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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Civil rights movements – history"
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Keene, Jennifer D. « DEEDS NOT WORDS : AMERICAN SOCIAL JUSTICE MOVEMENTS AND WORLD WAR I ». Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, no 4 (27 septembre 2018) : 704–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000336.
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This essay investigates how the repressive wartime political and social environment in World War I encouraged three key American social justice movements to devise new tactics and strategies to advance their respective causes. For the African American civil rights, female suffrage, and civil liberties movements, the First World War unintentionally provided fresh opportunities for movement building, a process that included recruiting members, refining ideological messaging, devising innovative media strategies, negotiating with the government, and participating in nonviolent street demonstrations. World War I thus represented an important moment in the histories of all three movements. The constructive, rather than destructive, impact of the war on social justice movements proved significant in the short term (for the suffragist movement) and the long term (for the civil rights and civil liberties movements). Ultimately, considering these three movements collectively offers new insights into American war culture and the history of social movements.
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Gamsakhurdia, Nino. « The Civil Rights Movement’s Impact on other Social Movements ». Journal in Humanities 2, no 1 (14 janvier 2014) : 53–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31578/hum.v2i1.291.
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We have been constantly reminded that, we are not going to succeed in achieving any kind of social change unless we build astrong civil society. Consequently, lots of NGOs in Georgia are founded with the intention to realize this dream. However, we havegot a long way ahead of us.After the election of Obama, when discussing the history of the United States of America, particularly while talking about the1950-1960s, Georgian people knowingly nod their heads, expressing their understanding that it was an era of intense struggle forfighting for the basic rights by Civil Rights Movement activists, - African Americans.In order to get full and concise perspective of the significance of the Civil Rights movement, we must provide some informationon the impact of the decision on other social movements. Undoubtedly, social movements play an influential role in culture, publicpolicy and mainstream politics: they respond to it and influence it.
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Van Bostelen, Luke. « Analyzing the Civil Rights Movement : The Significance of Nonviolent Protest, International Influences, the Media, and Pre-existing Organizations ». Political Science Undergraduate Review 6, no 1 (19 avril 2021) : 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur185.
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This essay is an analysis of the success of the mid-20th century civil rights movement in the United States. The civil rights movement was a seminal event in American history and resulted in several legislative victories, including the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. After a brief overview of segregation and Jim Crow laws in the southern U.S., I will argue that the success of the civil rights movement can be attributed to a combination of factors. One of these factors was the effective strategy of nonviolent protests, in which the American public witnessed the contrasting actions of peaceful protestors and violent local authorities. In addition, political opportunities also played a role in the movement’s success, as during the Cold War the U.S. federal government became increasingly concerned about their international image. Other reasons for the movement’s success include an increased access to television among the American public, and pre-existing black institutions and organizations. The civil rights movement left an important legacy and ensuing social movements have utilized similar framing techniques and strategies.
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Fisk, Catherine L. « “People Crushed by Law Have No Hopes but from Power” : Free Speech and Protest in the 1940s ». Law and History Review 39, no 1 (février 2021) : 173–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248020000498.
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In a trio of cases handed down on the same day in 1950, the Supreme Court denied constitutional free speech protection to civil rights picketing and labor picketing. The civil rights case, Hughes v. Superior Court, has often been portrayed as an early test case about affirmative action, but it originated in repression of an alliance of radical labor and civil rights activists exasperated by the legislature's repeated failure to enact fair employment law. Seeking a people's law like the labor general strikers and sit-downers of the 1930s and the civil rights sit-inners of the 1960s, they insisted that the true meaning of free speech was the right to speak truth to power. Courts and Congress forced the labor movement to abandon direct action even as it became the defining feature of the civil rights movement. The free speech rights consciousness they invoked challenged the prevailing conservative conception of rights and law. Direct action was a form of legal argument, a subaltern law of solidarity. It was not, as civil rights protest is often portrayed, a form of civil disobedience. What happened during and after the case reveals how the subaltern law and formal law labor and civil rights began to diverge, along with the legal histories of the movements.
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Lawson, Steven F., et Jack M. Bloom. « Class, Race, and the Civil Rights Movements ». American Historical Review 93, no 2 (avril 1988) : 506. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1860078.
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McCormick, Marcia L. « The Equality Paradise : Paradoxes of the Law’s Power to Advance Equality ». Texas Wesleyan Law Review 13, no 2 (mars 2007) : 515–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/twlr.v13.i2.9.
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This paper will compare the history of two of the three major civil rights movements in the United States, comparing the victories and defeats, and their results. The movement for Black civil rights and for women's rights followed essentially the same pattern and used similar strategies. The gay and lesbian civil rights movement, on the other hand, followed some of the same strategies but has differed in significant ways. Where each movement has attained success and where each has failed demonstrates the limits of American legal structures to effectuate social change.
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Ross, Susan Dente. « “Their Rising Voices” : A Study of Civil Rights, Social Movements, and Advertising in the New York Times ». Journalism & ; Mass Communication Quarterly 75, no 3 (septembre 1998) : 518–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909807500307.
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This content analysis of the New York Times and review of NAACP records documents strategic use of advertising in the New York Times by the civil rights movement between 1955 and 1961. The advertisements are scrutinized in light of theories of social movements, communication, and sociology, and the history of the civil rights movement. The ads framed the civil rights movement to prime the audience to receive radical messages from marginalized speakers, to encourage media legitimization of the movement, to popularize movement goals, and to mobilize support and resources beyond the South.
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Tofiño, Iñaki. « Review Essay : The American Civil Rights Movement as a Military Campaign ». NETSOL : New Trends in Social and Liberal Sciences 9, no 1 (13 mai 2024) : 48–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.24819/netsol2024.5.
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Thomas E. Ricks, Waging a Good War. A Military History of the Civil Rights Movement, 1954–1968. Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York, 2022. Ricks’s book has been labelled a “tour de force” by “interpreting one of America’s most consequential social movements as a classic military operation” (Nightingale). Ricks “examines the struggle for racial equality through the analytical framework of military history” (Grenier), focusing on the Movement, the people who shaped it, its long-term goals, its strategies, its actions, and its consequences.
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Gallon, Kim. « The Blood Demonstration : Teaching the History of the Philadelphia Welfare Rights Organization ». Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 139, no 1 (janvier 2015) : 82–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pmh.2015.a923339.
