Thèses : « Civil society – Europe, Eastern »

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Abele, Christine. « Civil society assistance in Central and Eastern Europe ». Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/15749.

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Die Arbeit stellt sich die Frage, inwieweit es externen Akteuren möglich ist, zivilgesellschaftli-che Strukturen eines in der Transformation befindlichen Staates zu stärken, um damit einen Beitrag zur Konsolidierung nachkommunistischer Gesellschaften zu leisten. Resultiert die externe Förderung tatsächlich in eine „zivilere“ Gesellschaft, welche sich auf mündige und aktive Bürger stützt, oder führt sie zu einem bloßen Transfer von Strukturen in Form von Nicht-Regierungsorganisationen (NRO), welche jedoch keine gesellschaftliche Anbindung haben und bloße Zuarbeiter westlicher Geberorganisationen sind? // Um diese Frage zu beantworten, werden im theoretischen Teil der Arbeit ausgehend vom akteurszentrierten Institutionalismus zwei wesentliche Mechanismen identifiziert, durch wel-che die Aktivitäten der Geber Veränderungen bei den Nehmern erzielen: Ermächtigung und Lernen. Während Ersteres die Einsatzmöglichkeiten und Ressourcen einiger Akteure stärkt und damit vorhandene Akteurskonstellationen ändert, führt Letzteres dazu, dass neue Ideen Eingang in die politische Arena finden. // Die Arbeit stellt die Aktivitäten vier verschiedener Geberländer und –organisationen in Polen und der Slowakei in den 1990er Jahren vor; der Europäischen Union, Deutschlands, der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika und dem privaten Netzwerk der Soros Stiftungen; und un-tersucht deren Beitrag zur zivilgesellschaftlichen Entwicklung beider Länder. Hierzu werden lokale NROs in den Blick genommen, welche maßgeblich von westlichen Gebern unterstützt werden und untersucht, inwieweit diese als Träger der Zivilgesellschaft fungieren, welche Legitimität sie bei der Bevölkerung besitzen und ob sie nach Rückzug der Geber weiter exis-tieren. // Die Arbeit kommt zu dem Schluss, dass westliche Zivilgesellschaftsförderung in beiden un-tersuchten Ländern einen positiven Effekt hatte in dem Sinne, dass maßgeblich geförderte NROs tatsächlich als Träger der Zivilgesellschaft fungierten. Sie bemühten sich um die Un-terstützung anderer NROs, erweitern gesellschaftliche Partizipationsmöglichkeiten und sind soweit in nationale Strukturen und in der Gesellschaft verankert, dass auch ein Fortbestand ohne westliche Gelder möglich ist.
With the end of the communist bloc and the transformations taking place in Central and Eastern Europe the promotion and protection of democracy from abroad became a major field of assistance. Especially civil society assistance, understood as direct support granted to non-governmental actors of the target state with the explicit aim to promote the consolida-tion of democracy, became a major pillar of democracy aid. The dissertation analyzes civil society assistance and aims to tackle the question whether it is feasible to promote and strengthen civil society from abroad. Does civil society assistance result in more civil society or does it result in nothing more than the establishment of donor driven NGOs which are nei-ther voluntary nor independent but solely function as puppets of donors? // In order to answer this question and following the insights of actor-centered institutionalism, the dissertation identifies to modes of external intervention labeled „empowerment” and “learning. In the first case, donors may increase the action resources of chosen domestic actors, thus altering domestic actor constellations, by providing finances, technical equip-ment, information and know-how. In the latter case, external actors may impact upon the ori-entations, that is, the perceptions and preferences, of domestic actors. // The dissertation analyses the contribution of the activities of four different donors; the Euro-pean Union, the USA, Germany and the private network of Soros Foundations; to the devel-opment of civil society in Poland and Slovakia. In order to pinpoint outcomes of civil society assistance the dissertation focuses on recipients and their activities. The dissertation thus clarifies to what extent main recipient organizations act as carriers of civil society, whether they transmit the interests of their constituency into politics, whether they fulfill a watch-dog function and democratic functions attributed to civil society. It therefore analyzes main recipi-ents, their sustainability, legitimacy and effectiveness as carriers of civil society. // The dissertation jumps to the conclusion that externally driven civil society assistance had positive effects in both countries under investigation as supported NGOs acted as carriers of civil society.

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Vandor, Peter, Nicole Traxler, Reinhard Millner et Michael Meyer. « Civil Society in Central and Eastern Europe : Challenges and Opportunities ». ERSTE Foundation, 2017. http://epub.wu.ac.at/6256/1/Study_Civil%2DSociety%2Din%2DCEE_WU%2DWien.pdf.

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Building on the work of 27 authors and a survey of 400 experts, this volume provide a map of civil society in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). The analysis comprises 16 CEE countries in four distinct country groups: a) the Visegrád group, which consists of Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary, b) Slovenia and Croatia, c) Bulgaria and Romania, and finally, d) the non-EU countries Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro, Kosovo, Albania, and Moldova. Austria serves as a reference country for comparing CEE civil society with a traditional Western European civil society. For each country, a chapter provides an overview over recent historical developments, the shapes and forms of civil society, its most important fields and activity, and an assessment of its institutional environment. Chapters also contain an analyisis of trends and future developments in civil society. In addition, the volume contains a synthesis chapter which provides a general investitgation of civil societes across the region. We find that, even though the four groups are very diverse, similarities and shared patterns can be identified, such as the important role of the European Union and the accession process in shaping the institutional framework. Analyses also reveal distinct features of civil society within the four country groups, such as a particularly high level of donor dependency in the non-EU country group and a low level of institutional trust in Bulgaria and Romania. Despite recent challenges, including the withdrawal of foreign donors and political tensions in some countries, the outlook we provide for this dynamic region remains largely optimistic.

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Meyer, Michael, Clara Maria Moder, Michaela Neumayr et Peter Vandor. « Civil Society and Its Institutional Context in CEE ». Springer US, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11266-019-00106-7.

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Although civil societies in Central and Eastern Europe are often portrayed as similar, united by a shared communist past, they have developed along increasingly divergent trajectories over the past three decades. This article investigates the current state of civil society in the region and the role the institutional context plays in it. Drawing on historical institutionalism and the process of European integration, we classify the 14 countries under investigation into three distinct groups and analyze data from a survey of more than 350 local civil society experts. We find that, together with domestic governments, international donors and the EU are perceived as the most influential institutional actors for civil society organizations. Their respective influences, however, depend largely on a country's stage in the EU accession process. Overall, the study provides a differentiated mapping of civil society in this region and a better understanding of how the institutional context relates to a Country's civil society.

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Charrad, Kristina. « Participants or observers in European governance ? civil society lobbyists from Central and Eastern Europe in Brussels ». Baden-Baden Nomos, 2009. http://d-nb.info/1000248372/04.

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Abele, Christine [Verfasser], Claus [Gutachter] Offe et Wolfgang [Gutachter] Merkel. « Civil society assistance in Central and Eastern Europe / Christine Abele ; Gutachter : Claus Offe, Wolfgang Merkel ». Berlin : Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2008. http://d-nb.info/1208074083/34.

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Judson, Tracey F. « Civil society, second society and the breakdown of Communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe : Poland, Czechoslovakia and Romania ». Thesis, Loughborough University, 1999. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/33163.

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This thesis proceeds from the premise that the demise of the Communist systems of rule in Eastern Europe is not fully explicable using ''traditional" theories of transition or democratisation. This thesis is, therefore, concerned initially with the limitations of existing theoretical frameworks. It proposes a line of enquiry that accounts for the breakdown of Communism through an analysis of a domestic variable: second society. In particular, it addresses the question of why the former European Communist regimes experienced differing modes of breakdown in 1989. The thesis adopts a comparative approach and focuses on the three different cases of Poland, Czechoslovakia and Romania. By comparing them, it analyses the extent to which variations in the modes of breakdown can be explained by the second society variable. The case studies are divided into three sections. The first considers the historical issues and factors that conditioned the nature of the Communist regime and of emerging opposition. The second analyses the development of second society within each country and the third section considers the impact of second society on the mode of regime breakdown in 1989. The thesis concludes that the case studies , demonstrate a causal relationship between the second society variable and the mode of breakdown experienced by the Communist regimes.

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O'Mahony, Joan. « The emergence of civil society in eastern Europe : Church and state in the Czech Republic, 1992-1998 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1712/.

