Thèses : « Civil rights – European Union countries »

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FELD, Leonard. « From soft law to hard law : the concept and regulation of human rights due diligence in the EU legal context ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/74341.

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Defence date: 14 March 2022
Examining Board: Professor Stefan Grundmann (Humboldt University Berlin); Professor Mathias Siems (European University Institute); Professor Karin Buhmann (Copenhagen Business School); Professor Robert McCorquodale (University of Nottingham)
This dissertation examines the concept of human rights due diligence (HRDD) under international soft law and its transposition into business regulation, with a particular focus on the European Union context. It traces the evolution of HRDD – starting from the work of the United Nations to the recent contributions of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. The inquiry finds that HRDD is a concept of remarkable depth, whose features make it suitable to address human rights abuse in the globalised economy. Yet, there are also a number of practical and conceptual concerns. For instance, it is argued that the concept of HRDD features a high level of abstraction, which leads to ambiguities at the stage of implementation. In view of these findings, the transposition of HRDD into business law provides an opportunity, not only to build on the strengths of the concept, but also to counter some of its weaknesses. In addition, the thesis addresses two questions of international law concerning, first, the legality of HRDD legislation in view of its extraterritorial implications and, second, the relationship between relevant legal acts and the duties of states under international human rights law. It is held that regulators enjoy considerable leeway under international law to facilitate or require HRDD even beyond their own borders. Yet, states are presently under no international obligation to regulate HRDD processes – even though new developments are in sight. Finally, drawing on the findings of this research, the dissertation reviews Directive 2014/95/EU and Regulation (EU) 2017/821 as two precedents of HRDD legislation in the European Union. The two legal acts pursue very different strategies to promote HRDD processes with, it is argued, a varying degree of success. Through these assessments, the thesis provides a set of recommendations that may inform the transposition of the concept into business law.

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COLEMAN, Nils. « European readmission policy : third country interests and refugee rights ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7021.

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Defence date: 22 June 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Bruno de Witte, (EUI) ; Prof. Marise Cremona, (EUI) ; Prof. Rosemary Byrne, (Trinity College Dublin) ; Prof. Thomas Spijkerboer, (Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
no abstract available

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Etienne, Anne. « Towards European Integration : Do the European Union and Its Members Abide by the Same Principles ? » Thesis, University of North Texas, 2004. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4617/.

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In the last few decades the European Union (EU) and its members have emphasized the importance of human rights and the need to improve human rights conditions in Third World countries. In this research project, I attempted to find out whether the European Union and its members practice what they preach by giving precedence to countries that respect human rights through their Official Development Assistance (ODA) program. Furthermore, I tried to analyze whether European integration occurs at the foreign policy level through aid allocation. Based on the literatures on political conditionality and on the relationship between human rights and foreign aid allocation, I expected that all EU members promote principles of good governance by rewarding countries that protect the human rights of their citizens. I conducted a cross-sectional time-series selection model over all recipients of ODA for each of the twelve members for which I have data, the European Commission, and the aggregate EU disbursements from 1979 to 1998.

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PFARR, Mag Dietmar. « Civilian control of armed forces : challenges for the European Union / ». Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FPFARR.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Hans-Eberhard Peters. Includes bibliographical references (p. 51-56). Also available online.

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ELBASANI, Arolda. « The impact of EU conditionality upon democratisation : comparing electoral competition and civil service reforms in post-communist Albania ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10435.