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Abstract: Despite a growing body of scholarship that documents civil rights activism in the North during the 1950s and 1960s, college educators continue to rely on traditional understandings of African Americans' struggle for civil rights as being rooted in the South. Moreover, history professors continue to privilege a male-centered narrative that tends to define the civil rights movement through mass marches and protests. In an effort to challenge this pedagogy, this article describes a method for teaching the history of women's role in the struggle for social justice in the 1960s through their participation in the Philadelphia Welfare Rights Organization (PWRO). Through the use of primary sources such as the Philadelphia Tribune and the PWRO's newsletter along with secondary sources such as Lisa Levenstein's A Movement Without Marches , this article offers a way to expand and complicate students' understanding of the civil rights and women's movements of the late twentieth century. Just as importantly, it assists teachers in stressing the significance of African American women's fight for equality in Pennsylvania history. Supplemental resources are posted on the journals' web pages.
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Isaac, L. « Movement of Movements : Culture Moves in the Long Civil Rights Struggle ». Social Forces 87, no 1 (1 septembre 2008) : 33–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sof.0.0086.
Texte intégralThèses sur le sujet "Civil rights movements – history"
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Spratt, Margaret Ann. « When police dogs attacked : iconic news photographs and the construction of history, mythology, and political discourse / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6189.
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Lee, Barry Everett. « The Nashville Civil Rights Movement : A Study of the Phenomenon of Intentional Leadership Development and its Consequences for Local Movements and the National Civil Rights Movement ». Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_diss/16.
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The Nashville Civil Rights Movement was one of the most dynamic local movements of the early 1960s, producing the most capable student leaders of the period 1960 to 1965. Despite such a feat, the historical record has largely overlooked this phenomenon. What circumstances allowed Nashville to produce such a dynamic movement whose youth leadership of John Lewis, Diane Nash, Bernard LaFayette, and James Bevel had no parallel? How was this small cadre able to influence movement developments on local and a national level? In order to address these critical research questions, standard historical methods of inquiry will be employed. These include the use of secondary sources, primarily Civil Rights Movement histories and memoirs, scholarly articles, and dissertations and theses. The primary sources used include public lectures, articles from various periodicals, extant interviews, numerous manuscript collections, and a variety of audio and video recordings. No original interviews were conducted because of the availability of extensive high quality interviews. This dissertation will demonstrate that the Nashville Movement evolved out of the formation of independent Black churches and college that over time became the primary sites of resistance to racial discrimination, starting in the Nineteenth Century. By the late 1950s, Nashville’s Black college attracted the students who became the driving force of a local movement that quickly established itself at the forefront of the Civil Rights Movement. Nashville’s forefront status was due to an intentional leadership training program based upon nonviolence. As a result of the training, leaders had a profound impact upon nearly every major movement development up to 1965, including the sit-ins, the Freedom Rides, the March on Washington, the birth of SNCC, the emergence of Black Power, the direction of the SCLC after 1962, the thinking of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., the Birmingham campaign, and the Selma voting rights campaign. In addition, the Nashville activists helped eliminate fear as an obstacle to Black freedom. These activists also revealed new relationship dynamics between students and adults and merged nonviolent direct action with voter registration, a combination considered incompatible.
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Hutchinson, Yvette. « Womanpower in the Civil Rights Movement ». W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625696.
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Brown, Nicholas David. « The Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters : The Civil Rights Movement ». University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1430166476.
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Young, Julius A. Jr. « Charles Hamilton Houston as the father of the Civil Rights Movement ». DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2013. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/751.
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This study explores the idea of who was the first to foster a national movement to weaken Jim Crow laws. This study was based on the premise that Martin Luther King, Jr. was an important figure, but not the actual father of a movement to grant blacks equal rights, as many suggest. A case study analysis approach was used to analyze data gathered including primary sources, personal letters from Charles Hamilton Houston to his parents and friends, as well as court documents related to cases he argued in federal and state courts. In addition newspaper/magazine articles from Houston's time, articles focusing on him after his death, and sociological studies from that time were also utilized. The research found that Charles Hamilton Houston was the first black lawyer to challenge "separate but equal" with national success. Houston used empirical and scientific data of that time to show the facilities were not. The conclusion drawn from the findings suggests that the legal victories Houston achieved provided all Americans with a basis from which to challenge segregation and unequal treatment under the law in America.
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Jeter-Bennett, Gisell. « We Are Going Too ! The Children of the Birmingham Civil Rights Movement ». The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1452263338.
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Bell, Janet Dewart. « African American Women Leaders in the Civil Rights Movement : A Narrative Inquiry ». Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1432029763.
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Boyce, Anika Keys. « "What's Going On" : Motown and the Civil Rights Movement ». Thesis, Boston College, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/590.
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Thesis advisor: Lynn LyerlyBased in 1960s Detroit, the Motown Record Company established itself and thrived as an independently run and successful African American business. Amidst humble origins in a two-story house outside of which Berry Gordy hung the sign, "Hitsville USA," Motown encouraged America's youth, urging them to look beyond racial divides and to simply sing and dance together in a time where the theme of unity was becoming increasingly important. Producing legends such as Marvin Gaye, Diana Ross, Stevie Wonder, The Temptations, The Four Tops, Martha Reeves, Gladys Knight, and the Jackson Five, Motown truly created a new sound for the youth of America and helped shape the 1960s. Competing with the "British Invasion" and "the Protest Movement," in 1960s music, Motown is often said to have had little or no impact on the political and social revolution of the time because Motown did not produce "message music." The 2006 film, Dreamgirls even depicts Gordy and Motown as hypocrites and race traitors. Yet Motown embodied one of the principles the Civil Rights Movement preached most: black success and independence. Although the founder of Motown, Berry Gordy, never had the intention of proclaiming a message of black independence and empowerment through his actions of establishing an independent record company, he accomplished one of the goals of the Civil Rights Movement: black economic independence. The establishment and success of Motown was an intrinsically political act that served as proof to Civil Rights claims that African Americans could be just as independent and successful as whites
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2008
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
Discipline: History Honors Program
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Walker, Pamela N. « "Pray for Me and My Kids" : Correspondence between Rural Black Women and White Northern Women During the Civil Rights Movement ». ScholarWorks@UNO, 2015. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1999.
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This paper examines the experiences of rural black women in Mississippi during the Civil Rights Movement by examining correspondence of the grassroots anti-poverty organization the Box Project. The Box Project, founded in 1962 by white Vermont resident and radical activist Virginia Naeve, provided direct relief to black families living in Mississippi but also opened positive and clandestine lines of communication between southern black women and outsiders, most often white women. The efforts of the Box Project have been largely left out of the dialogue surrounding Civil Rights, which has often been dominated by leading figures, major events and national organizations. This paper seeks to understand the discreet but effective ways in which some black women, though constrained by motherhood, abject poverty, and rural isolation participated in the Civil Rights Movement, and how black and white women worked together to chip away at the foundations of inequality that Jim Crow produced.
