable policy issues (i.e. reproductive rights, nuclear energy and domestic violence) remain firmly under national jurisdiction. This dissertation contributes to existing collective action/post communist scholarship in three ways. It applies established theories of contention/collective action to several recent episodes of political mobilization; it confirms that post accession institutional change does offer new political opportunity structures to national NGOs, and finally; it presents new empirical research on post communist collective action.
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Cruickshank, Neil Albert. « Power, civil society and contentious politics in post communist Europe / ». St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/559.
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Charrad, Kristina. « Participants or observers in European governance ? civil society lobbyists from Central and Eastern Europe in Brussels ». Baden-Baden Nomos, 2009. http://d-nb.info/1000248372/04.
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Ferry, Martin Hugh. « The "intelligentsia in power" and the development of civil society : Mazowiecki's Poland ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1998. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4496/.
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The subject of this thesis is Poland's first post communist government (September 1989 - December 1990), formed under the premiership of the veteran 'Solidarity' activist Tadousz Mazowiecki. The threat of economic collapse and social disorder had prompted the communist authorities to grant the non-communist elements organised around the 'Solidarity' movement limited access to the Polish parliament through partially free elections. In June 1989 the results of these elections delivered a fatal blow to communist rule in Poland. 'Solidarity' triumphed in practically all the parliamentary seats the communist authorities had permitted it to contest. Bereft of ideological confidence and Soviet support, the Polish Communist Party rapidly disintegrated and the task of forming an administration fell to 'Solidarity'. The new government, led by Mazowiecki and dominated by representatives of Solidarity's intellectual elite, was appointed in September 1989. In the months that followed, the new government took advantage of strong social support and popularity to introduce comprehensive political and economic reforms. The reforms introduced irrevocably dismantled the country's disastrous command economy and introduced a radical shift to market based criteria. Although they entailed austerity for much of Polish society, at least initially, the personal prestige of the new elite and its promise of the future benefits which would flow from the introduction of market rules seemed to guarantee an ongoing state of acquiescence. The political reform process was admittedly slower but the removal of the last vestiges of communist power from the system progressed steadily. Within nine months the government had taken great strides in ending communist control of the police and military and was tackling the continued influence of the nomenklatura in the state bureaucracy. State control of the media and previous prohibitions on freedom of conscience, association and speech were ended. Completely free parliamentary and presidential elections were planned for the near future. It seemed that for the duration of the transition Poland would be led to a 'Western style' liberal-democratic polity and free market economy by a government composed of Solidarity's 'best and brightest'. Apolitical intellectuals would patriotically put the higher needs of the nation before the distractions of everyday political competitiveness. They would be supported in this by the Solidarity movement which would also act as a nursery for fledgling political parties. Over time these organisations would gather the societal support and organisational strength necessary to form a conventional, stable political system.
8
Ryan, Freiburger. « Can democracy function alongside weak civil society ? The case of post-communist Europe ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28465.
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Post-Communist Europe poses a theoretical puzzle for students of democracy. There is a large body of political science literature that argues that civil society is not only good for democracy but critical for democratic deepening. While civil society is generally regarded as an essential feature of stable democracy, twenty years after the collapse of communism, post-communist civil society is relatively weak. This thesis examines the relationship between civil society and democracy in post-communist Europe. Using the 2008 European Values Survey I conduct regression analysis to test whether or not there is a statistical link between relative differences in the strength of civil society and indicators of democracy at both the country and the individual level. I find no statistical link between civil society and democracy at the country level and found a relatively modest link between democratic values and membership in civil society organizations at the individual level. These results suggest that the link between civil society and democracy in post-communist Europe is relatively modest. The thesis concludes by conducting a case study of Poland where I explore the relationship between civil society and democracy in a more extensive manner.
9
Parau, Cristina Elena. « The interplay between domestic politics and Europe : how Romanian civil society and government contested Europe before EU accession ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2696/.
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The key research questions of this dissertation are: 'How do domestic actors construct Europe.' and 'How do they utilise it in seeking to empower themselves against other actors.' The questions of construction and utilisation of Europe are some of the most topical questions in Europeanization. The first question addresses constructivist/sociological concerns. The second addresses the issue of winners and losers (differential empowerment). Both are key issues in the literature of Europeanization and yet have been little addressed in the context of post-communist EU accession countries. This dissertation aims to bridge this gap by focusing on the post-communist country of Romania, a soon to be EU member-State. The actors under investigation are civil society, which emerged in Romania for the first time ever after 1989 and the central government Executive. The study covers the period during which the EU acquis negotiations were negotiated under the Social Democratic government led by Prime Minister Adrian Nastase (2000-2004). The data was gathered through in-depth case study and process-tracing, the methods found best able to disentangle a complex causal nexus. The Europeanization literature is contradictory with regard to which domestic actors are constrained and which empowered: some scholars theorise that it empowers civil society (Diffusion); others that it empowers the Executive (Executive Empowerment); still others that it promotes co-operation between them (Network Governance). The empirical evidence so far has been inconclusive. This dissertation shows that only a small elite made of civil society entrepreneurs and government Executives constructed and utilised Europe in the pre-membership phase, to empower themselves relative to other actors, particularly opponents. The empirical data support two of the classical Europeanization theses in the literature: the Diffusion and the Executive Empowerment Theses. The Diffusion Thesis better explains civil society empowerment near the beginning and at the peak of acquis negotiations, although some evidence also favours Executive Empowerment. This latter thesis better explains the powerlessness of civil society at the close of negotiations, although some evidence for Diffusion was also found. No evidence was found supporting Network Governance. Instead evidence was found in favour of its critics, namely support for the claim that the EU (or Europe) empowers an elite in both civil society and the State.
10
Judson, Tracey F. « Civil society, second society and the breakdown of Communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe : Poland, Czechoslovakia and Romania ». Thesis, Loughborough University, 1999. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/33163.
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This thesis proceeds from the premise that the demise of the Communist systems of rule in Eastern Europe is not fully explicable using ''traditional" theories of transition or democratisation. This thesis is, therefore, concerned initially with the limitations of existing theoretical frameworks. It proposes a line of enquiry that accounts for the breakdown of Communism through an analysis of a domestic variable: second society. In particular, it addresses the question of why the former European Communist regimes experienced differing modes of breakdown in 1989. The thesis adopts a comparative approach and focuses on the three different cases of Poland, Czechoslovakia and Romania. By comparing them, it analyses the extent to which variations in the modes of breakdown can be explained by the second society variable. The case studies are divided into three sections. The first considers the historical issues and factors that conditioned the nature of the Communist regime and of emerging opposition. The second analyses the development of second society within each country and the third section considers the impact of second society on the mode of regime breakdown in 1989. The thesis concludes that the case studies , demonstrate a causal relationship between the second society variable and the mode of breakdown experienced by the Communist regimes.
11
Ketola, Markus. « Europeanisation and civil society : the early impact of EU pre-accession policies on Turkish NGOs ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/87/.