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This thesis examines the relationship between civil society and democracy through a case study of the revival of the Catholic Church in the post-communist Czech Republic. I use an ideal typical conception of civic organisations that emphasises three characteristics: civility, independence, and autonomy. I ask how each of these characteristics is related to democracy and how the degree to which the Czech Catholic Church approximates each characteristic can be explained. Civility - my research challenges the contemporary consensus around the work of Robert Putnam that there is an inverse relationship between civility and associational hierarchy. I show how the organisations and networks in which the Bishops were involved during Communism functioned as schools of democracy, producing the strong civil values of Czech Bishops still in evidence today. The argument indicates that Putnam and other social capital theorists should move beyond the formal level of associations in their search for the causes of civic virtue. Independence - The failure of the church to restitute its property and its continued dependence on the Czech state is conventionally explained by reference to either an historic anti-Catholicism or the contemporary exigencies of justice. I reject these arguments, and show how Church restitution is artificially created as an issue by politicians seeking to build distinct party identities in the difficult circumstances of a society still awaiting the consolidation of new social cleavages. Autonomy - the Church's weak links to the public sphere are generally explained by reference to a communist legacy of anti-political attitudes, or to poor political skills on the part of civic associations. Instead, I argue that the strongest explanatory factor lies with the political programme of the Klaus administration and its post-communist inspired concerns to limit power to the Parliament, and more particularly to the executive, where Klaus' party was dominant. 1 show how Klaus' success was greatly facilitated by the speed of the 'transition', which allowed the easy implementation of a radical ideology by a political entrepreneur who faced little opposition from parliamentary colleagues unable to find 'partners' in a post-Communist atomised society.

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Csengeri, Janos. « Civil society as a game changer : a comparative study of political transitions in Eastern Europe and the Middle East ». Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/38911.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.
This study examines the role civil society has played in bringing about political change in the totalitarian regimes of the former Communist Bloc in Eastern Europe and the authoritarian states challenged by the Arab Spring. Specifically, this thesis creates a list of criteria for evaluating the presence of a good (meaning vibrant and liberal) or bad (meaning anti-democratic and non-liberal) civil society, and uses these criteria to predict the long term prospects of democratization in the four countries studied: Poland, Russia, Tunisia, and Egypt. The study finds that the presence of a good civil society or the majority of its criteria enhances the prospects of democratization in countries undergoing political transitions, while the lack of all or most of its criteria significantly decreases the likelihood that a democratic system will take root.

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Smith, Nicholas Ross. « EU Normative Socialisation in its Eastern Neighbourhood : Democratisation in Armenia through the European Neighbourhood Policy ». Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/5332.

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The EU, over time, has garnered international recognition and acclaim as a successful agent of democratisation in third countries. The transitions of Greece, Spain and Portugal in the 1980s coupled with the recent Eastern enlargements of the EU into erstwhile communist space attest to the success of the EU in fostering tangible democratisation. However, as the EU rapidly approaches its institutional capacity, questions remain as to its viability as an agent of democratisation in the post-enlargement setting where the EU can no longer offer full membership as an incentive for political and economic reform. This thesis attempts to examine the viability of the EU as a democratic facilitator in the post-enlargement setting, through examination of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), a policy described by the EU as ‘everything but institutions’. Two mechanisms of normative transfer relative to the ENP were identified in the literature: conditionality, where the EU attaches incentives for successful political and economic reform, and socialisation, a newer notion whereby norms are transferred via interaction through generating close links with domestic actors. It was ascertained that in the context of the ENP, socialisation represented the dominant mechanism for normative change; conditionality was still utilised as a mechanism, however its scope had reduced greatly. To illuminate the phenomenon of EU democratic promotion, the case study of Armenia was chosen, a small but politically intriguing state in the EU’s Eastern Neighbourhood which had experienced (as is the case with the majority of post-Soviet states) stagnation and regression of the democratisation process since independence. Two facets of the EU’s democratisation strategy inherent in the ENP were chosen as empirical research areas: free and fair elections and interaction with domestic civil society organisations (CSOs). Free and fair elections offered evaluation of the conditionality aspects of the ENP through examining the 2008 Armenian presidential election. Interaction with domestic Armenian CSOs presented a rich phenomenon to examine the impact of socialisation in the ENP through utilising a case study examining four democratically minded NGOs. Ultimately, this thesis contends that through the ENP, the EU can no longer effectively wield conditionality as a viable mechanism of normative change and currently lacks the tools or a suitable environment to initialise normative transfers through socialisation. Consequently, it is argued that the EU has had little effect in facilitating democratisation in Armenia since the advent of the ENP.

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Rammelt, Henry. « La mobilisation sociale en Europe de l'Est depuis la crise financière de 2008 : une analyse comparative de l’évolution des réseaux militants en Hongrie et en Roumanie ». Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE2168/document.

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La crise financière a démystifié le système capitaliste aux yeux de larges segments de la population d’Europe de l'Est, exacerbant le décalage entre les attentes suscitées par le processus de démocratisation et la situation, souvent difficile, d’un nombre important de citoyens. Dans ce contexte, l'indignation que certains d’entre eux expriment s'est dirigée contre la classe politique, donnant naissance à de nouvelles formes de mobilisation. Cette thèse analyse ces mobilisations dans un cadre comparatif incluant des réseaux militants en Hongrie et en Roumanie, sur la période 2008 - 2014. Quelles sont les caractéristiques des récentes vagues de protestations ? Ces protestations s’inscrivent-elles dans la continuité de répertoires d’action plus anciens ? Si la Roumanie et la Hongrie sont « en transition », quelles sont les mutations qui affectent les conditions de mobilisation ? Comment expliquer les différences de dynamiques que l’on observe dans les deux pays ? Pour répondre à ces questions, nous avons essayé de bâtir des passerelles entre deux champs de recherche, celui de la transition démocratique et celui des mouvements sociaux. En Roumanie comme en Hongrie, la prise en compte des transformations systémiques induites par la transition semble en effet essentielle à la compréhension des phénomènes de mobilisation récents. L'analyse détaillée des processus d'accumulation de capital social relationnel et cognitif qui en résulte - à l’origine de l’émergence de nouvelles générations d’activistes – constitue l’apport principal de notre travail. La démarche diachronique que nous avons adoptée nous a par ailleurs permis d’identifier et de caractériser les influences qu’un réseau militant peut avoir sur un autre et l’impact d’une protestation sur la suivante. Soucieux de produire des informations précises et circonstanciées sur l’environnement politique, économique et culturel dans lequel naissent les mobilisations étudiées, nous avons interrogé, à partir d’un sondage en ligne, des spécialistes de la société civile, des médias et de la vie politique des deux pays. Parallèlement, nous avons réalisé 26 entretiens approfondis avec des activistes en Hongrie et en Roumanie pour parvenir à définir les processus de mobilisation des ressources, les canaux de mobilisation utilisées, les caractéristiques des réseaux et des organisations en présence, mais aussi l’identité des activistes et, subséquemment, leur perception du contexte d’action dans lequel ils s’inscrivent. En prenant en compte l’ensemble de ces éléments, nous avons pu montrer comment l'accumulation d’expériences de mobilisations nourrissait les mouvements suivants, plus nombreux et plus visibles au fil du temps. Dans cette dynamique, les réseaux sociaux en ligne jouent un rôle essentiel. La socialisation politique sur Facebook a notamment contribué au développement d’une identité commune et à la transformation de l'indignation personnelle en engagement collectif. La multiplication des interactions sociales, une certaine similitude de goûts et de visions du monde, ainsi qu’un effort de réseautage ont permis à l'activisme en ligne de se transformer en activisme de rue. La nature et l’intensité de cet engagement diffèrent selon les deux pays. En Roumanie, « un militantisme récréationnel » puisant ses racines dans la simultanéité de la consommation culturelle et de l'implication civique est observable. A l’inverse, en Hongrie l’enthousiasme civique semble s’essouffler. Confrontés à un pouvoir politique stable, soutenu par la majorité de la population et capable de s'opposer fermement aux initiatives de la société civile, les mouvements de contestation hongrois n’ont pas réussi à déstabiliser le pouvoir en place. Cet exemple montre qu’une culture de protestation relativement vivace ne débouche pas automatiquement sur un fort niveau de mobilisation citoyenne. Par contraste, le cas de la Roumanie
In Eastern Europe the financial crisis of 2008 highlighted the gap between expectations concerning the new configuration of liberal and capitalist states on the one hand, and the social realities on the other. Waves of contention followed, which were provoked especially by austerity measures implemented by the respective governments. These were in their majority directed against the post-communist elites, which were held responsible for the perceived slow progress regarding economic performance and the democratization process in the years before. With the purpose of analyzing new forms of collective action and protests that appeared following this crisis, this dissertation is dedicated to study, in a comparative manner, activist networks in Hungary and Romania between 2008 and 2014.The following questions are in the center of the study: Are those recent waves of mobilization different from forms of protests prior to the crisis or can we observe a continuation of repertoires of contention? If Romania and Hungary are considered to be countries still located in the transition process, without having reached the “goal” of consolidated democracies, are the conditions and forms of collective action also undergoing profound transformations? If so, how can we explain the different dynamics in those two countries?Given the fact, that the analysis of social movements is becoming a multicentric subfield of social sciences, the present study draws on a diversity of analytical angles, not only stemming from approaches to investigate social movements and regime change, but also including additional theoretical avenues, in order to answer these main questions. Taking into account the transformation background of Romania and Hungary seems the appropriate perspective to understand recent mobilizations. For this purpose, this study analyzes processes of the accumulation of cognitive and relational social capital, shaping a new generation of activists. By doing so, the emphasis could be put on observing the effects of protests on subsequent mobilizations and the spillover/ interaction between activist networks over time. In a first step, I gathered comparable data on the political, economic and social environment, in which these networks arose, by carrying out expert on-line surveys in both countries. For a better understanding of mechanisms of resource mobilization, mobilization channels, network characteristics and organizational features, I conducted 26 in-depth interviews with activists from both countries. As a result, I was able to highlight the significance of protest-specific experiences for future mobilizations. Online social networks appear to play a key role in this dynamic in contemporary social movements, mainly through their capacity of generating a collective identity and transforming personal indignation into collective action. The nature and the intensity of this dynamic vary in the two countries. While I observed a growth of, what I called “recreational activism” in Romania, resulting from the concomitance of patterns of cultural consumption and civic involvement, a certain protest fatigue can be attested for the first years after the crisis in Hungary. Confronted with stable political configurations and a government that is widely supported by the electorate, movements contesting the power of Fidesz were not able to destabilize existing power structures in Hungary. Hence, this study shows that a longstanding culture of protest and of civic engagement does not necessarily lead, in different circumstances, to high levels of political activism of challengers to political power. Furthermore, the Romanian case suggests that rather the absence of such a culture, combined with a lack of precedent and experiences for both, engaged citizens and authorities can open spaces for renegotiating rules and provoke (lasting) political and cultural changes