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GIOIELLI, ROBERT R. « Hard Asphalt and Heavy Metals : Urban Environmentalism in Postwar America ». University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1212161222.
Texte intégralLivres sur le sujet "Civil rights movements – history"
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Civil rights movement. New York : AV2 by Weigl, 2013.
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Wilson, Jamie Jaywann. Civil rights movement. Santa Barbara, Calif : Greenwood, 2013.
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Patterson, Charles. The Civil Rights Movement. New York : Facts on File, 1995.
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Newman, Mark. The civil rights movement. Edinburgh : Edinburgh University Press, 2004.
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Ohlin, Nancy. Civil rights movement. New York, NY : Little Bee Books Inc., 2017.
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McClaurin, Irma. The Civil Rights Movement. Tarrytown, N.Y : Marshall Cavendish Benchmark, 2008.
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1965-, Winters Paul A., dir. The civil rights movement. San Diego, Calif : Greenhaven Press, 2000.
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Press, Salem, dir. The Civil Rights movement. Pasadena, Calif : Salem Press, 2000.
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1940-, Bond Julian, Middleton Stephen et Mulford Rose Ann, dir. The Civil Rights Movement. Upper Saddle River, N.J : Globe Fearon, 1997.
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Tackach, James. The civil rights movement. San Diego, Calif : Greenhaven Press, 2001.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Civil rights movements – history"
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Fraser, James W. « The Civil Rights Movement ». Dans A History of Hope, 249–84. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-09784-2_11.
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Branch, Taylor. « 1989a Award. About the Civil Rights Movement Years ». Dans American History Awards 1917–1991, sous la direction de Heinz-D. Fischer, 337–40. Berlin, Boston : De Gruyter, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110972146-076.
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Robbins, Janice I., et Carol L. Tieso. « What do You Know about the Civil Rights Movement ? » Dans Engaging with History in the Classroom, 15–22. New York : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003234913-1.
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Robbins, Janice I., et Carol L. Tieso. « What have We Learned about the Civil Rights Movement ? » Dans Engaging with History in the Classroom, 129–33. New York : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003234913-12.
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Hall, Jacquelyn Dowd. « The Long Civil Rights Movement and the Political Uses of the Past ». Dans The Best American History Essays 2007, 235–71. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-06439-4_11.
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Moine, Caroline. « Feeling Political across Borders : International Solidarity Movements, 1820s–1980s ». Dans Feeling Political, 307–39. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-89858-8_11.
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AbstractAs the long history of international solidarity movements throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries demonstrates, emotions fostered a sense of common belonging in the name of so-called universal brotherhood, solidarity of peoples, or defence of human rights. Investigating exemplary political mobilizations in Europe that transcended national borders, such as the Philhellenism of the 1820s, the solidarity movements during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), and against the Chilean dictatorship in the 1970s and 1980s, helps to illustrate the strengths but also the limits of these feelings. These movements, which shaped and were shaped by individual and collective emotions such as compassion, fear, and anger, but also enthusiasm and hope, developed a complex relationship with patriotism and universalism, as well as with the state and other political institutions.
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Rivera Maulucci, María S. « A History of Ecojustice and Sustainability : The Place Where Two Rivers Meet ». Dans Transforming Education for Sustainability, 11–37. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13536-1_2.
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AbstractThis chapter begins with a land acknowledgment to frame the ways in which the ecojustice and sustainability movements are increasingly coalescing around climate justice. The second section (1664–1961) explores the history of sustainability with its roots in forest management for economic and utilitarian purposes. The third section (1962–1973) reviews the history of environmental justice and ecojustice as civil and human rights issues, including the farm workers movement, the Memphis Sanitation strike, and the Young Lords of Harlem. The National Environmental Protection Act in 1970 serves as a watershed moment that ushers in a flood of legislation designed to protect the environment. This period also marks the beginnings of scientific evidence that drew a link between greenhouse gases and climate change. The fourth section (1979–1988) raises concerns about toxic wastes and the disproportionate health impacts in Black, Latinx, and Indigenous communities. Sustainable development and climate change science emerge as worldwide concerns during this time. The fifth section (1990–2021) juxtaposes national and international efforts to ensure environmental and Indigenous environmental justice by greening sustainable development and addressing climate change alongside ongoing failures of these efforts, pointing to signs of hope amid ongoing challenges.
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Draper, Alan. « The Historiographies of the Labor and Civil Rights Movements ». Dans Reconsidering Southern Labor History, 273–84. University Press of Florida, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813056975.003.0018.
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This chapter argues that the historiographies of the labor movement and civil rights movement have proceeded on similar tracks: national, organization histories have been succeeded by more local, bottom-up approaches. This has simply replaced old orthodoxies with new ones. Second-generation labor history and civil rights history reflects the views of activists who were radicalized by their experiences and whose goals became more ambitious over time, as opposed to the views of ordinary workers and blacks that these historians claim to offer. This has led historians to adopt activists’ unrealistic standards in assessing the success of these movements as opposed to the more sober benchmarks that workers and blacks applied to measure the impact of these movements on their lives.
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Andrews, Kenneth T. « Creating Social Change : Lessons from the Civil Rights Movement ». Dans Social Movements, 105–18. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195143553.003.0007.
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Abstract The civil rights movement has had a lasting impact in the United States through its influence on social policies, political alignments, public opinion, and other social movements. Even though many of its fundamental goals were never realized and other gains have been rolled back, the civil rights movement is still viewed as one of the most influential social movements in U.S. history. For example, Aldon Morris, in The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement, argues that the civil rights movement had “a profound impact on American society” (1984: 266). Similarly, Dennis Chong points to the movement as “the quintessential example of public-spirited collective action in our time” that “spark[ed] radical changes in American society” (1991: 1). Nevertheless, our understanding of how the civil rights movement (and movements more generally) brought about change is limited. I use the civil rights movement to demonstrate the theoretical insights that emerge from a closer analysis of the process by which movements generate change. In short, I argue that our understanding of the cause and form of movement impact is underdeveloped. In this chapter, I will compare explanatory strategies that focus on the organizations and the public activity (e.g., demonstrations, boycotts) of movements and propose that organizations and movement activity may work together to bring change. I begin by addressing general questions about movement outcomes. Then, I describe causal mechanisms through which movement organizations and events can produce broader changes. I illustrate these dynamics using examples from the civil rights movement from my own research on the Mississippi movement and from the broader scholarship on this influential case.