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Defence date: 30 November 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Philippe Schmitter (EUI); Prof. Làszlò Bruszt (EUI); Dr. Antoaneta Dimitrova (Leiden University); Prof. Shinasi Rama (New York University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This dissertation explores how and to what extent EU conditionality can foster democratisation in a highly problematic case such as post-communist Albania. In order to examining the phenomena of democratisation in operational detail, the thesis delves into the sub-systemic level of democratisation focusing on two partial regimes - electoral regime and civil service system. The analysis follows on the rational choice premise that the domestic actors’ strategies of compliance depend on the structure of external incentives i.e. rewards and threats, that appeal to their interest. Our account on the impact of EU conditionality upon democratisation assumes that the likelihood of compliance depends on 1) the size of the rewards attached to conditionality; 2) the size of adoption costs; 3) the clarity of prescriptions and 4) credibility of reinforcement. The first part consists of developing a conceptual framework for assessing and explaining the impact of EU enlargement conditionality over democratisation processes. The second part explores the case of Albanian democratisation and the specific challenge it poses to the working of EU conditionality. The third part analyses the association between EU conditionality and reform seeking to identify whether the fortification of the EU conditionality coincides with a pattern-breaking change in each of the partial regimes of our choice. The thesis concludes that the EU was more successful to foster reforms in the area of electoral competition than public administration and civil service system. The EU seemed to push forward reforms by articulating clear prescriptions regarding the electoral competition; and advancing contractual relations with the country in function of electoral performance.

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Fee, Emma. « 'A Europe without dividing lines' : the normative framework of the European neighbourhood policy - emergent jus gentium or consolidation of jus civile ? » Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83952.

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The primary focus of this work is Article 57 of the Draft European Constitution, concerning the constitutionalisation of a new aspect in EU external relations law, 'the European Neighbourhood Policy'. No comprehensive study of this constitutional article has yet been undertaken in EU legal research. Through the medium of the title of my thesis I wish to examine whether it amounts to an emergent jus gentium for the EU or its antithesis, the consolidation of jus civile. In parallel with the nature of the subject, this study is necessarily a legal-political one. Key points identified are the strategic use of human rights, extraterritoriality of law, foreign direct investment and legal imperialism. A number of recent developments, both judicial and legislative, have provoked this study.

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CERAN, Olga. « Cross-border child relocation : national law in a united Europe ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/74359.

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Defence date: 17 March 2022
Examining Board: Prof. Stefan Grundmann (Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin & European University Institute); Prof. Martijn Hesselink (European University Institute); Prof. Katharina Boele-Woelki (Bucerius Law School); Dr. Ruth Lamont (University of Manchester)
Cross-border child relocation cases are among the most difficult disputes that family judges need to face. Commentators across the globe disagree on the interpretation of the child's best interests and the relevance of adults' autonomy in this context. As relocations are directly concerned with free movement, the literature has expressed an interest also in the European Union's influences in this area. However, considering its lack of competence in family law and the limited jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the European Union on such issues, some questions about the scope and nature of obligations imposed by EU law remain open. This thesis investigates, therefore, the following question: What is the (nature of) EU law's influence on cross-border child relocation and what are its effects on national legal systems? Its contribution is two-fold. Methodologically, it proposes a constructively oriented investigation of European influences in child relocation law. Cross-border movement constitutes the main raison d'être of EU law, and a defining feature of its community. Hence, a mixture of traditional values and new ways of life - sanctioned by a supranational entity - might lead to new dilemmas regarding children's interests and adult autonomy and complicate relocation decisions. The suggested approach allows contextual influences to be analysed together with legal doctrines, at both the EU and the national level. Substantively, the thesis builds on existing research to refine the understanding of child relocation in the context of supranational fundamental rights and freedoms in the EU, in their doctrinal and ideational dimensions. Finally, using case law from Germany, Poland, and England and Wales, it qualitatively investigates how national judges encounter the EU and draw from its ideational and legal features. This thesis demonstrates how the normatively inflicted EU context is occasionally used in courts but does not seem to consistently reorient national approaches towards the EU.
Chapter 3 ‘Child relocation and the European framework of human rights' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'Child relocation, soft law, and the quest for umiformity at the European court of human rights : part one' (2020) in the journal ‘Prawa prywatnego’
Chapter 3 ‘Child relocation and the European framework of human rights' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'Child relocation, soft law, and the quest for umiformity at the European court of human rights : part two' (2021) in the journal ‘Prawa prywatnego’

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Wiessala, Eugen Georg. « The politics of re-orientation and responsibility : European Union foreign policy and human rights promotion in Asian countries ». Thesis, University of Central Lancashire, 2005. http://clok.uclan.ac.uk/22530/.