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Spurga, Saulius. « Pilietinė visuomenė Europos Sąjungos valdyme ». Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2008. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2008~D_20080327_093533-21404.

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Bendroji temos charakteristika ir darbo aktualumas. Šio darbo temą padiktavo ES institucijų vis labiau pabrėžiama ir žingsnis po žingsnio įgyvendinama nuostata didinti pilietinės visuomenės vaidmenį ES valdyme ir su tuo susijęs klausimas, koks vaidmuo ES valdyme tenka VRE valstybių pilietinei visuomenei. Darbas atliktas studijuojant doktorantūroje Mykolo Romerio universitete ir dalyvaujant dviejuose tarptautiniuose doktorantų tinkluose, priklausančiuose Europos valdymo problemoms skirtai CONNEX programai (angl. The Network of Excellence CONNEX („Connecting Excellence on European Governance“)), kuri savo ruožtu priklauso ES 6-ajai Bendrajai tyrimų programai: "Pilietinės visuomenės įtraukimas į Europos valdymą" Vokietijoje, Manhaimo Europos Socialinių Tyrimų Centre (Universität Mannheim, Mannheimer Zentrum für Europäische Sozialforschung MZES), vadovė prof. Beate Kohler-Koch, ir „Viešosios politikos europeizacija Rytų Europos valstybėse“ Prancūzijoje, Paryžiaus Europos mokslo studijų centre (Centre d’études européennes de Sciences-Po), vadovas dr. François Bafoil. Darbas buvo rašomas taip pat stažuočių Lundo universitete Švedijoje ir Vroclavo universitete Lenkijoje metu. Darbo tiriamoji problema formuluojama įvertinus ES valdymo principą, pagal kurį svarbus vaidmuo ES sprendimų priėmime suteikiamas pilietinei visuomenei, ir siekiant ištirti, kiek šis principas palankus Vidurio ir Rytų Europos valstybėms. Darbas grindžiamas metodologine nuostata, pagal kurią šiuolaikinės... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
Following the enlargement in 2004 and 2007, the European Union (EU) has been made of Western states of old democracy, as well as of post-communist countries of the Central and East Europe (CCEE), the latter counting less than two decades of democratic development. These two parts of Europe differ significantly with regard to the historical and political experience, cultural traditions, the level of economic and social development. The EU, however, functions as an integrated political and economic community. The key sign of the EU integration is the decision-making at the EU level. Decisions are taken after consultation with the member states, as well as with civil society. The topic of the research has been inspired by the EU governance reform which designates a greater role to consultations with civil society in the decision-making at the EU level. The Turin European Council in 1996 provided the Intergovernmental Conference negotiating the Treaty of Amsterdam with the mandate “to bring the EU closer to its citizens”. The guidelines of the European governance reform were presented in the European Commission’s White Paper “European Governance” in 2001 . The White Paper provided for a significant role of civil society. The research has been conducted during PhD studies at Mykolas Romeris University (Vilnius, Lithuania) and while participating in two PhD networks of the Network of Excellence CONNEX (“Connecting Excellence on European Governance”), a project funded by the EU... [to full text]

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Bojinov, Jivco. « Democracy in Eastern Europe : society, government, and economy ». Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1361.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science

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Frey, Walter C. « Water for life : fighting water pollution in Eastern Europe ». Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/45738.

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Tzonev, Tzonu. « Seismic retrofit of precast panel buildings in Eastern Europe ». Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/82720.

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Thesis (M. Eng.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, 2013.
This electronic version was submitted by the student author. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.
Cataloged from student-submitted PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 85-87).
Many countries in Eastern Europe, particularly ones from the former Soviet Bloc, are facing a potential crisis regarding their deteriorating precast panel apartment buildings. These complexes were built using industrial methods in response to the housing shortage during the 1960s, 70s and 80s. An ending lifecycle in combination with the poor design and construction quality makes these buildings extremely vulnerable to earthquakes that are frequent in the region. This thesis addresses the need to act urgently in order to rehabilitate these structures and ensure that they meet today's building code requirements. It is achieved through a case study that explores the effectiveness of global bracing seismic mitigation techniques on an existing precast panel building located in Sofia, Bulgaria. The in-situ building is first analyzed using SAP2000 and then again after the bracing is added to the model. A variety of parameters such as drift, floor acceleration and seismic damage are compared with cost and plausibility of the chosen options. As a final outcome, the external bracing scheme used in this study does in fact decrease both the floor accelerations and the interstory drift by at least 10% and in some cases as much as 85%. During the thesis, several local experts and practicing structural engineers were interviewed and consulted. For this study it is assumed that the building has a close statistical representation of other buildings with similar structural system both in Bulgaria and neighboring Eastern European countries.
by Tzonu Tzonev.
M.Eng.

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Cruickshank, Neil A. « Power, civil society and contentious politics in post communist Europe ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/559.

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This dissertation examines how contentious collective action in two post communist states, Poland and the Czech Republic, has broadened to include European and international actors. It identifies the emergence of new opportunities for contention brought about by recent episodes of institutional change, specifically EU accession, and questions how they benefit materially or politically weak NGOs. With the intention of determining how three interrelated processes, democratization, Europeanization and internationalization, affect the nature and scope of contentious politics, this dissertation carries out an investigation of several concrete episodes of political mobilization and contention. As shown these 'contentious events' involved a myriad of national, European and international actors, mobilizing to challenge national policy. Data from NGO questionnaires, interviews and newswire/newspaper archives are used to discern the nature and scope of contentious collective action. This dissertation assesses the extent to which transnationalization of advocacy politics has disrupted existing power arrangements at the national level between NGOs and government. Hypothesizing that European Union accession in 2004 changed the nature and scope of contentious collective action in post communist Europe, this dissertation undertakes a comparative empirical examination of three sectors, environment, women and Roma, and twenty-nine representative NGOs. My research identifies three important developments in the Polish and Czech nonprofit sector: first, European advocacy networks and institutions are helping national NGOs overcome power disparities at the national level; second, issues once confined to national political space have acquired a European dimension, and; third, despite Europeanization, a few notable policy issues (i.e. reproductive rights, nuclear energy and domestic violence) remain firmly under national jurisdiction. This dissertation contributes to existing collective action/post communist scholarship in three ways. It applies established theories of contention/collective action to several recent episodes of political mobilization; it confirms that post accession institutional change does offer new political opportunity structures to national NGOs, and finally; it presents new empirical research on post communist collective action.

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Cruickshank, Neil Albert. « Power, civil society and contentious politics in post communist Europe / ». St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/559.

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Bitis, Alexander. « Russia and the Eastern question : army, government and society, 1815 - 1833 ». Oxford [u.a.] Publ. for the British Acad. by Oxford Univ. Press, 2006. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&docl̲ibrary=BVB01&docn̲umber=014861189&linen̲umber=0001&funcc̲ode=DBR̲ECORDS&servicet̲ype=MEDIA.

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Ferry, Martin Hugh. « The "intelligentsia in power" and the development of civil society : Mazowiecki's Poland ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1998. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4496/.