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Turkey’s European Union (EU) membership aspirations form a critical junction on the road to further European integration. During the past decade, the role of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) as facilitators of the accession process has grown exponentially in relevance. In Turkey’s case, specific policies have emerged to support this element of the pre-accession process. By targeting NGOs, these policies aim to Europeanise and democratise Turkish civil society and in so doing prepare Turkey for eventual EU accession. This logic draws on the liberal democratic tradition that anticipates democratisation to be a key outcome of NGO support. The thesis questions the appropriateness of such assumptions, since Turkish NGOs respond to EU policy in a variety of locally meaningful ways that may circumvent the stated policy outcomes. The wider the gap between policy and reality, the more space there is for NGOs to exercise their agency, and more uncertain the Europeanisation processes become. The thesis starts out by juxtaposing the European and Turkish perspectives in turn. The EU approach suggests that NGOs behave similarly across different cultural contexts and can be called upon to perform a variety of roles deemed useful for the overall policy process. However, civil society in Turkey has developed along a different trajectory, fostering NGOs that are highly politicised in their activities and cultivating social debates that are essentialist rather than compromising in nature. The latter part of the thesis explores different aspects of this disconnect. The relationships NGOs construct with each other and with governmental bodies are politicised and lack the culture of cooperation expected by EU policy. NGOs exhibit different reactions to EU funding: some embrace it while others pursue it unsuccessfully and grow resentful, or even reject any external funding outright. These differences lead NGOs to generate a variety of survival strategies that minimise the impact of EU policy on changing NGO behaviour where the change is unwelcome by the NGO, or maximise the impact where NGO and EU interests are mutually advanced. The thesis examines how the Europeanisation of Turkish civil society unfolds through a policy process that both affects and is shaped by NGO actors, where the eventual outcomes of EU policy remain uncertain.
12
Tamm, Kaidi [Verfasser]. « Metanarratives of change : civil society and governance approaches to sustainable development in Europe / Kaidi Tamm ». Gießen : Universitätsbibliothek, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1188563661/34.
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Ulrich, Peter [Verfasser]. « Participatory Governance in the Europe of Cross-Border Regions : Cooperation – Boundaries – Civil Society / Peter Ulrich ». Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & ; Co. KG, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1230213740/34.
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Abele, Christine [Verfasser], Claus [Gutachter] Offe et Wolfgang [Gutachter] Merkel. « Civil society assistance in Central and Eastern Europe / Christine Abele ; Gutachter : Claus Offe, Wolfgang Merkel ». Berlin : Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2008. http://d-nb.info/1208074083/34.
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Ostlinning, Freya Elisa [Verfasser], et Annette [Akademischer Betreuer] Zimmer. « Running for Europe : European sports policy and the role of civil society / Freya Elisa Ostlinning, geb. Brune. Betreuer : Annette Zimmer ». Münster : Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek der Westfälischen Wilhelms-Universität, 2011. http://d-nb.info/1027017746/34.
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Monaghan, Elizabeth. « Civil society, democratic legitimacy and the European Union : democratic linkage and the debate on the future of the EU ». Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2007. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/10558/.
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Recent reform agendas have emphasised a perceived need to bring the European Union (EU) institutions and the citizens of the member states and closer together, as a means of enhancing the legitimacy of EU governance. The debate on the future of the EU, the initiative which led to the signing of the constitutional treaty in October 2004, addressed the challenge of 'bringing closer' by incorporating civil society in to the treaty reform process. In this thesis I investigate the role played by transnational civil society organisations in helping to bring citizens and institutions closer together. I employ the notion of democratic linkage to describe and explain the downward-facing interactions between civil society organisations and ordinary citizens, which have sometimes been neglected, as well as their upward-facing interactions with elite decision-makers. Drawing upon data from qualitative interviews with 25 civil society organisations and six officials from various EU institutions I find serious discrepancies between the rhetoric of the EU institutions on bringing citizens closer, and the capacities and willingness of the civil society actors involved as well as the opportunities for doing so.
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O'Mahony, Joan. « The emergence of civil society in eastern Europe : Church and state in the Czech Republic, 1992-1998 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1712/.
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This thesis examines the relationship between civil society and democracy through a case study of the revival of the Catholic Church in the post-communist Czech Republic. I use an ideal typical conception of civic organisations that emphasises three characteristics: civility, independence, and autonomy. I ask how each of these characteristics is related to democracy and how the degree to which the Czech Catholic Church approximates each characteristic can be explained. Civility - my research challenges the contemporary consensus around the work of Robert Putnam that there is an inverse relationship between civility and associational hierarchy. I show how the organisations and networks in which the Bishops were involved during Communism functioned as schools of democracy, producing the strong civil values of Czech Bishops still in evidence today. The argument indicates that Putnam and other social capital theorists should move beyond the formal level of associations in their search for the causes of civic virtue. Independence - The failure of the church to restitute its property and its continued dependence on the Czech state is conventionally explained by reference to either an historic anti-Catholicism or the contemporary exigencies of justice. I reject these arguments, and show how Church restitution is artificially created as an issue by politicians seeking to build distinct party identities in the difficult circumstances of a society still awaiting the consolidation of new social cleavages. Autonomy - the Church's weak links to the public sphere are generally explained by reference to a communist legacy of anti-political attitudes, or to poor political skills on the part of civic associations. Instead, I argue that the strongest explanatory factor lies with the political programme of the Klaus administration and its post-communist inspired concerns to limit power to the Parliament, and more particularly to the executive, where Klaus' party was dominant. 1 show how Klaus' success was greatly facilitated by the speed of the 'transition', which allowed the easy implementation of a radical ideology by a political entrepreneur who faced little opposition from parliamentary colleagues unable to find 'partners' in a post-Communist atomised society.
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Fula, Filip. « Symbiosis in the making ? Evaluating EU’s engagement with Civil Society Organisations in Colombia. A Civilian Power Europe perspective ». Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22221.
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In recent years, EU’s development policy has undergone wide-ranging reform with the leading principle of responding to the circumstances and demands of the current world, but also for the sake of alignment to the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. In line with the reasoning that an empowered civil society can help in the exercise of EU’s development policy and in the pursuit of development policy goals, the organisation has formed a strategy of engagement with CSOs in its external relations. This study’s focus is specifically on EU’s performance in Colombia, a Latin American country encompassed by EU’s development policy. Since Colombian CSOs still face numerous barriers hindering their work, it cannot be simply asserted that EU’s strategy has been effective. Hence, this study’s purpose is to critically evaluate EU’s engagement with Colombian CSOs, by taking into account EU’s capabilities as a civilian power to identify both the limits and potentials of the organisation’s approach. The study concludes that it is not the choice of power instruments, but the way the EU uses them that causes the strategy’s ineffectiveness. Although the Union has managed to increase Colombian CSOs’ capacity, the latter cannot be fully utilised due to the unfavourable framework for such organisations. Nevertheless, considering recent improvements made to EU’s strategy, it is argued that symbiosis between the EU and Colombian CSOs is still a realistic prospect, but one that requires increased efforts from the Union.
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Alfsen, Therese Berg. « Norwegian development aid to civil society : the Norwegian Bar Association's legal aid project in Nepal / ». Oslo : Det humanistiske fakultet, Universitetet i Oslo, 2008. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/IAKH/2008/74231/ThereseAlfsen_MasterThesis.pdf.
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Malloy, Tove. « The 'politics of accommodation' in the Council of Europe after 1989 : national minorities and democratization ». Thesis, University of Essex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369369.
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Csengeri, Janos. « Civil society as a game changer : a comparative study of political transitions in Eastern Europe and the Middle East ». Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/38911.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.This study examines the role civil society has played in bringing about political change in the totalitarian regimes of the former Communist Bloc in Eastern Europe and the authoritarian states challenged by the Arab Spring. Specifically, this thesis creates a list of criteria for evaluating the presence of a good (meaning vibrant and liberal) or bad (meaning anti-democratic and non-liberal) civil society, and uses these criteria to predict the long term prospects of democratization in the four countries studied: Poland, Russia, Tunisia, and Egypt. The study finds that the presence of a good civil society or the majority of its criteria enhances the prospects of democratization in countries undergoing political transitions, while the lack of all or most of its criteria significantly decreases the likelihood that a democratic system will take root.