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This study focuses on the protection and promotion of human rights in the context of the external relations of the European Union (EU). It sets out to examine, in particular, the position of human rights within the framework of EU foreign policy. While questions of human rights sparked a wide-ranging academic debate and resulted in enhanced levels of public scrutiny over the last decade, the research presented in this dissertation attempts to fill a significant gap in scholarly attention. It does so by offering a critique of the theoretical approaches towards, and the practical manifestations of human rights promotion initiatives in the context of EU policy interaction with countries in Asia. Evidence from previous work, included as part of this dissertation, suggests that the incremental growth of human rights competencies and agendas within the EU's legal and political systems was reflected in a number of areas of concrete EU external activity, such as the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), Development Policy, relations with the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of countries and the EU's New Asia Strategy. This dissertation attempts to demonstrate how, in the context of a Constructivist perspective within International Relations Theory in general, and EU-Asia relations in particular, the EU can be conceptualised as a value-guided, 'ethical' polity, grounded in a constitutional framework of Treaties. As a result of this, the Union introdued a more pronounced human rights dimension to its dialogue with Asia. The evidence indicates that, in respect of its Asian partners, the EU implemented human rights strategies in a number or formats and with varying degrees of success. The study scrutinises, in particular, the Commission's 'strategy papers' on Asia and the Asia-Europe Meetings (ASEM). In addition to findings analysed in previous work, this study demonstrates that the resulting debates about 'rights' and 'values' can be related to wider discourses derived from normative theory and surrounding issues of culture and identity. In the Asia-EU dialogue, arguments over human rights contain the potential to be both an enabling dynamic for, and an inhibiting agent of, a more intensive EU-Asia political and cultural dialogue. The study places a particular emphasis on EU human rights promotion policies towards the People's Republic of China, the Republic of Indonesia and Burma (The Union of Myanmar). It identifies and appraises three distinct EU policy approaches ranging from incentives based and coordinated measures to a more coercive and punitive diplomatic arsenal.

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GATTO, Alexandra. « The responsibility of multinational enterprises for human rights violations in European Union law ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7018.

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Defence date: 18 June 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Francesco Francioni, (EUI) ; Prof. Marise Cremona, (EUI) ; Prof. Enzo Cannizzaro, (University of Macerata) ; Prof. Olivier De Schutter, (Catholic University of Louvain)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis addresses the question as to how the European Union can ensure that EU based MNEs respect human rights when operating in third countries. Firstly, it identifies primary obligations on MNEs as developed by international law in order to tackle the above question. Secondly, on the basis of this theoretical framework it investigates how the European Union has acted to promote respect of human rights obligations by MNEs which are based on the territory of one of its Member States. Thirdly, the gap between the EU’s commitment to the respect and promotion of human rights, the potential to regulate the conduct of MNEs and the EU’s reluctance to impose human rights obligations on MNEs is explored. It is suggested that current human rights law should develop in the sense of considering companies as duty holders, together with States and other non-state actors, for the realisation of human rights. Moreover, a principle of graduation of responsibility is applied to MNEs, according to the specific human right involved, the proximity to the victim and the element of State authority exercised by the company in a particular situation. The above depicted graduation of responsibility (from the obligation to respect, to the obligation to promote human rights) should be matched by a graduation of corresponding implementing mechanisms. Applying this theoretical framework to the EU, three main recommendations have been formulated. Firstly, the EU should more firmly link the promotion of MNEs’ human rights obligations to international human rights law and support the constitution of an international law framework within the UN. Secondly, the EU should promote MNEs’ human rights obligations within the limits of its competence, both at the international and at an external level. It has been argued that a proactive attitude in this respect would not require the acquisition of new powers, but simply the recognition of a functional competence on the basis of Article 6 TEU in taking positive (and not merely negative) steps for the promotion of human rights in the areas of its competence occurring in international law and the international framework for MNEs’ responsibility. Finally, the EU should not abandon the option of exploring non-binding and incentive measures, both at the international and external levels, to be encouraged as a viable complement to binding measures.