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The subject of this thesis is Poland's first post communist government (September 1989 - December 1990), formed under the premiership of the veteran 'Solidarity' activist Tadousz Mazowiecki. The threat of economic collapse and social disorder had prompted the communist authorities to grant the non-communist elements organised around the 'Solidarity' movement limited access to the Polish parliament through partially free elections. In June 1989 the results of these elections delivered a fatal blow to communist rule in Poland. 'Solidarity' triumphed in practically all the parliamentary seats the communist authorities had permitted it to contest. Bereft of ideological confidence and Soviet support, the Polish Communist Party rapidly disintegrated and the task of forming an administration fell to 'Solidarity'. The new government, led by Mazowiecki and dominated by representatives of Solidarity's intellectual elite, was appointed in September 1989. In the months that followed, the new government took advantage of strong social support and popularity to introduce comprehensive political and economic reforms. The reforms introduced irrevocably dismantled the country's disastrous command economy and introduced a radical shift to market based criteria. Although they entailed austerity for much of Polish society, at least initially, the personal prestige of the new elite and its promise of the future benefits which would flow from the introduction of market rules seemed to guarantee an ongoing state of acquiescence. The political reform process was admittedly slower but the removal of the last vestiges of communist power from the system progressed steadily. Within nine months the government had taken great strides in ending communist control of the police and military and was tackling the continued influence of the nomenklatura in the state bureaucracy. State control of the media and previous prohibitions on freedom of conscience, association and speech were ended. Completely free parliamentary and presidential elections were planned for the near future. It seemed that for the duration of the transition Poland would be led to a 'Western style' liberal-democratic polity and free market economy by a government composed of Solidarity's 'best and brightest'. Apolitical intellectuals would patriotically put the higher needs of the nation before the distractions of everyday political competitiveness. They would be supported in this by the Solidarity movement which would also act as a nursery for fledgling political parties. Over time these organisations would gather the societal support and organisational strength necessary to form a conventional, stable political system.

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Yaniszewski, Mark John. « The comparative study of post-communist, transitional, civil-military relations in Eastern Europe ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0007/NQ32352.pdf.

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Yaniszewski, Mark (Mark John) Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. « The Comparative study of post-communist (transitional) civil-military relations in Eastern Europe ». Ottawa, 1997.

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Parau, Cristina Elena. « The interplay between domestic politics and Europe : how Romanian civil society and government contested Europe before EU accession ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2696/.

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The key research questions of this dissertation are: 'How do domestic actors construct Europe.' and 'How do they utilise it in seeking to empower themselves against other actors.' The questions of construction and utilisation of Europe are some of the most topical questions in Europeanization. The first question addresses constructivist/sociological concerns. The second addresses the issue of winners and losers (differential empowerment). Both are key issues in the literature of Europeanization and yet have been little addressed in the context of post-communist EU accession countries. This dissertation aims to bridge this gap by focusing on the post-communist country of Romania, a soon to be EU member-State. The actors under investigation are civil society, which emerged in Romania for the first time ever after 1989 and the central government Executive. The study covers the period during which the EU acquis negotiations were negotiated under the Social Democratic government led by Prime Minister Adrian Nastase (2000-2004). The data was gathered through in-depth case study and process-tracing, the methods found best able to disentangle a complex causal nexus. The Europeanization literature is contradictory with regard to which domestic actors are constrained and which empowered: some scholars theorise that it empowers civil society (Diffusion); others that it empowers the Executive (Executive Empowerment); still others that it promotes co-operation between them (Network Governance). The empirical evidence so far has been inconclusive. This dissertation shows that only a small elite made of civil society entrepreneurs and government Executives constructed and utilised Europe in the pre-membership phase, to empower themselves relative to other actors, particularly opponents. The empirical data support two of the classical Europeanization theses in the literature: the Diffusion and the Executive Empowerment Theses. The Diffusion Thesis better explains civil society empowerment near the beginning and at the peak of acquis negotiations, although some evidence also favours Executive Empowerment. This latter thesis better explains the powerlessness of civil society at the close of negotiations, although some evidence for Diffusion was also found. No evidence was found supporting Network Governance. Instead evidence was found in favour of its critics, namely support for the claim that the EU (or Europe) empowers an elite in both civil society and the State.

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Ryan, Freiburger. « Can democracy function alongside weak civil society ? The case of post-communist Europe ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28465.

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Post-Communist Europe poses a theoretical puzzle for students of democracy. There is a large body of political science literature that argues that civil society is not only good for democracy but critical for democratic deepening. While civil society is generally regarded as an essential feature of stable democracy, twenty years after the collapse of communism, post-communist civil society is relatively weak. This thesis examines the relationship between civil society and democracy in post-communist Europe. Using the 2008 European Values Survey I conduct regression analysis to test whether or not there is a statistical link between relative differences in the strength of civil society and indicators of democracy at both the country and the individual level. I find no statistical link between civil society and democracy at the country level and found a relatively modest link between democratic values and membership in civil society organizations at the individual level. These results suggest that the link between civil society and democracy in post-communist Europe is relatively modest. The thesis concludes by conducting a case study of Poland where I explore the relationship between civil society and democracy in a more extensive manner.

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Peck, Sarah. « 'Never a dull day' : civil society & ; sustainable development in the Eastern Caribbean ». Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2017. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/19900/.

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This thesis focuses on the everyday experiences of civil society actors working in the field of sustainable development in the Eastern Caribbean islands of Barbados and Grenada. Civil society occupies a difficult place in development discourse; once heralded as the answer to development challenges it has since been heavily critiqued as a static, Western import ill-suited to local realities and, consequently, as an ineffective and depoliticised development actor. Yet civil society organisations remain central to the global development industry with significant amounts of money flowing through them. Rather than seeking to evaluate civil society’s role in development, this thesis articulates an understanding of civil society that is based on the lives, experiences and perspectives of the people who make and shape civil society. Through interviews and participant observation with a variety of civil society actors in Barbados and Grenada, this research identifies three key elements that make up everyday civil society experience and the wider social processes that contribute to civil society organising. These are firstly, the importance of social relations for civil society and how these social relations challenge dominant knowledge claims about the transnationality of civil society. Secondly, this research highlights how money is crucial for civil society action, but contends that financial arrangements also present an opportunity to shift notions of responsibility within development processes. Thirdly, this research argues that being seen as legitimate is essential for civil society organising and legitimacy can only be understood through complex everyday relations. This thesis concludes that using these everyday experiences promotes a more relational approach to understanding civil society and contends that a relational ontology would allow civil society to be understood as a space of complex interactions, flux and potential, rather than one based on static framings, fixed hierarchies and Western constructs.

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Smith, Paul Vincent. « Crusade and society in Eastern Europe : the Hospital and the Temple in Poland and Pomerania 1145-1370 ». Thesis, Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.249043.

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Ketola, Markus. « Europeanisation and civil society : the early impact of EU pre-accession policies on Turkish NGOs ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/87/.

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Turkey’s European Union (EU) membership aspirations form a critical junction on the road to further European integration. During the past decade, the role of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) as facilitators of the accession process has grown exponentially in relevance. In Turkey’s case, specific policies have emerged to support this element of the pre-accession process. By targeting NGOs, these policies aim to Europeanise and democratise Turkish civil society and in so doing prepare Turkey for eventual EU accession. This logic draws on the liberal democratic tradition that anticipates democratisation to be a key outcome of NGO support. The thesis questions the appropriateness of such assumptions, since Turkish NGOs respond to EU policy in a variety of locally meaningful ways that may circumvent the stated policy outcomes. The wider the gap between policy and reality, the more space there is for NGOs to exercise their agency, and more uncertain the Europeanisation processes become. The thesis starts out by juxtaposing the European and Turkish perspectives in turn. The EU approach suggests that NGOs behave similarly across different cultural contexts and can be called upon to perform a variety of roles deemed useful for the overall policy process. However, civil society in Turkey has developed along a different trajectory, fostering NGOs that are highly politicised in their activities and cultivating social debates that are essentialist rather than compromising in nature. The latter part of the thesis explores different aspects of this disconnect. The relationships NGOs construct with each other and with governmental bodies are politicised and lack the culture of cooperation expected by EU policy. NGOs exhibit different reactions to EU funding: some embrace it while others pursue it unsuccessfully and grow resentful, or even reject any external funding outright. These differences lead NGOs to generate a variety of survival strategies that minimise the impact of EU policy on changing NGO behaviour where the change is unwelcome by the NGO, or maximise the impact where NGO and EU interests are mutually advanced. The thesis examines how the Europeanisation of Turkish civil society unfolds through a policy process that both affects and is shaped by NGO actors, where the eventual outcomes of EU policy remain uncertain.

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Tamm, Kaidi [Verfasser]. « Metanarratives of change : civil society and governance approaches to sustainable development in Europe / Kaidi Tamm ». Gießen : Universitätsbibliothek, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1188563661/34.