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DRAPER, ALAN. « The Historiographies of the Labor and Civil Rights Movements : ». Dans Reconsidering Southern Labor History, 273–84. University Press of Florida, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvx07731.21.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Civil rights movements – history"
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Kilinc, Ramazan. « THE PATTERNS OF INTERACTION BETWEEN ISLAM AND LIBERALISM : THE CASE OF THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/qhfj3934.
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The unprecedented resurgence of religious organisations in the public sphere in recent years has given particular urgency to the old question of the compatibility of Islam and liberalism. Some scholars have argued that Islamic notions of social–political order are not hospitable to democracy and human rights. Others have argued that notions of democracy and human rights are firmly established in the Islamic political discourse but their expression depends on history, social structure and context. Although this debate has proved fruitful in framing the role of Islam in the public sphere, both sides have generally focused on essential sources of Islam. The debate needs to be extended to the empirical realm through study of particular Islamic movements and their responses to liberalisation trends. Such study should take into account local context, the organisational capabilities of the movement, and the Islamic repertoire that it deploys in mobilising its followers. This paper looks at the Gülen movement’s response to liberalisation processes in Turkey in the 1990s and 2000s. Since liberalism has radically transformed the economic and political system of the country over the last two decades, Turkey is a good example for our purposes. Furthermore, the increased influence of the Gülen movement in Turkey provides rich empiri- cal data of an Islamic movement engaging with liberalisation in civil society and politics. The paper concludes that, while the movement’s discourse and practice are compatible with liberalism, its Islamic ethos means that at some points it must engage liberalism critically.
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Ross, John, Silvina Lopez Barrera et Simon Powney. « Emmett Till Memorial : A Community Engaged Studio Project ». Dans 109th ACSA Annual Meeting Proceedings. ACSA Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.109.83.
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In 1955, Emmett Till was 14-year-old when he was kidnaped and brutally murdered by two white men in the Mississippi Delta. This racist incident was one of the key events that galvanized the Civil Rights Movement’s work. Through a com¬munity engagement project to design a memorial dedicated to Emmett Till, this essay explores a studio pedagogy that aimed to introduce social justice in architecture studios. The “Emmett Till Memorial” community engaged project took place in Spring 2020 in the first-year architecture studio of the School of Architecture at Mississippi State University. In this project, we partnered with the Emmett Till Memorial Commission (ETMC) to design a memorial at the Graball Landing site where it is believed Emmett’s body was found. Since April 2008, the ETMC attempts to commemorate this site and it has become a nationally recognized memory site. Unfortunately, the site has been subjected to repeated vandalism. This paper describes the different stages of this community engaged project in a contested site that aimed to embrace transformative service-learning ideas and critical reflection. The service-learning design project integrated field experiences, including visits to historic sites related to Emmett Till’s history and an immer¬sive experience with activists and community organizers from the ETMC. Using critical reflection as a pedagogical approach, discussions among students and community members cen¬tered on how the design outcome of this community engaged project would contribute to community conversations about the future development of the Graball Landing site as well as design vision and values that could be included in the new memorial and its restorative narrative. Students’ design proposals exhibited a wide range of design intentions and sources of inspiration. Employing symbolic and educational features, the diverse design proposals responded to specific environmental conditions of the place and explored how to engage visitors with Emmett Till’s history, the civil rights movement, and the future of racial reconciliation. Finally, this paper discusses how African-American historical sites have intentionally been ignored and marginalized and how architecture educators, students, and community members can partner to preserve sites of memory and to dismantle systematic racism in urban design and architecture.
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Kruth, Jeffrey, et Elizabeth Keslacy. « Unpacking the Archive : Community Engagment and the Research Studio ». Dans 110th ACSA Annual Meeting Paper Proceedings. ACSA Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.110.72.
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The city is often a place of collective memory, but as the recent conflicts over monuments and memorials have taught us, some memories are prematurely erased while others live on past their shelf life. Although history and memory can sometimes leave their mark upon the city, it is more often incumbent upon later generations to construct physical markers of important, though ephemeral, events. More recently cities have invested in informative and interactive installations, and architects have created more abstract, experiential structures that convey history in a more emotive mode. As part of this discourse, our teaching project titled “Unpacking the Archive” aimed to recuperate the lost histories of those who shaped the city immediately after the Civil Rights era when white flight to the suburbs and an era of austerity permanently altered cities. In the context of two courses, a seminar and a research studio, we examined the struggles and actions of the Over-the-Rhine People’s Movement in Cincinnati, Ohio that originated in the early 1970s and continues today. The People’s Movement is a coalition of activists, institutions, and residents who waged a series of campaigns to fight for housing access, schools, parks, and services against hypergentrification and a municipal bureaucracy actively working to eliminate the poor from a picturesque historic neighborhood. A true poor people’s campaign, the Peoples’ Movement unified poor Appalachian and Black residents at a time of heightened racial tensions.
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Mihály, Kristóf. « The Transition from a Feudal Society to a Social Structure based upon Civil Rights in Hungary with Particular Regard to Preparatory Draft Law ». Dans Mezinárodní konference doktorských studentů oboru právní historie a římského práva. Brno : Masaryk University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0156-2022-8.
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In this study, I review the immediate antecedents of the civil transition as the most profound development. The codification attempts of the Enlightenment of the 1790s and the liberalism of the 1830s and 1840s are the focal points of my doctoral research. In order to drafting bills to reform the feudal state based on customary law and privileges without changing the basic public law framework, nine so-called national regular committees were set forth by Article 67 of Act 1791. The committees completed their work and sent their drafts, known as so-called operatives, to the king between 1792 and 1795. After all, the completed operatives were not put on the agenda of Parliament due to changes in the domestic and foreign policy status quo. They only emerged from the archives of the Chancellery thanks to the committees set up by Article 8 of Act 1827. These committees were responsible for reviewing the “forgotten” operatives, which were finally printed and sent to the counties for comments. The Hungarian liberal noble opposition was organised first as a movement and then as a party during these county debates (1831–1832) in order to replace the feudal system by manifesting the basic principles of the civil transition in the so-called laws of April (representation of the people, the right to private property, equality of rights, burden sharing, etc.)