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Acik-Toprak, Necla. « Civic engagement in Europe : a multilevel study of the effect of individual and national determinants on political participation, political consumerism and associational involvement ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 2009. http://www.manchester.ac.uk/escholar/uk-ac-man-scw:94093.
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Active and engaged citizens are the backbone of a strong democracy and a vibrant civil society. Yet recent trends of low electoral turnout in Europe and decreasing levels of civic engagement have called into question the legitimacy of governments and the stability of democracy in the long term, particularly in Europe. Against the background of such developments this research sets out to provide a comparative study of civic engagement and analyse the variations in civic engagement between countries. The study is mainly based on the analysis of the European Social Survey 2002, covering 35,000 individuals from 19 European countries and applies advanced statistical modelling techniques including Multiple Correspondence Analysis MCA) and Multi-level modelling. Although there is a good deal of research examining civic engagement using individual level data or aggregate level data, very few studies have combined both approaches. This study addresses this gap and applies multi-level modelling to examine the relative importance of an individual’s socio-demographic characteristics and his/her country in determining levels and types of civic engagement. Thus, it has the advantage of identifying whether civic engagement is significantly affected by country characteristics or the converse, whether a person’s characteristics (age, education, social class etc.) are all that is needed in order to account for the variations in civic engagement. The innovative application of MCA to explore indicators of civic engagement has led to the identification of three dimensions of civic engagement; political activities, political consumerism and associational involvement. Moreover, by projecting all activities on a two-dimensional map it become evident that citizens who tend to carry out ‘individual’ types of political consumerism such as ‘buycotting’, boycotting and signing petitions are also more likely to be involved in New Social Movement organisations. These significant results shed new light on activities usually regarded as ‘individualistic’ type of activities and suggest viewing them in the context of a wider array of collective actions. Furthermore, in addition to the standard contextual measures such as economic development, welfare regime, income inequality, and levels of democracy, this study introduced two innovative policy measures. To consider the impact of government policies on levels of civic engagement measures of governments’ support of the voluntary sector and civic education at school (comparing the education policies of 19 European countries from 1945-2002) were developed. The results confirmed the importance of both individual level characteristics as well as country level characteristics in explaining civic engagement in Europe. However, differences between countries were reduced to a greater degree when contextual factors were introduced. Particularly the welfare state, showed the greatest effect. This implies that socio-economic conditions and in particular social policy and the degree to which it reproduces egalitarian structures determine to a great extent citizen involvement. In other words the results of this study suggest that the national context matters and that governments can and do shape the nature and levels of civic engagement.
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Duverger, Timothée. « L'émergence de l'économie sociale et solidaire : une histoire de la société civile organisée en France et en Europe de 1968 à nos jours : groupements, discours et institutionnalisations ». Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BOR30008.
Texte intégralRésumé :
« L’économie sociale et solidaire n’existe pas ». La sentence du sociologue Matthieu Hély dénonce une forme de privatisation qui consiste à transférer la solidarité de l’État social vers les initiatives socio-économiques, compatible avec le nouvel esprit du capitalisme. Mais la formule prête à confusion. En pointant un possible oxymore, il laisse penser que l’économie sociale et solidaire n’a pas d’existence ontologique. Or, c’est une réalité sociale, dont les racines plongent dans le XIXe siècle. Si elle connaît une éclipse à partir des années 1930, elle réapparaît en 1968 à la faveur d’une réarticulation des rapports entre l’État, le marché et la société civile. Elle se scinde en deux branches : l’économie sociale historique et l’économie sociale émergente, qui prend successivement la forme de l’économie alternative, de l’économie solidaire et de l’entrepreneuriat social. À l’approche statutaire de la première, fait pendant l’approche axiologique de la seconde. L’économie sociale et solidaire est une émergence. Ce n’est pas la simple addition des formes d’entreprises qui la composent (coopératives, mutuelles et associations, puis sociétés commerciales à finalité sociale). Au contraire, « le tout est plus que la somme des parties ». Une alchimie particulière a lieu : l’acte d’institution, qui revient à poser la question du politique. Le problème est celui de la création qui survient dans le passage d’une économie sociale et solidaire en soi à une économie sociale et solidaire pour soi. Il convient donc d’explorer ses trajectoires, en considérant que l’économie sociale et solidaire n’a pas seulement une histoire, mais qu’elle est une histoire, c’est-à-dire le produit de dynamiques de groupements, de discours et d’institutionnalisations. À partir de l’étude de ces trois axes, cette thèse invite à s’intéresser aux métamorphoses de la société civile organisée de l’économie sociale et solidaire, dans une perspective multiscalaire, à la fois française et européenne, scandées par trois évènements structurants : l’irruption sociale de Mai 68, la fin de la guerre froide de 1989 et la crise du capitalisme de 2008“There is no such thing as the Social and Solidarity Economy”. The sentence rendered by sociologist Matthieu Hély is targeted at a form of privatization, which consists in transferring the social solidarity of the State to socio-economic initiatives, which are more compatible with the new spirit of capitalism. And yet his words are misleading. By pointing at a possible contradiction in terms, he leads us to believe that the social and solidarity economy has no ontological existence, despite the fact it is a social reality that has its roots in the XIXth century. Although it was somehow eclipsed in the 1930s, it came back to the fore in 1968 with the reshuffling of the relationship between the State, the market, and civil society. It then split into to branches: the historical social economy, and the emerging social economy, which found an expression in the alternative economy, the solidarity economy, and finally in social entrepreneurship. The statutory approach of the first found a match in the axiological approach of the second. The social economy is a form of emergence. It is not simply the sum of the forms of initiatives it is composed of (cooperatives, mutual fund organizations, and trading companies with a social aim). Much to the contrary, in fact, “the whole is greater than the sum of its parts”. A particular chemistry takes place through the act ofinstitution, which consists in questioning its political dimension. The issue lies in the creation process that occurs in the transitional phase from a social economy in itself to a social economy for itself. This requires us to explore the different paths it took based on the assumption that the social and solidarity economy does not only have a history, but also is a history in the sense that it spawned from group dynamics, speeches, and institutionalizations. Based on the study of these three key processes, this thesis seeks to offer a new insight into the metamorphosis of the organized civil society of the social and solidarity economy on both French and European levels, articulated around three main events: the social irruption of May 1968, the end of the Cold War, and the 2008 crisis of capitalism
24
de, Rooij Eline A. « Specialisation of political participation in Europe : a comparative analysis ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d85dce69-2abe-44fa-ae1b-5a5c3f292c68.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis answers the question how and why do individuals specialise in different types of political participation? By examining the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation, or spread them out across many. This thesis complements previous research on rates of political participation; and adapts and extends existing theories of political participation to explain differences in the degree of specialisation between different groups in society and between countries. Using data from the European Social Survey, covering as many as 21 European countries, and applying a range of different statistical methods, I distinguish four types of political participation: voting, conventional and unconventional political participation and consumer politics. I show that in countries with higher levels of socio-economic development, more democratic experience, and an increased presence of mobilising agents, the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation is higher, regardless of the accessibility and responsiveness of their political institutions. This is partly due to the fact that these countries have a higher educated population and that higher educated individuals specialise more. Specialisation also varies along the lines of other socio-demographic divisions, such as those based on gender. Moreover, I show that in contexts in which political issues are salient, such as during an election year, individuals are more likely to engage in non-electoral types of political participation if they also vote. This implies that specialisation is reduced during times of country-wide political mobilisation. The final finding of my thesis is that non-Western immigrants tend to concentrate their political activities less within one type of political participation than the majority population in Western Europe. Western immigrants specialise quite differently, suggesting differences in the way in which they are mobilised. As well as providing an important contribution to the study of political participation, these findings are relevant to discussions regarding citizen engagement and representation.