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Ulrich, Peter [Verfasser]. « Participatory Governance in the Europe of Cross-Border Regions : Cooperation – Boundaries – Civil Society / Peter Ulrich ». Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & ; Co. KG, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1230213740/34.

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Ngumbela, Xolisile Gideon. « Assessing the role of civil society in poverty alleviation : a case study of Amathole District, (Eastern Cape) ». Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/2161.

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The purpose of this study is to conduct an assessment of the role of civil society organizations with regards to poverty alleviation. The study is conducted in Amathole District, Eastern Cape Province. The sample for the study is constituted by 3 civic society organizations (CSO), which are located in 3 local municipalities; namely, Amahlathi (Ikhwezi Women Support Center), Mbhashe (Nyhwara Home Base), and Mnquma (We Care Ministries) Local Municipalities. In terms of the data collection, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 14 officers from these civic society organizations. Concerning the research design, a combination of a qualitative and quantitative research approach was used. Concerning the findings of the study, the following points were noted: the different forms of interventions by civic society organizations, poverty eradication strategies, challenges that were experienced by civic society organizations, and the logical framework versus unexpected changes. It is probably safe to make mention that CSOs in the Eastern Cape portray a positive attitude and willingness to learn to manage the organizations better. The continuing support from the Department of Social Development will go a long way to assist the CSOs to become sustainable, in the context of management and efficient running of these organizations. The study thus concluded that specific benefactor-beneficiary dynamics are crucial for the success of any anti-poverty intervention. A greater need for the robust pro-poor social policy, availability of resources with which to translate it into action, and local entrepreneurial potential do not in themselves bring about success; they must operate in a certain way and be supported by certain principles and commitment for them to become powerful proper vehicle for alleviating poverty.

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Monaghan, Elizabeth. « Civil society, democratic legitimacy and the European Union : democratic linkage and the debate on the future of the EU ». Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2007. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/10558/.

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Recent reform agendas have emphasised a perceived need to bring the European Union (EU) institutions and the citizens of the member states and closer together, as a means of enhancing the legitimacy of EU governance. The debate on the future of the EU, the initiative which led to the signing of the constitutional treaty in October 2004, addressed the challenge of 'bringing closer' by incorporating civil society in to the treaty reform process. In this thesis I investigate the role played by transnational civil society organisations in helping to bring citizens and institutions closer together. I employ the notion of democratic linkage to describe and explain the downward-facing interactions between civil society organisations and ordinary citizens, which have sometimes been neglected, as well as their upward-facing interactions with elite decision-makers. Drawing upon data from qualitative interviews with 25 civil society organisations and six officials from various EU institutions I find serious discrepancies between the rhetoric of the EU institutions on bringing citizens closer, and the capacities and willingness of the civil society actors involved as well as the opportunities for doing so.

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Malloy, Tove. « The 'politics of accommodation' in the Council of Europe after 1989 : national minorities and democratization ». Thesis, University of Essex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369369.

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Morawska, Lucja. « Lelov : cultural memory and a Jewish town in Poland : investigating the identity and history of an ultra-orthodox society ». Thesis, University of Bradford, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/7827.

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Lelov, an otherwise quiet village about fifty miles south of Cracow (Poland), is where Rebbe Dovid (David) Biederman founder of the Lelov ultra-orthodox (Chasidic) Jewish group, - is buried. His grave is now a focal point of the Chasidic pilgrimages. The pilgrims themselves are a Chasidic hodgepodge, dressed in fur-brimmed hats, dreadlocked, and they all come to Lelov for the same reasons: to pray, love, and eat with their brethren. The number of pilgrims has grown exponentially since the collapse of Communism in Poland in 1989; today about three hundred ultra-orthodox Jews make a trek. Mass pilgrimage to kevorim (Chasidic graves), is quite a new phenomenon in Eastern Europe but it has already became part of Chasidic identity. This thesis focuses on the Chasidic pilgrimage which has always been a major part of the Jewish tradition. However, for the past fifty years, only a devoted few have been able to undertake trips back to Poland. With the collapse of Communism, when the sites in Eastern and Central Europe became more open and much more accessible, the ultra-orthodox Jews were among the first to create a ‘return movement’. Those who had been the last to leave Poland in search of asylum are now becoming the initiators of the re-discovery of Jewish symbols in this part of the world.

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Fula, Filip. « Symbiosis in the making ? Evaluating EU’s engagement with Civil Society Organisations in Colombia. A Civilian Power Europe perspective ». Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22221.

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In recent years, EU’s development policy has undergone wide-ranging reform with the leading principle of responding to the circumstances and demands of the current world, but also for the sake of alignment to the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. In line with the reasoning that an empowered civil society can help in the exercise of EU’s development policy and in the pursuit of development policy goals, the organisation has formed a strategy of engagement with CSOs in its external relations. This study’s focus is specifically on EU’s performance in Colombia, a Latin American country encompassed by EU’s development policy. Since Colombian CSOs still face numerous barriers hindering their work, it cannot be simply asserted that EU’s strategy has been effective. Hence, this study’s purpose is to critically evaluate EU’s engagement with Colombian CSOs, by taking into account EU’s capabilities as a civilian power to identify both the limits and potentials of the organisation’s approach. The study concludes that it is not the choice of power instruments, but the way the EU uses them that causes the strategy’s ineffectiveness. Although the Union has managed to increase Colombian CSOs’ capacity, the latter cannot be fully utilised due to the unfavourable framework for such organisations. Nevertheless, considering recent improvements made to EU’s strategy, it is argued that symbiosis between the EU and Colombian CSOs is still a realistic prospect, but one that requires increased efforts from the Union.

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Jones, Patrick 1982. « Lebanonizing the State : NGOs in a Confessional Society ». Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11987.

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ix, 179 p.
This thesis, based on field research in Lebanon, explores how the confessional nature of the Lebanese state affects the construction of civil society. It elaborates on the state's role as a social service provider and its legal and bureaucratic relationship with the Lebanese NGO community while also exploring how the state's role as a service provider is perceived in the Lebanese media. Pulling from a variety of archival sources in Lebanon, this thesis surveys 26 Arabic language newspaper articles published between 2006 and 2008. It also utilizes a myriad of primary sources including government and donor documents, unpublished NGO studies and statistical data. This thesis argues that confessionalism inhibits the state's capacity to provide social services efficiently. The politicization of these services conditions the relationship between the state, sectarian political parties and the NGO community. This phenomenon is reproduced in the Lebanese media and allows confessional relationships to infect civil society.
Committee in charge: Dr. Anita M. Weiss, Chairperson; Dr. Alexander B. Murphy, Member; Dr. Frederick S. Colby, Member

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Alfsen, Therese Berg. « Norwegian development aid to civil society : the Norwegian Bar Association's legal aid project in Nepal / ». Oslo : Det humanistiske fakultet, Universitetet i Oslo, 2008. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/IAKH/2008/74231/ThereseAlfsen_MasterThesis.pdf.

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Gharabaghi, Kiaras. « A question of trust?, state-society relations in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union with a case study of Lithuania, 1991-1997 ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0022/NQ49260.pdf.

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Ostlinning, Freya Elisa [Verfasser], et Annette [Akademischer Betreuer] Zimmer. « Running for Europe : European sports policy and the role of civil society / Freya Elisa Ostlinning, geb. Brune. Betreuer : Annette Zimmer ». Münster : Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek der Westfälischen Wilhelms-Universität, 2011. http://d-nb.info/1027017746/34.

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de, Rooij Eline A. « Specialisation of political participation in Europe : a comparative analysis ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d85dce69-2abe-44fa-ae1b-5a5c3f292c68.

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This thesis answers the question how and why do individuals specialise in different types of political participation? By examining the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation, or spread them out across many. This thesis complements previous research on rates of political participation; and adapts and extends existing theories of political participation to explain differences in the degree of specialisation between different groups in society and between countries. Using data from the European Social Survey, covering as many as 21 European countries, and applying a range of different statistical methods, I distinguish four types of political participation: voting, conventional and unconventional political participation and consumer politics. I show that in countries with higher levels of socio-economic development, more democratic experience, and an increased presence of mobilising agents, the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation is higher, regardless of the accessibility and responsiveness of their political institutions. This is partly due to the fact that these countries have a higher educated population and that higher educated individuals specialise more. Specialisation also varies along the lines of other socio-demographic divisions, such as those based on gender. Moreover, I show that in contexts in which political issues are salient, such as during an election year, individuals are more likely to engage in non-electoral types of political participation if they also vote. This implies that specialisation is reduced during times of country-wide political mobilisation. The final finding of my thesis is that non-Western immigrants tend to concentrate their political activities less within one type of political participation than the majority population in Western Europe. Western immigrants specialise quite differently, suggesting differences in the way in which they are mobilised. As well as providing an important contribution to the study of political participation, these findings are relevant to discussions regarding citizen engagement and representation.