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Haydar, Samer. « Le partenariat Euromed : contribution à l'étude du soft-power de l'Union Européenne ». Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0433/document.

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Cette thèse étudie la contribution assez complexe du partenariat euro-méditerranéen au soft powerde l’UE. Nous avons procédé à l’examen de l’articulation entre les objectifs, les instruments, lesprogrammes, les accords et l’efficacité de l’action de l’Euromed. Il ne s’agit pas d’évaluer lepartenariat en tant que tel mais plutôt son utilisation par l’Union européenne comme instrument desoft power pour instaurer une démocratie libérale dans les pays sud-méditerranéens. Les quatreaspects fondamentaux de la démocratie libérale ont été donc examinés. Dans le domaineéconomique, il y eu des améliorations économiques dans les pays sud-méditerranéens del’Euromed, surtout par la mise en oeuvre de réformes économiques et institutionnelles, mais la zonede libre-échange prévue pour 2010 n’a pas été établie. L’intégration régionale et internationale, deces pays partenaires a connu des avancées qui demeurent encore modestes. La promotion de labonne gouvernance occupe une place centrale au sein des objectifs politiques du Partenariat.Ciblant principalement le renforcement des capacités des institutions et l’indépendance du systèmejudiciaire, les efforts menés dans le cadre de l’Euromed ont apporté une amélioration globale, maisinsuffisante, de la bonne gouvernance dans les pays sud-méditerranéens. Les actions menées dansle cadre du partenariat sur le terrain des droits de l’Homme ont mis surtout l’accent sur les questionsde sécurité, de la lutte antiterroriste et du contrôle des migrations, tandis que les questions relativesaux droits de l’Homme et à la démocratisation étaient plus ou moins passées sous silence. Mêmel’action civile est insuffisamment renforcée
This thesis studies the rather complex contribution of the Euro-Mediterraneanpartnership to the EU’s soft power. We have examined the link between the objectives,instruments, programs, agreements and effectiveness of the euro-Mediterraneanpartnership’s action. It is not a matter of evaluating the partnership as such but rather itsuse by the European Union as a soft power instrument to establish liberal democracy inthe South Mediterranean countries. The four fundamental aspects of liberal democracywere therefore examined. In the economic field, there have been economicimprovements in the southern Mediterranean countries, mainly through theimplementation of economic and institutional reforms, but the free trade areaanticipated for 2010 was not established. The regional and international integration ofthese partner countries has made some progress that remains however modest. Thepromotion of good governance is central to the political objectives of the Partnership.Focusing mainly on institutional capacity building and the independence of the judicialsystem, Euromed efforts have brought about a global but insufficient improvement ingood governance in the southern Mediterranean countries. Actions in the framework ofthe Human Rights Partnership have focused on security issues, counter-terrorism andmigration control, while human rights issues and democratization were more or lessignored. Even civil action is not sufficiently strengthened

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Noordijk, Peter Andrew. « Building Bridges with Social Capital in the European Union ». PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1091.

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A culture of accommodation and tolerance is a necessary part of establishing and preserving a functional multi-national and multi-ethnic European Union. Civil society organizations and their associated social capital have been shown to foster civic capacity and achievement of public policy goals. However, social capital that is based on group identity can also contribute to a sense of intolerance towards out-groups, undermining the stated tolerance objectives of the social pillar of the European Union. States with a strong presence alongside civil society are expected to be curb the development of the exclusionary bonding form of social capital in favor of bridging social capital which will improve progress toward policy goals. This study tests the link between government capacity, social capital and tolerance using data from the 1990-2009 waves of the World Values Survey and European Values Study. Using path analysis and multi-level models of the relationships between political capacity, social capital and intolerance, the model establishes that government capacity enhances bridging social capital and which increases social tolerance. The study fills a gap in understanding how government capacity and policy can result in improved social capital even with greater diversity. A proposed relationship between political capacity and bonding forms of social capital was not supported.