25
Rammelt, Henry. « La mobilisation sociale en Europe de l'Est depuis la crise financière de 2008 : une analyse comparative de l’évolution des réseaux militants en Hongrie et en Roumanie ». Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE2168/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La crise financière a démystifié le système capitaliste aux yeux de larges segments de la population d’Europe de l'Est, exacerbant le décalage entre les attentes suscitées par le processus de démocratisation et la situation, souvent difficile, d’un nombre important de citoyens. Dans ce contexte, l'indignation que certains d’entre eux expriment s'est dirigée contre la classe politique, donnant naissance à de nouvelles formes de mobilisation. Cette thèse analyse ces mobilisations dans un cadre comparatif incluant des réseaux militants en Hongrie et en Roumanie, sur la période 2008 - 2014. Quelles sont les caractéristiques des récentes vagues de protestations ? Ces protestations s’inscrivent-elles dans la continuité de répertoires d’action plus anciens ? Si la Roumanie et la Hongrie sont « en transition », quelles sont les mutations qui affectent les conditions de mobilisation ? Comment expliquer les différences de dynamiques que l’on observe dans les deux pays ? Pour répondre à ces questions, nous avons essayé de bâtir des passerelles entre deux champs de recherche, celui de la transition démocratique et celui des mouvements sociaux. En Roumanie comme en Hongrie, la prise en compte des transformations systémiques induites par la transition semble en effet essentielle à la compréhension des phénomènes de mobilisation récents. L'analyse détaillée des processus d'accumulation de capital social relationnel et cognitif qui en résulte - à l’origine de l’émergence de nouvelles générations d’activistes – constitue l’apport principal de notre travail. La démarche diachronique que nous avons adoptée nous a par ailleurs permis d’identifier et de caractériser les influences qu’un réseau militant peut avoir sur un autre et l’impact d’une protestation sur la suivante. Soucieux de produire des informations précises et circonstanciées sur l’environnement politique, économique et culturel dans lequel naissent les mobilisations étudiées, nous avons interrogé, à partir d’un sondage en ligne, des spécialistes de la société civile, des médias et de la vie politique des deux pays. Parallèlement, nous avons réalisé 26 entretiens approfondis avec des activistes en Hongrie et en Roumanie pour parvenir à définir les processus de mobilisation des ressources, les canaux de mobilisation utilisées, les caractéristiques des réseaux et des organisations en présence, mais aussi l’identité des activistes et, subséquemment, leur perception du contexte d’action dans lequel ils s’inscrivent. En prenant en compte l’ensemble de ces éléments, nous avons pu montrer comment l'accumulation d’expériences de mobilisations nourrissait les mouvements suivants, plus nombreux et plus visibles au fil du temps. Dans cette dynamique, les réseaux sociaux en ligne jouent un rôle essentiel. La socialisation politique sur Facebook a notamment contribué au développement d’une identité commune et à la transformation de l'indignation personnelle en engagement collectif. La multiplication des interactions sociales, une certaine similitude de goûts et de visions du monde, ainsi qu’un effort de réseautage ont permis à l'activisme en ligne de se transformer en activisme de rue. La nature et l’intensité de cet engagement diffèrent selon les deux pays. En Roumanie, « un militantisme récréationnel » puisant ses racines dans la simultanéité de la consommation culturelle et de l'implication civique est observable. A l’inverse, en Hongrie l’enthousiasme civique semble s’essouffler. Confrontés à un pouvoir politique stable, soutenu par la majorité de la population et capable de s'opposer fermement aux initiatives de la société civile, les mouvements de contestation hongrois n’ont pas réussi à déstabiliser le pouvoir en place. Cet exemple montre qu’une culture de protestation relativement vivace ne débouche pas automatiquement sur un fort niveau de mobilisation citoyenne. Par contraste, le cas de la RoumanieIn Eastern Europe the financial crisis of 2008 highlighted the gap between expectations concerning the new configuration of liberal and capitalist states on the one hand, and the social realities on the other. Waves of contention followed, which were provoked especially by austerity measures implemented by the respective governments. These were in their majority directed against the post-communist elites, which were held responsible for the perceived slow progress regarding economic performance and the democratization process in the years before. With the purpose of analyzing new forms of collective action and protests that appeared following this crisis, this dissertation is dedicated to study, in a comparative manner, activist networks in Hungary and Romania between 2008 and 2014.The following questions are in the center of the study: Are those recent waves of mobilization different from forms of protests prior to the crisis or can we observe a continuation of repertoires of contention? If Romania and Hungary are considered to be countries still located in the transition process, without having reached the “goal” of consolidated democracies, are the conditions and forms of collective action also undergoing profound transformations? If so, how can we explain the different dynamics in those two countries?Given the fact, that the analysis of social movements is becoming a multicentric subfield of social sciences, the present study draws on a diversity of analytical angles, not only stemming from approaches to investigate social movements and regime change, but also including additional theoretical avenues, in order to answer these main questions. Taking into account the transformation background of Romania and Hungary seems the appropriate perspective to understand recent mobilizations. For this purpose, this study analyzes processes of the accumulation of cognitive and relational social capital, shaping a new generation of activists. By doing so, the emphasis could be put on observing the effects of protests on subsequent mobilizations and the spillover/ interaction between activist networks over time. In a first step, I gathered comparable data on the political, economic and social environment, in which these networks arose, by carrying out expert on-line surveys in both countries. For a better understanding of mechanisms of resource mobilization, mobilization channels, network characteristics and organizational features, I conducted 26 in-depth interviews with activists from both countries. As a result, I was able to highlight the significance of protest-specific experiences for future mobilizations. Online social networks appear to play a key role in this dynamic in contemporary social movements, mainly through their capacity of generating a collective identity and transforming personal indignation into collective action. The nature and the intensity of this dynamic vary in the two countries. While I observed a growth of, what I called “recreational activism” in Romania, resulting from the concomitance of patterns of cultural consumption and civic involvement, a certain protest fatigue can be attested for the first years after the crisis in Hungary. Confronted with stable political configurations and a government that is widely supported by the electorate, movements contesting the power of Fidesz were not able to destabilize existing power structures in Hungary. Hence, this study shows that a longstanding culture of protest and of civic engagement does not necessarily lead, in different circumstances, to high levels of political activism of challengers to political power. Furthermore, the Romanian case suggests that rather the absence of such a culture, combined with a lack of precedent and experiences for both, engaged citizens and authorities can open spaces for renegotiating rules and provoke (lasting) political and cultural changes
26
Herrmann, Tanja. « Le second boom des jumelages franco-allemands (1985-1994) : acteurs, intentions, résistances et fonction ». Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H079.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Contrairement à l'idée longtemps répandue selon laquelle le premier boom des jumelages franco-allemands, entre 1963 et 1975, était unique, les années 1985 à 1994 présentent une véritable croissance. Le but de la présente étude est de dresser un tableau précis, fondé sur une sélection représentative de 40 études de cas, de la réussite des jumelages durant la période d'enquête de 1985 f 1994, peu explorée pour l'instant. Qui, pour quelle raison et dans quel contexte a joué un rôle important dans l'essor du deuxième boom des jumelages ? La présente étude a pu ainsi identifier l'origine des jumelages issus d'une combinaison de volonté politique, d'institutions semi-publiques, de réseaux issus de la société civile et de relations privées qui a assuré le succès des jumelages. C'est ainsi que ces partenariats sont devenus un «phénomène de masse» dans le contexte franco-allemand. L'étude met par la suite en lumière les résistances et obstacles existants ainsi que la mise en œuvre des motifs originels de création des jumelages dans la pratique. Elle contredit entre autres l'hypothèse selon laquelle les ressentiments et le motif de la réconciliation n'ont joué aucun rôle dans les années 1980 et 1990 lors de l'établissement des jumelages et montre en même temps que certains partenariats participent activement au travail sur le passé en poursuivant des buts historico-éducatifs, avec, par exemple, la visite de lieux de conflits historiques. Bien que la période étudiée courre de 1985 à 1994, les conclusions soulignent les tendances actuelles du mouvement communal tout en proposant des explications quant au nombre considérable et unique au monde des jumelages franco-allemandsContrary to the widely held idea that the first boom of Franco-German twinning between 1963 and 1975 was unique, the years 1985 to 1994 present another increase. The purpose of this study is to provide a clear picture, based on a representative selection of 40 case studies, of the success of twinning during the survey period 1985-1994, little explored so far. Who, why and in what context played an important role in the development of the second twinning boom? The present study has been able to identify the origin of twinning resulting from a combination of political will, semipublic institutions, civil society networks and private relations that all together ensured the success of twinning. Thus, these partnership have become a "mass phenomenon" in the Franco-German context. The study then highlights instances of resistance and obstacles during the survey period as well as the later success of implementation of the original motives mentioned during the creation of twinning. It contradicts, amongst others, the hypothesis that resentments and the motive of reconciliation played no role in the 1980s and 1990s during the establishment of twinning, demonstrating that at the same time some partnerships are actively dealing with the past pursuing historical-educational goals, by, for example, visiting locations of historical conflicts. Although the period studied runs from 1985 to 1994, the conclusions underline the current trends of communal movement as well while offering various explanations to the considerable and unique number of Franco-German twinning arrangements