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Vicini, Fabio. « GÜLEN’S RETHINKING OF ISLAMIC PATTERN AND ITS SOCIO-POLITICAL EFFECTS ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/gbfn9600.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Over recent decades Islamic traditions have emerged in new forms in different parts of the Muslim world, interacting differently with secular and neo-liberal patterns of thought and action. In Turkey Fethullah Gülen’s community has been a powerful player in the national debate about the place of Islam in individual and collective life. Through emphasis on the im- portance of ‘secular education’ and a commitment to the defence of both democratic princi- ples and international human rights, Gülen has diffused a new and appealing version of how a ‘good Muslim’ should act in contemporary society. In particular he has defended the role of Islam in the formation of individuals as ethically-responsible moral subjects, a project that overlaps significantly with the ‘secular’ one of forming responsible citizens. Concomitantly, he has shifted the Sufi emphasis on self-discipline/self-denial towards an active, socially- oriented service of others – a form of religious effort that implies a strongly ‘secular’ faith in the human ability to make this world better. This paper looks at the lives of some members of the community to show how this pattern of conduct has affected them. They say that teaching and learning ‘secular’ scientific subjects, combined with total dedication to the project of the movement, constitute, for them, ways to accomplish Islamic deeds and come closer to God. This leads to a consideration of how such a rethinking of Islamic activism has influenced po- litical and sociological transition in Turkey, and a discussion of the potential contribution of the movement towards the development of a more human society in contemporary Europe. From the 1920s onwards, in the context offered by the decline and collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Islamic thinkers, associations and social movements have proliferated their efforts in order to suggest ways to live a good “Muslim life” under newly emerging conditions. Prior to this period, different generations of Muslim Reformers had already argued the compat- ibility of Islam with reason and “modernity”, claiming for the need to renew Islamic tradition recurring to ijtihad. Yet until the end of the XIX century, traditional educational systems, public forms of Islam and models of government had not been dismissed. Only with the dismantlement of the Empire and the constitution of national governments in its different regions, Islamic intellectuals had to face the problem of arranging new patterns of action for Muslim people. With the establishment of multiple nation-states in the so-called Middle East, Islamic intel- lectuals had to cope with secular conceptions about the subject and its place and space for action in society. They had to come to terms with the definitive affirmation of secularism and the consequent process of reconfiguration of local sensibilities, forms of social organisation, and modes of action. As a consequence of these processes, Islamic thinkers started to place emphasis over believers’ individual choice and responsibility both in maintaining an Islamic conduct daily and in realising the values of Islamic society. While under the Ottoman rule to be part of the Islamic ummah was considered an implicit consequence of being a subject of the empire. Not many scientific works have looked at contemporary forms of Islam from this perspective. Usually Islamic instances are considered the outcome of an enduring and unchanging tradition, which try to reproduce itself in opposition to outer-imposed secular practices. Rarely present-day forms of Islamic reasoning and practice have been considered as the result of a process of adjustment to new styles of governance under the modern state. Instead, I argue that new Islamic patterns of action depend on a history of practical and conceptual revision they undertake under different and locally specific versions of secularism. From this perspective I will deal with the specific case of Fethullah Gülen, the head of one of the most famous and influent “renewalist” Islamic movements of contemporary Turkey. From the 1980s this Islamic leader has been able to weave a powerful network of invisible social ties from which he gets both economic and cultural capital. Yet what interests me most in this paper, is that with his open-minded and moderate arguments, Gülen has inspired many people in Turkey to live Islam in a new way. Recurring to ijtihad and drawing from secular epistemology specific ideas about moral agency, he has proposed to a wide public a very at- tractive path for being “good Muslims” in their daily conduct. After an introductive explanation of the movement’s project and of the ideas on which it is based, my aim will be to focus on such a pattern of action. Particular attention will be dedi- cated to Gülen’s conception of a “good Muslim” as a morally-guided agent, because such a conception reveals underneath secular ideas on both responsibility and moral agency. These considerations will constitute the basis from which we can look at the transformation of Islam – and more generally of “the religion” – in the contemporary world. Then a part will be dedicated to defining the specificity of Gülen’s proposal, which will be compared with that of other Islamic revivalist movements in other contexts. Some common point between them will merge from this comparison. Both indeed use the concept of respon- sibility in order to push subjects to actively engage in reviving Islam. Yet, on the other hand, I will show how Gülen’s followers distinguish themselves by the fact their commitment pos- sesses a socially-oriented and reformist character. Finally I will consider the proximity of Gülen’s conceptualisation of moral agency with that the modern state has organised around the idea of “civic virtues”. I argue Gülen’s recall for taking responsibility of social moral decline is a way of charging his followers with a similar burden the modern state has charged its citizens. Thus I suggest the Islamic leader’s pro- posal can be seen as the tentative of supporting the modernity project by defining a new and specific space to Islam and religion into it. This proposal opens the possibility of new and interesting forms of interconnection between secular ideas of modernity and the so-called “Islamic” ones. At the same time I think it sheds a new light over contemporary “renewalist” movements, which can be considered a concrete proposal about how to realise, in a different background, modern forms of governance by reconsidering their moral basis.
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Richli, T., A. Chrysovergis, N. Meng et M. Treacy. « Long-Term Movement Behaviour of Bridge Bearings and Expansion Joints From SHM Data ». Dans IABSE Symposium, Wroclaw 2020 : Synergy of Culture and Civil Engineering – History and Challenges. Zurich, Switzerland : International Association for Bridge and Structural Engineering (IABSE), 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2749/wroclaw.2020.0242.
Texte intégralRésumé :
<p>Accumulated movements induced by temperature and imposed loads contribute to the wearing down of the sliding materials within bridge bearings and expansion joints, potentially seriously affecting their functioning and performance. Therefore, there is a need for engineers to be able to assess, with some accuracy, the total movements to which these critical components, and their sliding materials in particular, are being subjected (or have been subjected during their service life to date). These movements are difficult to calculate analytically and design codes generally provide very conservative load models which increases the challenge of accurately estimating true movements. Nowadays, structural health monitoring can be used to record these movements with high accuracy, providing data that can support more efficient life-cycle planning of bridge maintenance. This paper illustrates this with reference to the measurement of longitudinal movements on expansion joints and bearings of various bridge structures.</p>
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Cervantes, D., H. Guerrerro, J. A. Escobar et R. Gómez. « Repair Project of a Vehicular Bridge Damaged During the 2017 Puebla-morelos Earthquake : Seismic Evaluation ». Dans IABSE Symposium, Wroclaw 2020 : Synergy of Culture and Civil Engineering – History and Challenges. Zurich, Switzerland : International Association for Bridge and Structural Engineering (IABSE), 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2749/wroclaw.2020.0749.