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Bribosia, Emmanuelle. « La protection des droits fondamentaux dans l'ordre juridique communautaire : le poids respectif des logiques fonctionnelle et autonome dans le cadre normatif et jurisprudentiel ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211769.

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Lindfelt, Mats. « Fundamental rights in the European Union - towards higher law of the land ? a study of the status of fundamental rights in a broader constitutional setting / ». Åbo : Åbo Akademi University Press [etc.], 2007. https://oa.doria.fi/bitstream/handle/10024/4235/LindfeltMats.pdf?sequence=1.

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COURELL, Ann Marie. « The friendly settlement procedure under the European convention on human rights ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7026.

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Defence date: 30 March 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Philip Alston (European University Institute) ; Prof. Francesco Francioni (European University Institute) ; Prof. Olivier de Schutter (University of Louvain) ; Prof. Kevin Boyle (University of Essex Colchester)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses

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Lampe, Kirsten. « Human rights in the context of EU foreign policy and enlargement / ». Baden-Baden : Nomos Verl.-Ges, 2007. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0711/2007297476.html.

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Sule, Attila. « The European Union in peace operations : limits of policy-making and military implementation ». Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1061.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
The 1992 European Union (EU) Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP, Maastricht Treaty) marked a turning point in the trans-Atlantic relationship. The Balkan conflicts and broader political changes in the 1990s compelled the EU to assume more responsibility in peace operations. The EU's 60,000 strong Rapid Reaction Force (RRF) is planned to be operational in 2003. Will the EU be able to conduct Petersberg-type peace operations? This thesis analyzes policy and military shortfalls of the Balkan peacekeeping effort. Questions about the legitimacy of armed humanitarian interventions, about difficulties in common policy formulation and translation to sound military objectives are the core problems of civil-military relations in European peace operations. The case studies focus on the EU failure to resolve the Bosnian crises between 1992-95, and on the gaps between NATO policies and military objectives in the operations of 'Implementation Force' in Bosnia and 'Allied Force' in Kosovo. The thesis considers developments in EU CFSP institutions and EU-NATO relationship as well as the EU's response to terrorist attacks on September 11 2001. The thesis argues that the difficulty in EU CFSP formulation limits the effective use of RRF in military operations.
Major, Hungarian Army

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Jovanović, Marija. « Human trafficking, human rights and the right to be free from slavery, servitude and forced labour ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:438dfa89-492c-4882-b882-8f21a0f60e9e.

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The thesis engages with a dynamic discourse on the human rights approach to human trafficking. Building on the traditional doctrine of human rights, the thesis demonstrates that human trafficking is not a human rights violation, save for a state involvement in it, either directly or through a failure to observe its positive obligations imposed by the existent human rights. In situations that do engage human rights law, the thesis defends an argument that conceptually, human trafficking falls within a domain of the right to be free from slavery, servitude and forced labour. This argument is grounded in both a doctrinal and a conceptual analysis. In particular, the thesis conducts a unique conceptual and legal analysis of Article 4 of the European Convention of Human Rights offering an original interpretation of the concept of exploitation in the context of practices associated with trafficking and 'modern slavery'. This type of inquiry is missing in the existent scholarship. The thesis also conducts a detailed analysis of the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights on positive obligations to protect vulnerable individuals arising out of 'absolute' rights. In addition to providing a complete analysis and classification of these positive obligations, the thesis draws attention to the important difference between the scope of the right and the scope of state responsibility in situations of private infringements of 'absolute' rights. Accordingly, the thesis demonstrates that whereas the prohibition contained in these rights is absolute for the state, positive obligations in situations of their infringements by private individuals are of a limited scope. The analysis of the jurisprudence of the Strasbourg Court is supplemented by a comprehensive discussion of the obligations established in the trafficking-specific instruments. The thesis explains how victim protection provisions contained in these instruments may inform human rights obligations, yet, it demonstrates that these do not represent such obligations on their own. This analysis provides a roadmap for practitioners and activists when arguing cases before the Strasbourg Court and domestically. In addition to this practical dimension, the thesis intends to provide an important contribution to the scholarship on human rights law, and on human trafficking specifically.