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Romenska, Sandra. « Processes of institutional innovation in higher education in central and eastern Europe in the period 1989-2005 : five higher education institutions supported by the Hesp/Open society institute network ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.553062.

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This thesis presents the results of a study of institutional innovation in higher education. After 1989 the structures and systems of higher education in a number of countries in Central and Eastern Europe were exposed to turbulent pressures from their radically changing environments, triggered by the fall of the communist regimes in the region. As a consequence, during the period of transition of the post- communist societies towards democratisation and market reform, new higher education institutions emerged, and new actors entered the higher education scene. Despite the potential of these developments to expose how and why innovative higher education institutions develop, there is a deficit of studies which systematically examine the pathways of change in post-communist higher education, especially from a comparative perspective. This research shortage becomes even more evident if thematically relevant areas are considered - comparative higher education research, research on change and innovation, and the burgeoning body of literature on institutions. As a result, individual explanatory factors, as well as causes of the differences and similarities in the institutional transition remain ambiguous. The study reported in this thesis focused on five higher education institutions established after 1989 in four countries in Central and Eastern Europe. The institutions were selected from a network of innovative higher education institutions, supported by one of the principal non-governmental organisations investing in the reform of post-communist higher education. The study was guided by the following research questions: How did the five higher education institutions develop in the period between 1989 and 2005? What descriptive and analytical ideas regarding the establishment and development of their institutions are revealed by participants in the study? The thesis begins with a review of historical developments in higher education in Central and Eastern Europe after the fall of the communist regimes. Chapters One to Four draw on this historical account to build the structure of the analytical and methodological framework of the study, by incorporating analyses of relevant literature on higher education, institutional theories and innovation. Gaps in existing literature are identified and linked with the rationale of the study, which serves to support the formulation of the research questions. The empirical analysis in Chapters Five to Seven seeks to address the two research questions by examining evidence, generated from interviews with members of the five higher education institutions selected for this study, representatives of organisations supporting the institutions, and documentary evidence. The individual histories of the five higher education institutions and the non-governmental programme which supported them are explored. Evidence of participants' ideas about the innovative strategies of their institutions, the evolution of their institutional missions with the change in the nature of their relationship with the state and their funders, and the challenge of achieving sustainability serves to construct an account of institutional innovation as a dynamic balance between processes of imitation, recombination, transfer and invention. Finally, the findings of the study are discussed with reference to existing research. The insights gained in the study map out the fertile ground for exploring further considerations, relating to the emergent view of institutional innovation in higher education. The idea that innovations and institutions, rather than ruling each other out, could be parts in the same continuous process may be a simple one, but it is an idea worthy of further exploration.

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Acik-Toprak, Necla. « Civic engagement in Europe : a multilevel study of the effect of individual and national determinants on political participation, political consumerism and associational involvement ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 2009. http://www.manchester.ac.uk/escholar/uk-ac-man-scw:94093.

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Active and engaged citizens are the backbone of a strong democracy and a vibrant civil society. Yet recent trends of low electoral turnout in Europe and decreasing levels of civic engagement have called into question the legitimacy of governments and the stability of democracy in the long term, particularly in Europe. Against the background of such developments this research sets out to provide a comparative study of civic engagement and analyse the variations in civic engagement between countries. The study is mainly based on the analysis of the European Social Survey 2002, covering 35,000 individuals from 19 European countries and applies advanced statistical modelling techniques including Multiple Correspondence Analysis MCA) and Multi-level modelling. Although there is a good deal of research examining civic engagement using individual level data or aggregate level data, very few studies have combined both approaches. This study addresses this gap and applies multi-level modelling to examine the relative importance of an individual’s socio-demographic characteristics and his/her country in determining levels and types of civic engagement. Thus, it has the advantage of identifying whether civic engagement is significantly affected by country characteristics or the converse, whether a person’s characteristics (age, education, social class etc.) are all that is needed in order to account for the variations in civic engagement. The innovative application of MCA to explore indicators of civic engagement has led to the identification of three dimensions of civic engagement; political activities, political consumerism and associational involvement. Moreover, by projecting all activities on a two-dimensional map it become evident that citizens who tend to carry out ‘individual’ types of political consumerism such as ‘buycotting’, boycotting and signing petitions are also more likely to be involved in New Social Movement organisations. These significant results shed new light on activities usually regarded as ‘individualistic’ type of activities and suggest viewing them in the context of a wider array of collective actions. Furthermore, in addition to the standard contextual measures such as economic development, welfare regime, income inequality, and levels of democracy, this study introduced two innovative policy measures. To consider the impact of government policies on levels of civic engagement measures of governments’ support of the voluntary sector and civic education at school (comparing the education policies of 19 European countries from 1945-2002) were developed. The results confirmed the importance of both individual level characteristics as well as country level characteristics in explaining civic engagement in Europe. However, differences between countries were reduced to a greater degree when contextual factors were introduced. Particularly the welfare state, showed the greatest effect. This implies that socio-economic conditions and in particular social policy and the degree to which it reproduces egalitarian structures determine to a great extent citizen involvement. In other words the results of this study suggest that the national context matters and that governments can and do shape the nature and levels of civic engagement.

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Frank, Peter. « Comparison of the U.S. and German approaches to democratic civil-military relations ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FFrank.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Hans Eberhard Peters. Includes bibliographical references (p. 121-126). Also available online.

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Duverger, Timothée. « L'émergence de l'économie sociale et solidaire : une histoire de la société civile organisée en France et en Europe de 1968 à nos jours : groupements, discours et institutionnalisations ». Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BOR30008.

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« L’économie sociale et solidaire n’existe pas ». La sentence du sociologue Matthieu Hély dénonce une forme de privatisation qui consiste à transférer la solidarité de l’État social vers les initiatives socio-économiques, compatible avec le nouvel esprit du capitalisme. Mais la formule prête à confusion. En pointant un possible oxymore, il laisse penser que l’économie sociale et solidaire n’a pas d’existence ontologique. Or, c’est une réalité sociale, dont les racines plongent dans le XIXe siècle. Si elle connaît une éclipse à partir des années 1930, elle réapparaît en 1968 à la faveur d’une réarticulation des rapports entre l’État, le marché et la société civile. Elle se scinde en deux branches : l’économie sociale historique et l’économie sociale émergente, qui prend successivement la forme de l’économie alternative, de l’économie solidaire et de l’entrepreneuriat social. À l’approche statutaire de la première, fait pendant l’approche axiologique de la seconde. L’économie sociale et solidaire est une émergence. Ce n’est pas la simple addition des formes d’entreprises qui la composent (coopératives, mutuelles et associations, puis sociétés commerciales à finalité sociale). Au contraire, « le tout est plus que la somme des parties ». Une alchimie particulière a lieu : l’acte d’institution, qui revient à poser la question du politique. Le problème est celui de la création qui survient dans le passage d’une économie sociale et solidaire en soi à une économie sociale et solidaire pour soi. Il convient donc d’explorer ses trajectoires, en considérant que l’économie sociale et solidaire n’a pas seulement une histoire, mais qu’elle est une histoire, c’est-à-dire le produit de dynamiques de groupements, de discours et d’institutionnalisations. À partir de l’étude de ces trois axes, cette thèse invite à s’intéresser aux métamorphoses de la société civile organisée de l’économie sociale et solidaire, dans une perspective multiscalaire, à la fois française et européenne, scandées par trois évènements structurants : l’irruption sociale de Mai 68, la fin de la guerre froide de 1989 et la crise du capitalisme de 2008
“There is no such thing as the Social and Solidarity Economy”. The sentence rendered by sociologist Matthieu Hély is targeted at a form of privatization, which consists in transferring the social solidarity of the State to socio-economic initiatives, which are more compatible with the new spirit of capitalism. And yet his words are misleading. By pointing at a possible contradiction in terms, he leads us to believe that the social and solidarity economy has no ontological existence, despite the fact it is a social reality that has its roots in the XIXth century. Although it was somehow eclipsed in the 1930s, it came back to the fore in 1968 with the reshuffling of the relationship between the State, the market, and civil society. It then split into to branches: the historical social economy, and the emerging social economy, which found an expression in the alternative economy, the solidarity economy, and finally in social entrepreneurship. The statutory approach of the first found a match in the axiological approach of the second. The social economy is a form of emergence. It is not simply the sum of the forms of initiatives it is composed of (cooperatives, mutual fund organizations, and trading companies with a social aim). Much to the contrary, in fact, “the whole is greater than the sum of its parts”. A particular chemistry takes place through the act ofinstitution, which consists in questioning its political dimension. The issue lies in the creation process that occurs in the transitional phase from a social economy in itself to a social economy for itself. This requires us to explore the different paths it took based on the assumption that the social and solidarity economy does not only have a history, but also is a history in the sense that it spawned from group dynamics, speeches, and institutionalizations. Based on the study of these three key processes, this thesis seeks to offer a new insight into the metamorphosis of the organized civil society of the social and solidarity economy on both French and European levels, articulated around three main events: the social irruption of May 1968, the end of the Cold War, and the 2008 crisis of capitalism

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Breindl, Yana. « Hacking the law : an analysis of internet-based campaigning on digital rights in the European Union ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209836.