Texte intégralRésumé :
<p>This paper shows the results of nonlinear analyses, static and dynamic, conducted on a vehicular bridge located in Mexico City. The main characteristics of the developed numerical model and the results of the analysis in terms of capacity curves, global and by element, are presented. Two cases were studied. The first one considers that the seismic restrainers, located at the bridge abutments, can effectively limit the lateral movements; while the other case considers poor lateral restriction. The results show that the first case provides an adequate safety factor for the bridge, while the second case resulted in a marginal safety factor.</p>
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Wilming, D. « The Historic Olympic Stadium in Helsinki of 1938. Development of Highly Dynamically Loaded Uplift Bearings for the new Modern Stand Roofs Integrate Inconspicuous in the Monumental Protected Facade ». Dans IABSE Symposium, Wroclaw 2020 : Synergy of Culture and Civil Engineering – History and Challenges. Zurich, Switzerland : International Association for Bridge and Structural Engineering (IABSE), 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2749/wroclaw.2020.0625.
Texte intégralRésumé :
<p>The historic Olympic stadium in Helsinki of 1938, venue of the Olympic Games in 1952, is elaborately modernized at present. The individual impression as a historic building, particularly the distinctive facade, is preserved in detail. Observing the severe restrictions of monumental protection, the now 80 years old building is complemented, among other things, by the construction of a warm-up running racetrack hall and a mall with shops as well as new stand roofs for both stands. In this context, MAURER develops special structural uplift bearings for the new roof construction. The distinctive feature is transferring primarily occurring tensile loads (secondary alternating pressure loads) kinematically precise to the substructure while balancing relative movements and relative torsion. The architecture requires smallest structures that meet highest safety requirements.</p>
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Novaković, Milan. « IZAZOVI LOKALNOG OMBUDSMANA U SRBIJI U VREME „GLOBALNE PANDEMIJE" ». Dans Razvoj i unapređenje institucije ombudsmana u funkciji zaštite ljudskih prava. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Law, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/ruio23.185n.
Texte intégralRésumé :
As the history of the civilization as we know it changed – so did The attitude about a man as a human being. With the evolution of society and human consciousness, human rights and freedoms also evolved, so troughout history we have seen people in The Old Century as a “slaves”, in The Middle Century as a “labor”, and in The New Century as a “citizens”. Civil and political rights are considered universal rights that apply to any of us and that each of us acquires(gets)at birth. The evolution in the development of human rights and freedom has led to the fact that they are incorporated into The Constitutions of countries, international affairs but the more acts are there - the greater are the chances that someone violates them. Freedom as a value today is going trough its greatest trials, and human rights and freedoms are being restricted today, more than ever before, for numerous of reasons, and The Concept of human rights development to the institutional framework called – The Constitution and citizen rights is called into question. In this Era of globalism and transhumanism acts(Protocols of WHO) passed by supranational organizations, such as The so-called “World Health Organization UN” have stronger legal power than the Constitution of states. Over time, The General acts of global/transnational organizations gained so much importance that they become more important to the administrative bodies in Serbia, than The most important legal act in the country – The Constitution. This is the root of all problems because the hierarchy of legal acts in the country is broken, so in the continuation of this paper, on the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of The Institution of The Local ombudsmen in Serbia, I’ll explain, using my example from practice how I - by protecting The Constitution of The Republic of Serbia and The Institution of The Local ombudsmen in Serbia – finished(ended up) at the court.
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Damovski, Andon. « CONTEMPORARY SOCIOLOGICAL ISSUES THROUGH THE PRISM OF PUBLIC POLICY ». Dans SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.2.5.21.p25.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The boundaries of modernism are fluid, not only in purely temporal terms but also in sociological terms. The famous Polish sociologist Zygmund Bauman speaks about the very notion of fluid society, and according to him, fluid modernism has changed the way we think and experience the modern world. In his masterpiece Fluid Times, Bauman explores, examines, and attempts to explain the sources and causes of the endemic uncertainty that shapes life in a globalized world. This is primarily due to the speed and depth of change that has taken place over the past decades. These changes concern the fall of communism, the block division of the world, but also the enlargement of the European integration or the increase in the number of new nation-states and conflicts. Consequently, modern social interactions and processes create new sociological issues in society, which significantly change the direction of action of sociology itself. For this goal, modern sociology emphasizes focuses on citizenship and civil rights and responsibilities, an ideology that guides societies, collective action and social movements, culture and globalization. That is why today it is very difficult to systematize all sociological works or to include all theorists. Within this text, the emphasis is placed on public policy and its importance in contemporary sociology. The challenges that contemporary sociology faces in solving contemporary sociological issues were analyzed through the differentiation of three separate but related aspects (civic partnership, culture, and globalization) within the complexity of public policy. Keywords: sociology, public policy, culture, globalization, civil partnership
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Civil rights movements – history"
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Millican, Juliet. Civil Society Learning Journey Briefing Note 3 : Methods for Supporting or Countering Informal Social Movements. Institute of Development Studies, octobre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.153.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 2018 key concerns included shrinking civic space and the impact of this on democracy. Developments between the two periods, particularly the COVID-19 pandemic, the Black Lives Matter and decolonisation movements, have only increased emphasis on commitments made as part of the Grand Bargain to localise and decolonise. This invariably means working more frequently with local partners and civil society organisations in the delivery of international aid to advance Open Society and Human Rights agendas. These three briefing notes summarise key considerations emerging from the ‘Working with Civil Society’ Learning Journey facilitated for the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) as part of the Knowledge, Evidence and Learning for Development (K4D) Programme.
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Edstrom, Jerker, Ayesha Khan, Alan Greig et Chloe Skinner. Grasping Patriarchal Backlash : A Brief for Smarter Countermoves. Institute of Development Studies, janvier 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/backlash.2023.002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Nearly three decades ago the UN World Conference on Women at Beijing appeared to be uniting the international community around the most progressive platform for women’s rights in history. Instead of steady advancement, we have seen uneven progress, backsliding, co-option, and a recent rising tide of patriarchal backlash. The global phenomenon of ‘backlash’ is characterised by resurgent misogyny, homo/transphobia, and attacks on sexual and reproductive rights. It is articulated through new forms of patriarchal politics associated with racialised hyper-nationalist agendas, traditionalism, authoritarianism, and alterations to civic space that have become all too familiar both in the global North and South. A wide range of actors and articulations are involved and influenced by underlying drivers and dynamics. A clearer view of the patriarchal nature of current backlash is a prerequisite for building a cohesive movement to counter it, strategically engaging researchers, activists, policymakers and donors in development.