27
Breindl, Yana. « Hacking the law : an analysis of internet-based campaigning on digital rights in the European Union ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209836.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Digital rights activism constitutes an exemplary case of how internet affordances can be mobilised to engender political change. The values and principles stemming from the hacker imaginaire, and free and open source software practices, underpin digital rights activism, which uses the internet as a tool, object and platform for the protection of rights in the digital realm. The analysis focuses on how digital rights activists use and adapt the political affordances of the internet to intervene in European Union policy-making. Two original case studies of internet-based campaigning at the European level (the “No Software Patents” and the “Telecoms package” campaigns) provide in-depth insight into the campaigning processes and their impact upon parliamentary politics. The cases highlight the complementarity of online and offline collective action, by examining processes of open collaboration, information disclosure and internet-assisted lobbying. The success of the “Telecoms package” campaign is then assessed, along with the perspective of the targets: members and staff of the European Parliament.The belief in values of freedom, decentralisation, openness, creativity and progress inspires a particular type of activism, which promotes autonomy, participation and efficiency. The empirical evidence suggests that this set of principles can, at times, conflict with practices observed in the field. This has to do with the particular opportunity structure of the European Union and the characteristics of the movement. The EU favours functional integration of civil society actors who are expected to contribute technical and/or legal expertise. This configuration challenges internet-based protest networks that rely on highly independent and fluctuating engagement, and suffer from a lack of diversity and cohesion. The internet does not solve all obstacles to collective action. It provides, however, a networked infrastructure and tools for organising, coordinating and campaigning. Online and offline actions are not only supportive of each other. Internet-based campaigning can be successful once it reaches out beyond the internet, and penetrates the corridors of political institutions.
Doctorat en Information et communication
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
28
Fieldhouse, Julie. « Europe's mirror, civil society and the other ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq25046.pdf.
Texte intégral
29
Spurga, Saulius. « Pilietinė visuomenė Europos Sąjungos valdyme ». Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2008. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2008~D_20080327_093533-21404.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Bendroji temos charakteristika ir darbo aktualumas. Šio darbo temą padiktavo ES institucijų vis labiau pabrėžiama ir žingsnis po žingsnio įgyvendinama nuostata didinti pilietinės visuomenės vaidmenį ES valdyme ir su tuo susijęs klausimas, koks vaidmuo ES valdyme tenka VRE valstybių pilietinei visuomenei.
Darbas atliktas studijuojant doktorantūroje Mykolo Romerio universitete ir dalyvaujant dviejuose tarptautiniuose doktorantų tinkluose, priklausančiuose Europos valdymo problemoms skirtai CONNEX programai (angl. The Network of Excellence CONNEX („Connecting Excellence on European Governance“)), kuri savo ruožtu priklauso ES 6-ajai Bendrajai tyrimų programai: "Pilietinės visuomenės įtraukimas į Europos valdymą" Vokietijoje, Manhaimo Europos Socialinių Tyrimų Centre (Universität Mannheim, Mannheimer Zentrum für Europäische Sozialforschung MZES), vadovė prof. Beate Kohler-Koch, ir „Viešosios politikos europeizacija Rytų Europos valstybėse“ Prancūzijoje, Paryžiaus Europos mokslo studijų centre (Centre d’études européennes de Sciences-Po), vadovas dr. François Bafoil. Darbas buvo rašomas taip pat stažuočių Lundo universitete Švedijoje ir Vroclavo universitete Lenkijoje metu.
Darbo tiriamoji problema formuluojama įvertinus ES valdymo principą, pagal kurį svarbus vaidmuo ES sprendimų priėmime suteikiamas pilietinei visuomenei, ir siekiant ištirti, kiek šis principas palankus Vidurio ir Rytų Europos valstybėms.
Darbas grindžiamas metodologine nuostata, pagal kurią šiuolaikinės... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]Following the enlargement in 2004 and 2007, the European Union (EU) has been made of Western states of old democracy, as well as of post-communist countries of the Central and East Europe (CCEE), the latter counting less than two decades of democratic development. These two parts of Europe differ significantly with regard to the historical and political experience, cultural traditions, the level of economic and social development. The EU, however, functions as an integrated political and economic community. The key sign of the EU integration is the decision-making at the EU level. Decisions are taken after consultation with the member states, as well as with civil society. The topic of the research has been inspired by the EU governance reform which designates a greater role to consultations with civil society in the decision-making at the EU level. The Turin European Council in 1996 provided the Intergovernmental Conference negotiating the Treaty of Amsterdam with the mandate “to bring the EU closer to its citizens”. The guidelines of the European governance reform were presented in the European Commission’s White Paper “European Governance” in 2001 . The White Paper provided for a significant role of civil society. The research has been conducted during PhD studies at Mykolas Romeris University (Vilnius, Lithuania) and while participating in two PhD networks of the Network of Excellence CONNEX (“Connecting Excellence on European Governance”), a project funded by the EU... [to full text]
30
Sadeldeen, Amro. « European civil actors for Palestinian rights and a Palestinian globalized movement : How norms and pathways have developed ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/230778.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis is related to transnational social movements’ production of knowledge. Particularly, the research investigates the developed norms and pathways of a Palestinian-transnational movement (the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement- The BDS movement) during its formation period. The thesis reviews major social movement theories (i.e. Sidney Tarrow and Margeret Sikkink). While benefiting from major aspects of these theories, the thesis discovers that the researched movement suggests major deviations from these theories. Hence, the thesis mobilizes other literature, particularly of Pierre Bourdieu, to better account for cultural and social dimensions. This choice is enforced by the presence of academics that form a pillar in the movement. Yet, the thesis mobilizes together diverse dimensions from social movement literature, sociology and history (i.e. the historical trajectory of individual and collective actors), and with a constant check with the case itself. The methodological choice of the research goes back and forth between theories and the case (abductive methodology). Two chapters of the thesis are dedicated to the agency of the Palestinian actors in addition to interactions inside the field of power in Palestine. Another two chapters discuss transnational relations with a focus on European actors. Specific cases are chosen from interactions with Belgian and British actors. Moreover, interactions in three transnational fora are discussed.The research concludes that this transnational movement infuses diverse norms from different experiences and regions while adhering to universal norms such as comprehensive human rights. Moreover, the movement follows diverse pathways that include a Palestinian emergence, a Global Southern path and through the North. And these pathways enforce the adherence of the movement to specific norms. Such findings diverge from “Euro-centric” approaches in discussed social movements’ literature in the thesis. The research finally discusses other literature more relevant to the case (i.e. by Amitav Acharya), which argues that local actors try to protect their norms from abuse by central forces, and they do not only import norms but also diffuse new norms. The thesis ends up with questions for further research on the patterns of norms diffusion.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
31
Cook, Deborah. « Civil society in Wales and European Union policy-making ». Thesis, University of South Wales, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.434813.