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Digital rights activism constitutes an exemplary case of how internet affordances can be mobilised to engender political change. The values and principles stemming from the hacker imaginaire, and free and open source software practices, underpin digital rights activism, which uses the internet as a tool, object and platform for the protection of rights in the digital realm. The analysis focuses on how digital rights activists use and adapt the political affordances of the internet to intervene in European Union policy-making. Two original case studies of internet-based campaigning at the European level (the “No Software Patents” and the “Telecoms package” campaigns) provide in-depth insight into the campaigning processes and their impact upon parliamentary politics. The cases highlight the complementarity of online and offline collective action, by examining processes of open collaboration, information disclosure and internet-assisted lobbying. The success of the “Telecoms package” campaign is then assessed, along with the perspective of the targets: members and staff of the European Parliament.

The belief in values of freedom, decentralisation, openness, creativity and progress inspires a particular type of activism, which promotes autonomy, participation and efficiency. The empirical evidence suggests that this set of principles can, at times, conflict with practices observed in the field. This has to do with the particular opportunity structure of the European Union and the characteristics of the movement. The EU favours functional integration of civil society actors who are expected to contribute technical and/or legal expertise. This configuration challenges internet-based protest networks that rely on highly independent and fluctuating engagement, and suffer from a lack of diversity and cohesion. The internet does not solve all obstacles to collective action. It provides, however, a networked infrastructure and tools for organising, coordinating and campaigning. Online and offline actions are not only supportive of each other. Internet-based campaigning can be successful once it reaches out beyond the internet, and penetrates the corridors of political institutions.

Doctorat en Information et communication
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Broidy, Lauren. « “Ni a fuego, ni a pleto” as Jewish Lament : Re-Animating Diversity and Challenging Monolithic Assumptions in the Late Ottoman Empire and Nascent Middle Eastern Nations ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2278.

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This thesis examines how Jews of the Ottoman Empire responded to newfound opportunities that emerged across the domains of the late Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century due to the Ottoman bureaucratic reforms (Tanzimat). It challenges the discourses that argue that Jews engaged probing issues such as nationalism in a monolithic fashion. Rather, Sephardi and Arab Jews, based on socioeconomic status and geographic location in the Empire approached questions of affiliation with the Empire or attachment to new forms of nationalism based on divergent structures that informed their lives and personal political choices. This project explores the main avenues that Jews in the Ottoman world used to approach questions that animated the public discourse not just of Jews, but of peoples across the globe who struggled to find new avenues for belonging in shifting geopolitical terrains. For Jewish communities in the Ottoman world, four dominant avenues and attitudes emerged: traditionalists who desired to maintain the status quo; those who sought an Ottoman or Turkish Republican future; Sephardi Zionists who believed they were integral to Ottoman communal history; provincial nationalists who agitated for distinct regional identities. The thesis also briefly examines the Armenian millet’s socio-political situation during the nineteenth and twentieth century in order to show the ways in which the Jewish millet was both in tandem with broader nationalist discourses but were also less cohesively politically organized than other millets in the Empire.

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Herrmann, Tanja. « Le second boom des jumelages franco-allemands (1985-1994) : acteurs, intentions, résistances et fonction ». Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H079.

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Contrairement à l'idée longtemps répandue selon laquelle le premier boom des jumelages franco-allemands, entre 1963 et 1975, était unique, les années 1985 à 1994 présentent une véritable croissance. Le but de la présente étude est de dresser un tableau précis, fondé sur une sélection représentative de 40 études de cas, de la réussite des jumelages durant la période d'enquête de 1985 f 1994, peu explorée pour l'instant. Qui, pour quelle raison et dans quel contexte a joué un rôle important dans l'essor du deuxième boom des jumelages ? La présente étude a pu ainsi identifier l'origine des jumelages issus d'une combinaison de volonté politique, d'institutions semi-publiques, de réseaux issus de la société civile et de relations privées qui a assuré le succès des jumelages. C'est ainsi que ces partenariats sont devenus un «phénomène de masse» dans le contexte franco-allemand. L'étude met par la suite en lumière les résistances et obstacles existants ainsi que la mise en œuvre des motifs originels de création des jumelages dans la pratique. Elle contredit entre autres l'hypothèse selon laquelle les ressentiments et le motif de la réconciliation n'ont joué aucun rôle dans les années 1980 et 1990 lors de l'établissement des jumelages et montre en même temps que certains partenariats participent activement au travail sur le passé en poursuivant des buts historico-éducatifs, avec, par exemple, la visite de lieux de conflits historiques. Bien que la période étudiée courre de 1985 à 1994, les conclusions soulignent les tendances actuelles du mouvement communal tout en proposant des explications quant au nombre considérable et unique au monde des jumelages franco-allemands
Contrary to the widely held idea that the first boom of Franco-German twinning between 1963 and 1975 was unique, the years 1985 to 1994 present another increase. The purpose of this study is to provide a clear picture, based on a representative selection of 40 case studies, of the success of twinning during the survey period 1985-1994, little explored so far. Who, why and in what context played an important role in the development of the second twinning boom? The present study has been able to identify the origin of twinning resulting from a combination of political will, semipublic institutions, civil society networks and private relations that all together ensured the success of twinning. Thus, these partnership have become a "mass phenomenon" in the Franco-German context. The study then highlights instances of resistance and obstacles during the survey period as well as the later success of implementation of the original motives mentioned during the creation of twinning. It contradicts, amongst others, the hypothesis that resentments and the motive of reconciliation played no role in the 1980s and 1990s during the establishment of twinning, demonstrating that at the same time some partnerships are actively dealing with the past pursuing historical-educational goals, by, for example, visiting locations of historical conflicts. Although the period studied runs from 1985 to 1994, the conclusions underline the current trends of communal movement as well while offering various explanations to the considerable and unique number of Franco-German twinning arrangements

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Salapatas, Dimitrios Filippos. « The Fellowship of St Alban and St Sergius : quest for truth, quest for theology, quest for unity : an exploration of Eastern Orthodox and Anglican ecumenical theological and ecclesiological relations from 1927 until 2012 ». Thesis, University of Winchester, 2016. http://repository.winchester.ac.uk/316/.

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This thesis aims to examine the Fellowship of St Alban and St Sergius, an ecumenical body that promotes relations between various Christian denominations. Despite being founded on the grounds to promote relations and dialogue between the Anglicans and the Orthodox, it has widened this scope, introducing new churches in its life, conferences, publications and history. In the first and second chapters of this thesis the first eighty five years (1927-2012) of its history are explored, identifying the Society’s strengths and weaknesses in achieving its objectives, whilst studying its theological approaches to the reunion work, understanding that this body has been a progressive fellowship, theologically and ecclesiastically. The third chapter investigates the life and the theological, philosophical and historical views of Nicolas Zernov, who had as a life goal to foster relations between the churches, whilst also promoting Orthodox and Russian topics to a Western audience. The final chapter examines two themes by two important members of the Fellowship, Metropolitan Kallistos of Diokleia’s ideas on deaconesses and women priests and former Anglican Archbishop Rowan Williams’ views on icons. These two topics are interesting and current for the continuation of the relations between the Orthodox Church and the Anglican Communion, trying to further understand each other in order to eventually achieve what many in the Fellowship profess and what the Bible promotes, ‘that they all may be one’ (John 17:21). The conclusion of the thesis assesses the work of the Fellowship, whilst also looking into the post 2012 objectives and achievements of the Fellowship and the future goals of the Society. Therefore, this paper is a quest for truth, a quest for theology and a quest for unity.

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Golden, James Joseph. « Protestantism and public life : the Church of Ireland, disestablishment, and Home Rule, 1864-1874 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:41d2b2dd-4dc0-48db-8b10-4d7828b4f515.

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This thesis explores the hitherto undocumented disestablishment and reconstruction of the Anglican Church of Ireland, c.1868-1870, and argues that this experience was formative in the emergence of Home Rule. Structurally, the Church’s General Synod served as a model for an autonomous Irish parliament. Moreover, disestablishment and reconstruction conditioned the political trajectories of the Protestants initially involved in the first group to campaign for a federal Irish parliament, the Home Government Association (HGA). More broadly, both the HGA and the governance of the independent Church—the General Synod—grew from the bedrock of the same associational culture. The HGA was more aligned with the public associations of Protestant-dominated Dublin intellectual life and the lay associational culture of the Church. Although the political vision advocated was different from the normal conservatism of many of its Protestant members, culturally it was entirely grounded in the recent Anglican experience.