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Millican, Juliet. Civil Society Learning Journey Briefing Note 2 : Evaluating Efficacy When Funding CSOs Promoting Democracy and Open Societies. Institute of Development Studies, octobre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.152.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 2018 key concerns included shrinking civic space and the impact of this on democracy. Developments between the two periods, particularly the COVID-19 pandemic, the Black Lives Matter and decolonisation movements, have only increased emphasis on commitments made as part of the Grand Bargain to localise and decolonise. This invariably means working more frequently with local partners and civil society organisations in the delivery of international aid to advance Open Society and Human Rights agendas. These three briefing notes summarise key considerations emerging from the ‘Working with Civil Society’ Learning Journey facilitated for the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) as part of the Knowledge, Evidence and Learning for Development (K4D) Programme.
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Millican, Juliet. Civil Society Learning Journey Briefing Note 1 : What are the Strengths and Weaknesses of INGOs Delivering Development Outcomes ? Institute of Development Studies, octobre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.151.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 2018 key concerns included shrinking civic space and the impact of this on democracy. Developments between the two periods, particularly the COVID-19 pandemic, the Black Lives Matter and decolonisation movements, have only increased emphasis on commitments made as part of the Grand Bargain to localise and decolonise. This invariably means working more frequently with local partners and civil society organisations in the delivery of international aid to advance Open Society and Human Rights agendas. These three briefing notes summarise key considerations emerging from the ‘Working with Civil Society’ Learning Journey facilitated for the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) as part of the Knowledge, Evidence and Learning for Development (K4D) Programme.
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Crouch, Luis, et Deborah Spindelman. Purpose-Driven Education System Transformations : History Lessons from Korea and Japan. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), mars 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2023/139.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper is an essay in comparative educational history and its possible relevance to educational development today. It addresses the question of whether Japan and Korea’s history in using educational development to further national development can be useful as (partial) models for dealing with the educational challenges of today’s lower- and lower-middle income countries. The hypothesis of the paper is that there is much to learn from these countries, but that the lessons one could learn are not at all obvious or superficial, and are only partially about what was done (specific education policies) and are more importantly about how it was done (the high purpose and thoroughness of policy engagement). The paper first characterizes educational development, especially in terms of the intense emphasis on equality of high achievement in Korea and Japan, in quantitative terms, to demonstrate that these countries possess certain admirable characteristics. Caveats regarding learner stress and rote learning are dealt with by looking at the relevant statistics. A framework for assessing the quality of policy borrowing processes is built, based on the literature on this subject. The paper then analyzes the historical development of education as a means of resisting Western colonialist probes into Japan and Korea (end of the 19th C), but also Japan itself into Korea (first half of 20th C). How both countries borrowed from the West, but in a contested and very deep manner, and as part of a resistance to being colonized, is documented. The paper also shows that part of the healthy, contested borrowing was the involvement of teacher groups and civil society. The paper concludes by taking into consideration the fraught issue that potentiating the role of education in national development could be seen as tantamount to using education for nationalism. The paper links to the possibility that there may be a more inclusive and rights-oriented use of the concept of the nation to foster human well-being, and that education could play a role in such processes. Some practical suggestions for taking these ideas forward, or at least exploring them in more depth, are made at the very end.
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Avis, William. Refugee and Mixed Migration Displacement from Afghanistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), août 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This rapid literature review summarises evidence and key lessons that exist regarding previous refugee and mixed migration displacement from Afghanistan to surrounding countries. The review identified a diverse literature that explored past refugee and mixed migration, with a range of quantitative and qualitative studies identified. A complex and fluid picture is presented with waves of mixed migration (both outflow and inflow) associated with key events including the: Soviet–Afghan War (1979–1989); Afghan Civil War (1992–96); Taliban Rule (1996–2001); War in Afghanistan (2001–2021). A contextual picture emerges of Afghans having a long history of using mobility as a survival strategy or as social, economic and political insurance for improving livelihoods or to escape conflict and natural disasters. Whilst violence has been a principal driver of population movements among Afghans, it is not the only cause. Migration has also been associated with natural disasters (primarily drought) which is considered a particular issue across much of the country – this is associated primarily with internal displacement. Further to this, COVID-19 is impacting upon and prompting migration to and from Afghanistan. Data on refugee and mixed migration movement is diverse and at times contradictory given the fluidity and the blurring of boundaries between types of movements. Various estimates exist for numbers of Afghanistan refugees globally. It is also important to note that migratory flows are often fluid involving settlement in neighbouring countries, return to Afghanistan. In many countries, Afghani migrants and refugees face uncertain political situations and have, in recent years, been ‘coerced’ into returning to Afghanistan with much discussion of a ‘return bias’ being evident in official policies. The literature identified in this report (a mix of academic, humanitarian agency and NGO) is predominantly focused on Pakistan and Iran with a less established evidence base on the scale of Afghan refugee and migrant communities in other countries in the region. . Whilst conflict has been a primary driver of displacement, it has intersected with drought conditions and poor adherence to COVID-19 mitigation protocols. Past efforts to address displacement internationally have affirmed return as the primary objective in relation to durable solutions; practically, efforts promoted improved programming interventions towards creating conditions for sustainable return and achieving improved reintegration prospects for those already returned to Afghanistan.
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Bray, Jonathan, Ross Boulanger, Misko Cubrinovski, Kohji Tokimatsu, Steven Kramer, Thomas O'Rourke, Ellen Rathje, Russell Green, Peter Robertson et Christine Beyzaei. U.S.—New Zealand— Japan International Workshop, Liquefaction-Induced Ground Movement Effects, University of California, Berkeley, California, 2-4 November 2016. Pacific Earthquake Engineering Research Center, University of California, Berkeley, CA, mars 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.55461/gzzx9906.