Texte intégral
32
Arkan, Seda. « The Effects Of European Union Funding On Turkish Civil Society ». Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608152/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis explores the impact of European Union funding on
Turkish non-governmental organizations in the post-Helsinki
period. The European Union financial aids in the post-Helsinki
period is analysed with a specific emphasis on civil society and how Turkish civil society is affected from these financial aids. The search for impact analysis is done through case studies of three different civil society organisations at several levels. The organisations studied are, Women Entrepreneur&rsquos Support Foundation of Turkey (KAGiDER), Mother-Child Education Foundation (AÇ
EV) and Southeast Anatolia Project- Entrepreneurs Development Centres (GiDEM) The importance of these three cases is being representative of different strata of civil society and operating in priority areas in such as, women, entrepreneurship and basic education the pre-accession stage. The effects of EU funding will be analysed in different subject areas and levels, such as organisational changes, operational changes, mission differentiations and changes in relations with third parties. The study concludes with the analysis if these impacts have a permanent effect on Turkish civil society and civil society organisations, together with the critiques of the extent EU funds can be utilised by an average NGO.
33
Souri, Eirini. « Global Civil Society : A Study on the Transformative Possibilities of Civil Society as an Agent in International Relations ». Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Engineering, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-8530.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Global Civil Society is a spectrum of diverse social actors, which offers an alternative to the making of contemporary politics, and towards social change; it provides us with a new approach to change the existing global order through development rather than confrontation. For this reason, global civil society has recently attracted increased interest in the academic and political discourse and consequently has left the margins and is placed in the centre of contemporary International Relations and political theory.
Utilizing neo-Gramscian ideas this study examines global civil society’s concept and core features and focuses on its role as well as transformative possibilities as an agent in contemporary world politics. This thesis demonstrates through the findings of our
case study on "Civil Society Organisations" Response to the Fourth European Union – Latin America and the Caribbean Summit in Vienna 2006” the alternative approach in dealing with political issues and actively working towards those ends.
This research’s conclusions designate the great potentialities of civil society’s organizations, if carefully managed to transform the contemporary world; as well as the necessity of addressing global civil society in order to understand the role of the social realm in reducing the gap of legitimacy in the contemporary world order.
34
Perk, Mert Orhan. « Civil Society As A Driving Force For Turkey ». Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613928/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis analyses whether the European Union acts as a trigger for Turkey&rsquos democratisation process within the pre-accession period. This study claims that although Turkish civil society has practically been characterised as weak and inactive, the impact of the European Union&rsquo
s politics of civil society on Turkish civil society organisations is a substantial contribution to democratic consolidation in Turkey, where the weakness of democracy has always been an obstacle for the country&rsquo
s integration to the Union. In accordance with this claim, three civil society organisations, which have been previously awarded European Union funded grant, were selected and a printed media screening study covering the period from the Helsinki Summit of 1999, when the European Commission took Turkey&rsquo
s membership application into consideration, to Turkish General Elections of 2011, was carried out. Through this study, the main purpose was to observe to what extent civil society organisations, having been financed under European Union funded grant schemes, provided contribution to Turkey&rsquo
s democratisation process.
35
Uzuncakmak, Ozge Sule. « European Civil Society:an Emerging Agenda ». Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/1217876/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The European Union as a sui generis political system has become an attractive subject of inquiry especially within the last decade. By expanding into ever new areas of integration and by widening its competences, the Union has become a complex structure. As a result, the Union has started to be perceived as an entity remote from its citizens. Therefore the debate on the future of Europe has intensified and the legitimacy of the Union has started to be questioned. With this questioning process, the emphasis has begun to be put on creating new channels to reach the Union’
s citizens. Within this context, the literature has focused on the importance of a European civil society. The desire to establish a deeper European political integration by constructing a European public space has made the European civil society a popular concept. On the other hand, the community institutions have also started to introduce policies to increase the role of civil society in order to close the gap between the Union and its citizens. In this respect, it can be argued that this process has been intensified after the publication of White Paper on European Governance. In the White Paper, the Commission has underlined the significance of a European civil society to strengthen the ties between the citizens and the EU. Then, a further step was taken by the Convention on the Future of the European Union. With the Convention, for the first time citizens and their representatives participated in the decision-making concerning the future shape of the Union. This is an important departure from the past and an essential step in the direction of a public debate on the prospective characteristics of European governance and democracy. This debate has raised interesting questions about the relationship between democracy, subsidiarity, efficiency and governance. Within this context, the purpose of this thesis is to analyze whether the development of an organized European civil society, which gains prominence by forms of governance developed by the EU, is perceived as a part of the solution to get the Union closer to its citizens. In this respect, the question of to what extent the European civil society is perceived as an arena, where EU citizens can exercise their rights beyond the nation-state will be discussed. In addition, different attitudes of the community institutions concerning European civil society will be also examined.
36
Yesiltas, Ozum. « Civil Society And Democratization In Turkey : A Critical Evaluation Of Civil Society-democracy Relationship In The Context Of Turkey-eu Relations ». Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607779/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis tries to analyze the role of civil society within the process of democratization in Turkey with special reference to the impact of civil society policies of the EU on the internal operating styles of civil society organizations in Turkey. In this respect, a critical evaluation of the said issue was tried to be put forward in the sense that the extensive discussions on the concept of civil society were examined and gathered with the observations and empirical evidence gained on the subject in order to reach an answer on the very nature of civil society-democracy relationship. In doing this, the purpose was to uncover the reasons behind the recent popularization of the concept as an indispensable precondition of democracy and to question whether certain circumstances exist under which the term may rather harm than enable the process of democratization. Within this framework, the consideration of the civil society policies of the EU implemented in Turkey was seen as all the more necessary because of the fact that the process of Turkey&rsquos EU membership has major implications for not only the process of democratization in Turkey, but also on the development of civil society as a significant part of this process. In accordance with the purpose of the study, in order to understand the extent of democratic capacity of civil society organizations in Turkey and the impact of the EU in that sense, a field research was conducted in Ankara, Turkey with the participation of 46 CSOs active mostly in the fields of women, children, disabled, human rights and environment. Through the field research, the main purpose was to understand the dynamics of the internal operating styles of those organizations, their views concerning the relations between CSOs as well as between the CSOs and the state on the one hand, to measure the extent to which their participation to civil society programs of the EU influence their intra-organizational structures on the other. According to the results of the field research, over the experience of 46 participant organizations, an analysis of the extent to which the EU-implemented civil society programs serve for the building of democratic capacity of civil society organizations in Turkey was tried to be made.