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Sadeldeen, Amro. « European civil actors for Palestinian rights and a Palestinian globalized movement : How norms and pathways have developed ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/230778.

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The thesis is related to transnational social movements’ production of knowledge. Particularly, the research investigates the developed norms and pathways of a Palestinian-transnational movement (the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement- The BDS movement) during its formation period. The thesis reviews major social movement theories (i.e. Sidney Tarrow and Margeret Sikkink). While benefiting from major aspects of these theories, the thesis discovers that the researched movement suggests major deviations from these theories. Hence, the thesis mobilizes other literature, particularly of Pierre Bourdieu, to better account for cultural and social dimensions. This choice is enforced by the presence of academics that form a pillar in the movement. Yet, the thesis mobilizes together diverse dimensions from social movement literature, sociology and history (i.e. the historical trajectory of individual and collective actors), and with a constant check with the case itself. The methodological choice of the research goes back and forth between theories and the case (abductive methodology). Two chapters of the thesis are dedicated to the agency of the Palestinian actors in addition to interactions inside the field of power in Palestine. Another two chapters discuss transnational relations with a focus on European actors. Specific cases are chosen from interactions with Belgian and British actors. Moreover, interactions in three transnational fora are discussed.The research concludes that this transnational movement infuses diverse norms from different experiences and regions while adhering to universal norms such as comprehensive human rights. Moreover, the movement follows diverse pathways that include a Palestinian emergence, a Global Southern path and through the North. And these pathways enforce the adherence of the movement to specific norms. Such findings diverge from “Euro-centric” approaches in discussed social movements’ literature in the thesis. The research finally discusses other literature more relevant to the case (i.e. by Amitav Acharya), which argues that local actors try to protect their norms from abuse by central forces, and they do not only import norms but also diffuse new norms. The thesis ends up with questions for further research on the patterns of norms diffusion.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Fraccaro, Deborah. « Le capital social comme ressource intégrative d’une société locale ». Thesis, Paris 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA040050.

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La recherche s'est occupée des liens de solidarité qui se créent à partir d’actions bénévoles spontanées au sein d’une communauté territoriale. L’ensemble de ces liens a été traité telle une ressource sociale conceptualisable par la notion de « capital social solidaire » et ce dernier a été considéré comme un bien public pouvant favoriser le bien-être social d’une société locale. De cette ressource, nous avons tenté d'en comprendre : 1) ses spécificités ; 2) son processus de micro-fondation ; 3) ses implications théoriques pour une théorie de la société. Le premier but a été atteint en dressant la carte des actions bénévoles mises en place dans deux provinces du nord-est de l’Italie (Trente et Trévise). La carte a montré un cadre hétérogène et diffus d’actions mises en place par les principales catégories d’acteurs de la société locale. Pour analyser le processus de création, les raisons des promoteurs ont été identifiées grâce à une série d’entretiens biographiques Les résultats des entretiens montrent une pluralité de motivations qui soutiennent ces actions et les limites de la théorie du choix rationnel à les expliquer. En ce qui concerne le troisième but, la réflexion a essayé d’éclaircir la nature de bien public du capital social et son utilité pour les débats sur la société civile et sur la cohésion sociale. Cette recherche a mis en évidence, d’une part, la contribution du capital social solidaire dans la valorisation du lien social et, de l’autre, l’utilité de la notion dans les analyses du courant associationniste de la société civile et dans les modèles individualistes de type communautaire de la cohésion sociale
The research work presented in this doctoral thesis analysed the solidaristic bonds generated by spontaneous voluntary actions within a territorial community. Such bonds form a distinctive social resource conceptualized as “solidaristic social capital”, meant as a public good that benefits the social well-being of a local society. Three main aspects of this resource were investigated: 1) its specificities; 2) the process of its micro-foundation; 3) its theoretical implications for a theory of society. As for the first aspect, a survey of voluntary actions was conducted in two provinces in North-Eastern Italy (Trento and Treviso). Data showed a variety of types of actions producing solidaristic bonds, carried out by a heterogeneous set of social groups. In order to explain the generative process of social capital, a series of biographical interviews were conducted, which shed light on the life stories of promoters of voluntary actions, as well as on the limitations of the rational choice theory in accounting for the complexity of their motivations. Finally, the main theoretical implications of the notion of social capital were discussed, focusing on its nature as a public good and on its contribution to a theory of civil society and social cohesion. On the one hand, the solidaristic social capital emerged as a source that helps strengthen social bonds. On the other, this notion might play a crucial role in the theoretical elaborations based on the associationalistic approach to civil society and on individualistic models of community type of social cohesion

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Jonsson, Anna. « Judicial Review and Individual Legal Activism : The Case of Russia in Theoretical Perspective ». Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Faculty of Law & ; Department of East European Studies, Uppsala University, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-5811.

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Tomić, Đorđe. « "Phantomgrenzen" in Zeiten des Umbruchs ». Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät I, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17174.

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Der Zerfall des sozialistischen Jugoslawien ließ aus seinen acht föderalen Einheiten sieben neue Staaten ent-stehen. Die einzige bislang unerforschte Ausnahme ist dabei die Autonome Provinz Vojvodina, die weiterhin ein Teil Serbiens bleibt, wenn auch mit einer erheblich eingeschränkten Autonomie. Insbesondere Fragen nach Qualität bzw. Quantität der Autonomie waren Gegenstand heftiger politischer Auseinandersetzungen in der Vojvodina seit Ende der 1980er Jahre. Die politischen Unterschiede zwischen den „Autonomisten“ in der Provinz, die sich auch in den 1990ern für eine breite Autonomie einsetzten, und der Belgrader Zentralregierung, deren Macht auf der Idee eines starken vereinten Serbiens beruhte, wurden von den ersteren zunehmend als historisch vorbestimmte kulturelle Differenzen ausgelegt, die hier als „Phantomgrenzen“ untersucht werden. In Form verschiedener symbolisch verknüpfter Aussagen über die historische Besonderheit der Bevölkerung, Wirtschaft und Kultur der Vojvodina wurden die politischen Forderungen nach mehr Autonomie wiederholt bekräftigt. Diese wiederum wurde auch als Schutz vor dem und Gegenmodell zum erstarkten serbischen Nationalismus der „Ära Milošević“ dargestellt. Im Laufe der inzwischen mehr als zwei Jahrzehnte fügten sich diese Deutungen zu einem neuen Autonomiediskurs zusammen. Wie dieser entstand, d.h. welche Akteure wie und zu welchen Zwecken die Phantomgrenzen der Vojvodina wieder auftauchen ließen, sowie welche Bedeutung die Autonomieidee in der Umbruchszeit der 1990er Jahre im Alltag der Menschen in der Vojvodina erlangte, sind zentrale Forschungsfragen der Fallstudie. Sie bietet damit nicht nur neue empirische Erkenntnisse zur Geschichte des jugoslawischen Staatszerfalls und der postsozialistischen Zeit in Südosteuropa, sondern ermöglicht mit dem verwendeten Modell der „Phantomgrenzen“ auch neue Einblicke in und allgemeine Aussagen über das Wiederauftauchen von Geschichte und historischen Grenzen in Osteuropa nach 1989.
The breakup of socialist Yugoslavia led to the creation of seven new states out of its eight federal units. The only exception, until now unexplored, is the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina, which remains a part of Serbia, although with a substantially restricted autonomy. Notably questions about the quality and quantity of autonomy have been a subject of heavy political conflicts in Vojvodina since the end of the 1980s. Political differences between the „autonomists“ in the province, who also during the 1990s advocated a broad autonomy, and the central government in Belgrade, whose power was based on the idea of a strong unified Serbia, the former increasingly presented as historically predetermined cultural differences, which are explored here as “phantom borders”. The political claims for more autonomy were thus repeatedly reinforced in terms of various symbolically connected statements about the historical distinctiveness of the population, economy and culture of Vojvodina. The autonomy in turn was also represented as an instrument of protection against and alternative model to the growing Serbian nationalism during the “Milošević era”. In the course of meanwhile more than two decades these interpretations merged into a new autonomy discourse. How this emerged, i.e. which agents made how and for what purposes the phantom borders of Vojvodina reappear, as well as what relevance the idea of autonomy gained during the period of radical change in the 1990s in everyday life of the people in Vojvodina are the central research questions of the case study. It hereby offers not only new empirical findings about the history of the breakup of the Yugoslav state and the post-socialist period in Southeastern Europe, but due to the used model of “phantom borders” also permits new insights into and general conclusions about the reappearance of history and historical borders in Eastern Europe after 1989.

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Thèses sur le sujet « Civil society – Europe, Eastern »

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