Texte intégralRésumé :
There is much to learn from the recent New Zealand and Japan earthquakes. These earthquakes produced differing levels of liquefaction-induced ground movements that damaged buildings, bridges, and buried utilities. Along with the often spectacular observations of infrastructure damage, there were many cases where well-built facilities located in areas of liquefaction-induced ground failure were not damaged. Researchers are working on characterizing and learning from these observations of both poor and good performance. The “Liquefaction-Induced Ground Movements Effects” workshop provided an opportunity to take advantage of recent research investments following these earthquake events to develop a path forward for an integrated understanding of how infrastructure performs with various levels of liquefaction. Fifty-five researchers in the field, two-thirds from the U.S. and one-third from New Zealand and Japan, convened in Berkeley, California, in November 2016. The objective of the workshop was to identify research thrusts offering the greatest potential for advancing our capabilities for understanding, evaluating, and mitigating the effects of liquefaction-induced ground movements on structures and lifelines. The workshop also advanced the development of younger researchers by identifying promising research opportunities and approaches, and promoting future collaborations among participants. During the workshop, participants identified five cross-cutting research priorities that need to be addressed to advance our scientific understanding of and engineering procedures for soil liquefaction effects during earthquakes. Accordingly, this report was organized to address five research themes: (1) case history data; (2) integrated site characterization; (3) numerical analysis; (4) challenging soils; and (5) effects and mitigation of liquefaction in the built environment and communities. These research themes provide an integrated approach toward transformative advances in addressing liquefaction hazards worldwide. The archival documentation of liquefaction case history datasets in electronic data repositories for use by the broader research community is critical to accelerating advances in liquefaction research. Many of the available liquefaction case history datasets are not fully documented, published, or shared. Developing and sharing well-documented liquefaction datasets reflect significant research efforts. Therefore, datasets should be published with a permanent DOI, with appropriate citation language for proper acknowledgment in publications that use the data. Integrated site characterization procedures that incorporate qualitative geologic information about the soil deposits at a site and the quantitative information from in situ and laboratory engineering tests of these soils are essential for quantifying and minimizing the uncertainties associated site characterization. Such information is vitally important to help identify potential failure modes and guide in situ testing. At the site scale, one potential way to do this is to use proxies for depositional environments. At the fabric and microstructure scale, the use of multiple in situ tests that induce different levels of strain should be used to characterize soil properties. The development of new in situ testing tools and methods that are more sensitive to soil fabric and microstructure should be continued. The development of robust, validated analytical procedures for evaluating the effects of liquefaction on civil infrastructure persists as a critical research topic. Robust validated analytical procedures would translate into more reliable evaluations of critical civil infrastructure iv performance, support the development of mechanics-based, practice-oriented engineering models, help eliminate suspected biases in our current engineering practices, and facilitate greater integration with structural, hydraulic, and wind engineering analysis capabilities for addressing multi-hazard problems. Effective collaboration across countries and disciplines is essential for developing analytical procedures that are robust across the full spectrum of geologic, infrastructure, and natural hazard loading conditions encountered in practice There are soils that are challenging to characterize, to model, and to evaluate, because their responses differ significantly from those of clean sands: they cannot be sampled and tested effectively using existing procedures, their properties cannot be estimated confidently using existing in situ testing methods, or constitutive models to describe their responses have not yet been developed or validated. Challenging soils include but are not limited to: interbedded soil deposits, intermediate (silty) soils, mine tailings, gravelly soils, crushable soils, aged soils, and cemented soils. New field and laboratory test procedures are required to characterize the responses of these materials to earthquake loadings, physical experiments are required to explore mechanisms, and new soil constitutive models tailored to describe the behavior of such soils are required. Well-documented case histories involving challenging soils where both the poor and good performance of engineered systems are documented are also of high priority. Characterizing and mitigating the effects of liquefaction on the built environment requires understanding its components and interactions as a system, including residential housing, commercial and industrial buildings, public buildings and facilities, and spatially distributed infrastructure, such as electric power, gas and liquid fuel, telecommunication, transportation, water supply, wastewater conveyance/treatment, and flood protection systems. Research to improve the characterization and mitigation of liquefaction effects on the built environment is essential for achieving resiliency. For example, the complex mechanisms of ground deformation caused by liquefaction and building response need to be clarified and the potential bias and dispersion in practice-oriented procedures for quantifying building response to liquefaction need to be quantified. Component-focused and system-performance research on lifeline response to liquefaction is required. Research on component behavior can be advanced by numerical simulations in combination with centrifuge and large-scale soil–structure interaction testing. System response requires advanced network analysis that accounts for the propagation of uncertainty in assessing the effects of liquefaction on large, geographically distributed systems. Lastly, research on liquefaction mitigation strategies, including aspects of ground improvement, structural modification, system health monitoring, and rapid recovery planning, is needed to identify the most effective, cost-efficient, and sustainable measures to improve the response and resiliency of the built environment.
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Hendricks, Kasey. Data for Alabama Taxation and Changing Discourse from Reconstruction to Redemption. University of Tennessee, Knoxville Libraries, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7290/wdyvftwo4u.
Texte intégralRésumé :
At their most basic level taxes carry, in the words of Schumpeter ([1918] 1991), “the thunder of history” (p. 101). They say something about the ever-changing structures of social, economic, and political life. Taxes offer a blueprint, in both symbolic and concrete terms, for uncovering the most fundamental arrangements in society – stratification included. The historical retellings captured within these data highlight the politics of taxation in Alabama from 1856 to 1901, including conflicts over whom money is expended upon as well as struggles over who carries their fair share of the tax burden. The selected timeline overlaps with the formation of five of six constitutions adopted in the State of Alabama, including 1861, 1865, 1868, 1875, and 1901. Having these years as the focal point makes for an especially meaningful case study, given how much these constitutional formations made the state a site for much political debate. These data contain 5,121 pages of periodicals from newspapers throughout the state, including: Alabama Sentinel, Alabama State Intelligencer, Alabama State Journal, Athens Herald, Daily Alabama Journal, Daily Confederation, Elyton Herald, Mobile Daily Tribune, Mobile Tribune, Mobile Weekly Tribune, Morning Herald, Nationalist, New Era, Observer, Tuscaloosa Observer, Tuskegee News, Universalist Herald, and Wilcox News and Pacificator. The contemporary relevance of these historical debates manifests in Alabama’s current constitution which was adopted in 1901. This constitution departs from well-established conventions of treating the document as a legal framework that specifies a general role of governance but is firm enough to protect the civil rights and liberties of the population. Instead, it stands more as a legislative document, or procedural straightjacket, that preempts through statutory material what regulatory action is possible by the state. These barriers included a refusal to establish a state board of education and enact a tax structure for local education in addition to debt and tax limitations that constrained government capacity more broadly. Prohibitive features like these are among the reasons that, by 2020, the 1901 Constitution has been amended nearly 1,000 times since its adoption. However, similar procedural barriers have been duplicated across the U.S. since (e.g., California’s Proposition 13 of 1978). Reference: Schumpeter, Joseph. [1918] 1991. “The Crisis of the Tax State.” Pp. 99-140 in The Economics and Sociology of Capitalism, edited by Richard Swedberg. Princeton University Press.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail et Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia : India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail et Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia : India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.