37
Golden, James Joseph. « Protestantism and public life : the Church of Ireland, disestablishment, and Home Rule, 1864-1874 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:41d2b2dd-4dc0-48db-8b10-4d7828b4f515.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores the hitherto undocumented disestablishment and reconstruction of the Anglican Church of Ireland, c.1868-1870, and argues that this experience was formative in the emergence of Home Rule. Structurally, the Church’s General Synod served as a model for an autonomous Irish parliament. Moreover, disestablishment and reconstruction conditioned the political trajectories of the Protestants initially involved in the first group to campaign for a federal Irish parliament, the Home Government Association (HGA). More broadly, both the HGA and the governance of the independent Church—the General Synod—grew from the bedrock of the same associational culture. The HGA was more aligned with the public associations of Protestant-dominated Dublin intellectual life and the lay associational culture of the Church. Although the political vision advocated was different from the normal conservatism of many of its Protestant members, culturally it was entirely grounded in the recent Anglican experience.
38
Jang, Hyein. « Civil society formation in East European countries and its policy implication for unified Korea ». Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2010. http://worldcat.org/oclc/647959605/viewonline.
Texte intégral
39
Rosales, Pena Maria. « Minding the Gap : the Role of UK Civil Society in the European Refugee Crisis ». Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-131275.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The recent collapse of the Dublin system, a system meant to distribute responsibility towards asylum-seekers and refugees between EU Member States (MSs), has marked a new phase of the so-called European Refugee “Crisis”, where the inability of EU MS governments to address the situation in a unified and coherent manner ultimately harms those most in need of protection. Public discontent with EU and MS government responses to the crisis has led to strong citizen mobilisation in the form of civil society. This study focuses on the case of the UK and examines the role played by policy advocacy Civil Society Organisations (CSOs). The concept of Political Responsibility is used to establish the emergence of a Governance Gap in the UK's response to the crisis, where the government finds itself unable to bridge a growing distance between its representation and responsible governance functions. Policy advocacy CSOs are found to be now minding this gap. Critical Discourse Analysis is used to study how CSOs react to the UK government's response in terms of practice and discourse, and to highlight the consequences which language use can have on how we perceive and treat refugees and asylum-seekers in this context.
40
Seekings, Jeremy, Khehla Shubane et David Simon Simon. « An evaluation of the European community / Kagiso Trust Civic and Advice Centre Programme ». Commission of the European Communities, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66010.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This report evaluates the Civic and Advice Centres Programme (CACP) administered by Kagiso Trust (KT) with funds from, primarily, the Commission of the European Communities (CEC). Between 1987 and 1992 over R 13 mn was disbursed through this programme. The authors of this report were appointed by the CEC and KT as consultants in November 1992. This is our final report. This report is the product of an evaluation conducted by the consultants in accordance with Terms of Reference defined by the CEC and KT. As such the report does not necessarily reflect the views or policies of either the CEC or KT. It is important to indicate clearly what this report is and is not. It is a report for the funding organizations - KT and the CEC - on their funding of civics and advice centres. It is not a study of civics and advice centres perse. There are important aspects of the civic movement which are not examined here. Our recommendations are offered to the funding organizations. Neither our analysis nor our recommendations are intended to be prescriptive of or for civics and advice centres. It is up to civics and advice centres to assess their own experiences and to choose their own routes into the post-apartheid future. Our concern here in this report has merely been to point out to the funders how their funds have been used, and how funds might be constructively used in future to further the democratisation of governmental and developmental processes. The consultants are grateful to all of the individuals and organizations who were able to spare time to discuss with us their experiences and perceptions of the CACP. They are too many to name here, but they are listed in Annex B. Our role as consultants has been in part to collate the many incisive comments made to us in our many discussions around the country. There are few suggestions here which have not been made by one or other of our interviewees. We are grateful to the CEC and KT for the assistance they provided. At KT’s head office we have been extensively assisted by Spencer Malongete, Pam Hamese and Muzwandile Lumka. We are grateful also to the staff of the KT regional offices who met with us and helped to schedule appointments with projects. Kagiso Trust organised a reference group for the consultants which on two occasions generously criticised early drafts of the report. It has not been easy to co-ordinate the work of three consultants based in Cape Town, London and Johannesburg. Our research was originally divided on a geographical basis. Jeremy Seekings examined the CACP in Cape Town, the Eastern Cape and Border, and parts of the Orange Free State. Khehla Shubane examined the CACP in the Transvaal and Natal. David Simon conducted research in parts of the Transvaal, Southern Cape, and Cape Town. Most of the sections of the report were drafted by one or other of the consultants, and revised in light of comments from one or both of the other consultants. Jeremy Seekings was primarily responsible for sections 2.4, 3, 4, 5, 7.1 and 8. David Simon was primarily responsible for sections 1, 2.2 and 2.3, 6.6, 7.2 and 7.3, and 10. Jeremy Seekings and David Simon drafted the rest of section 6. Khehla Shubane was primarily responsible for section 9 and the executive summary, and made extensive inputs into sections 3.3 and 5.
41
Monaghan, Elizabeth. « Civil society, democratic legitimacy and the European Union democratic linkage and the debate on the future of the EU / ». Nottingham : Univ. of Nottingham, 2008. http://etheses.nottingham.ac.uk/archive/00000558/.
Texte intégral
42
Kirkpatrick, Ann. « "Playthings of a Historical Process" : Prostitution in Spanish Society from the Restoration to the Civil War (1874-1939) ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/370.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Spain underwent a series of tumultuous social and political changes in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Prostitute women directly experienced these changes as fluctuations in their social and legal status within Spanish society. The years spanning from 1874 to 1931 are known as the Restoration, when the Bourbon monarchy was reinstalled under King Alfonso XII (1857-1885) after the crumbling of the First Spanish Republic (1873-1874). During this time, Spain experienced a period of growing nationalism and urbanization, and prostitution began to be interpreted as a threat to the nation in terms of public health and decency. Between 1923 and 1930, Spain was under the royally-sponsored military dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera (1870-1930). Primo de Rivera stifled much of the public discussion around the problem of prostitution. Spain later returned briefly to a Republican mode of government in 1931, and the Second Republic turned a portion of its divided attention to the reform of prostitution laws. The chaos of the Spanish Civil War between 1936 and 1939 disrupted these Republican reforms but provided an opportunity for radical groups, including Mujeres Libres, to campaign against prostitution in new and innovative ways.
43
Proeschel, Claude. « L'état laique et la société civile en Europe : le cas de la France et de l'Espagne contemporaines ». Paris 9, 2000. https://portail.bu.dauphine.fr/fileviewer/index.php?doc=2000PA090075.
Texte intégral
44
El, Kaakour Halimé. « L'universalité des droits de l'homme et les spécificités culturelles dans le cadre du Partenariat euro-méditerranéen ». Montpellier 1, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006MON10026.
Texte intégralRésumé :
En 1995 un partenariat s'est mis en place entre l'Union européenne et les pays méditerranéens intitulé: le Partenariat euro-méditerranéen (PEM) lancé dans le cadre de la Conférence de Barcelone. Compte tenu du contexte complexe de la Méditerranée et du fait que les instruments mettent l'accent sur l'économie, le PEM se trouve confronté à plusieurs obstacles. L'échec du sommet Euromed en novembre 2005 montre que le PEM est dans une impasse. La nécessité de ce partenariat invite les deux partenaires à réfléchir ensemble sur de nouvelles bases pour leurs relations. Il est important de relancer le PEM et de renforcer les relations mutuelles afin de relever les défis auxquels doivent faire face les deux parties. Des solutions au niveau idéologique et au niveau de la politique mise en œuvre s'imposent pour la réalisation d'un vrai partenariat basé sur le respect de l'universalité des droits de l'homme et des spécificités des pays méditerranéens, en particulier des pays arabo-musulmans. De ce fait, il est convenu de donner la primauté au volet culturel de la Déclaration de Barcelone qui est censé offrir le cadre d'un dialogue interculturel basé sur le respect mutuel.
45
Walmsley, Nicholas Mark. « The making of European civil society : the role of EU institutions and the implications for European citizenship : a study of the European Commission and NGOs in EU social policy ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.413313.
Texte intégral
46
BIANCHESSI, ANDREA. « COOPERAZIONE INTERNAZIONALE PER LO SVILUPPO : IL RUOLO DELLA SOCIETA' CIVILE NELLE POLITICHE DELLA BANCA MONDIALE E DELL'UNIONE EUROPEA ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/307.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La presente tesi di dottorato valuta i rapporti tra le organizzazioni della società civile e le istituzioni internazionali nel sistema della cooperazione per lo sviluppo, attraverso l'analisi delle politiche della Banca Mondiale e dell'Unione Europea, che risultano gli attori multilaterali più rilevanti nell'allocazione e gestione dei finanziamenti dell'Aiuto Pubblico allo Sviluppo (APS).
Nel quadro di relazioni cooperative-dialettiche, si verificano le funzioni degli interlocutori della società civile nel rapporto con le due organizzazioni internazionali e i livelli di partnership. Si analizzano alcuni nodi problematici come la valutazione della performance dei progetti delle organizzazioni della società civile (OSC), per verificarne il valore aggiunto; la dicotomia tra un approccio top-down e bottom-up nella pianificazione di processi di sviluppo locale; la rappresentatività e l'efficacia del contributo delle OSC alla global governance per lo sviluppo.
Si presentano anche due casi empirici di progetti realizzati da una stessa OSC, finanziati dalle due istituzioni considerate, al fine di favorire, attraverso l'analisi “micro”, la comprensione di eventuali diversità rispetto al quadro teorico, alle procedure sul “ciclo di progetto” e ai rilevamenti quantitativi presentati. Complessivamente, emerge che la cooperazione tra OSC e le istituzioni internazionali ha maggiori benefici che costi e conduce ad una partnership win-win per entrambi.The present PhD thesis considers the relationships between the organisations of civil society and the international institutions in development cooperation's system through the analysis of the World Bank's and the European Union's policies. In the frame of cooperative and dialectic relationships will be verified the functions of the interlocutors of the civil society in relationship with the two international organisations and levels of partnership. Some problematic knots will be analysed such as the evaluation of projects' performance of the organisations of the social society (OSC) in order to verify the added value; the dichotomy between a top-down and bottom-up approach in the process planning of the local development; the representation and effectiveness of the OSC's contribution to the global governance for development. Two empirical cases of projects realised by an OCE will be showed. These are financed by the two above considered institutions in order to favour, through a “micro” analysis, the comprehension of possible differences regard to the theoretical picture, to the procedures of the project cycle and to the quantitative showed survey. Altogether it appears that the cooperation between the OSC and the international institutions has more benefits than costs and leads to a win-win partnership.
47
BIANCHESSI, ANDREA. « COOPERAZIONE INTERNAZIONALE PER LO SVILUPPO : IL RUOLO DELLA SOCIETA' CIVILE NELLE POLITICHE DELLA BANCA MONDIALE E DELL'UNIONE EUROPEA ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/307.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La presente tesi di dottorato valuta i rapporti tra le organizzazioni della società civile e le istituzioni internazionali nel sistema della cooperazione per lo sviluppo, attraverso l'analisi delle politiche della Banca Mondiale e dell'Unione Europea, che risultano gli attori multilaterali più rilevanti nell'allocazione e gestione dei finanziamenti dell'Aiuto Pubblico allo Sviluppo (APS).
Nel quadro di relazioni cooperative-dialettiche, si verificano le funzioni degli interlocutori della società civile nel rapporto con le due organizzazioni internazionali e i livelli di partnership. Si analizzano alcuni nodi problematici come la valutazione della performance dei progetti delle organizzazioni della società civile (OSC), per verificarne il valore aggiunto; la dicotomia tra un approccio top-down e bottom-up nella pianificazione di processi di sviluppo locale; la rappresentatività e l'efficacia del contributo delle OSC alla global governance per lo sviluppo.
Si presentano anche due casi empirici di progetti realizzati da una stessa OSC, finanziati dalle due istituzioni considerate, al fine di favorire, attraverso l'analisi “micro”, la comprensione di eventuali diversità rispetto al quadro teorico, alle procedure sul “ciclo di progetto” e ai rilevamenti quantitativi presentati. Complessivamente, emerge che la cooperazione tra OSC e le istituzioni internazionali ha maggiori benefici che costi e conduce ad una partnership win-win per entrambi.The present PhD thesis considers the relationships between the organisations of civil society and the international institutions in development cooperation's system through the analysis of the World Bank's and the European Union's policies. In the frame of cooperative and dialectic relationships will be verified the functions of the interlocutors of the civil society in relationship with the two international organisations and levels of partnership. Some problematic knots will be analysed such as the evaluation of projects' performance of the organisations of the social society (OSC) in order to verify the added value; the dichotomy between a top-down and bottom-up approach in the process planning of the local development; the representation and effectiveness of the OSC's contribution to the global governance for development. Two empirical cases of projects realised by an OCE will be showed. These are financed by the two above considered institutions in order to favour, through a “micro” analysis, the comprehension of possible differences regard to the theoretical picture, to the procedures of the project cycle and to the quantitative showed survey. Altogether it appears that the cooperation between the OSC and the international institutions has more benefits than costs and leads to a win-win partnership.
48
Siglová, Ivana. « Dobrovolnictví jako součást občanské společnosti ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-197613.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis deals with the impact of European Voluntary Service (EVS) programme on civic competences of its participants and their active participation within civil society, both Czech and European. The text is structured into three chapters. The first chapter deals with a definition of the concept of civil society and its historical development, historical development and present situation of Czech civil society and definition of European civil society. The second chapter first explains the phenomenon of volunteering in general and then continues with explaining of functioning and principles of EVS. The third chapter is a result of qualitative analysis of semi-structured interviews with six former participants of EVS. At first, the personal story of each participant is written. According to the stories, the cumulative analysis and conclusions of the thesis are formulated.
49
Jonsson, Anna. « Judicial Review and Individual Legal Activism : The Case of Russia in Theoretical Perspective ». Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Faculty of Law & ; Department of East European Studies, Uppsala University, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-5811.
Texte intégral
50
Kutay, Riza Acar. « A Critical Assessment Of The European Commission ». Phd thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613727/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The dissertation engages in a critical analysis of the involvement of the Brusselsbased European NGOs in European governance. It conducts a survey on the European Commission&rsquos relevant initiatives after the 1990s and interrogates the implications of these initiatives on one of the prominent European NGO network, the Social Platform of European NGOs. The common understanding conceives of these organizations as conducive to democratization of EU governance within the scope of participatory democracy. However, I endeavour to argue that the Commission has had an aim to make use of the civil society discourse for its institutional interests, while intentionally and unintentionally shaping (and reshaping) civic action in Europe. Participatory democracy project, which is promoted by the Commission, can be seen as a deliberate venture of shaping civic action and state-society relationships in Europe. With respect to this goal, it has encouraged the Social Platform to act like its interlocutor vis-à
-vis the NGO community organised both at national and European level. Deriving from the Foucaultian concept of governmentality, I inquiry into the effects of this discourse on the Social Platform, which has been particularly created by the Commission to disperse the participatory democracy and good governance discourse in Europe.