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Fernández, Salas José Carlos. « Rights in rem in Europe ». THĒMIS-Revista de Derecho, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/108245.

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The study of rights in rem from an internal perspective of our national legal system is notan easy task. For that purpose, a comparativestudy of the international juridical systems canserve as both a solution and an instrument tobring forward new and innovative knowledge related to those rights.The author perceives that fundamental to notice the importance that the international character of rights in rem has acquired through time. He does, therefore, a comparative study between different rights in rem regimes in countries such as France, Germany and England. These countries are all part of the European Union, with whom Peru has signed a Free Trade Agreement.
El estudio de los derechos reales desde una perspectiva interna del ordenamiento peruano es una labor complicada. Por ello, un análisis de los distintos sistemas jurídicos internacionales podría tanto facilitar esta labor cuanto aportar conocimientos innovadores sobre el tema.Para el autor, será fundamental notar la importancia que ha ido ganando el carácter internacional de los derechos reales. Por ello, realiza un estudio comparativo entre distintos regímenes de derechos reales en países tales como Francia, Alemania e Inglaterra. Estos pertenecen a la Unión Europea, con la cual el Perú ha suscrito un Tratado de Libre Comercio.

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Van, Hedel Johanna Henrïette. « Towards a European ius commune - what lessons can we learn from Quebec's mixed legal system ? » Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=82673.

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We are witness today, within a context of an increasingly integrated European Union, to the making of a new common legal order which is that of the European Community. This new ius commune Europaeum will have to be based on legal foundations that can be adhered to by all member states. In this perspective, it is indispensable to investigate whether domestic legal systems of the member states are able to adopt legal concepts of other member states without undermining their cohesive natures. Only then will it be possible to build the emerging ius commune on a conceptual legal framework, which is not to be perceived as a Fremdkorper in the participating states. The present thesis analyzes how Quebec's civilian jurisdiction adopted the common law concepts of the trust and unconscionability, in order to answer the question whether, and if so how, European civil law jurisdictions may adopt common legal concepts and yet remain cohesive.

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Gurkan, Seda. « The impact of the European Union on turkish foreign policy during the pre-accession process to the European Union, 1997-2005 : à la carte Europeanisation ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209295.

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The dissertation is about the impact of the European Union (EU) on the foreign policy of a candidate in the pre-accession period. More specifically, the research analyses the factors and processes that intervene between the EU power to generate change in Turkish foreign policy and Turkish national compliance with the EU conditions between 1997 and 2005 by way of analysing three cases: Turkish foreign policy towards Cyprus issue, Greek-Turkish bilateral problems in the Aegean Sea; and Turkey’s stance vis-à-vis the launch of the ESDP. Main question the research addresses is “why does a candidate choose to comply (or fail to comply) with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” In other words: “How (through what mechanisms) does the EU generate compliance with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” The dissertation approaches these questions through the perspective of the Europeanization literature and its conditionality school drawing on the Rational Choice Institutionalism. In accordance with this rationalist account, main argument the doctoral research intends to prove is that “the EU’s adaptational pressure on Turkey (operationalized as a function of clear/attainable membership perspective and credible conditionality policy) is a necessary yet not a sufficient condition for domestic compliance in foreign policy if the cost of compliance is high for the target government. In this respect, domestic actors’ strategic calculation is the ultimate determinant of the compliance degrees at the domestic level. In order to prove this core hypothesis, the research used theory testing process-tracing, longitudinal comparison of cases, counter-factual reasoning and the use of a control case. The evidence for testing the argument comes from the measurement of conditionality (measured as the linkage between a given foreign policy condition and membership-related reward) and domestic compliance (measured as foreign policy output ranging from rhetorical to behavioural change) through the content analysis of primary documents. This analysis is complemented with 33 semi-structured elite interviews. The dissertation by proving that the EU’s transformative power in foreign policy works through the cost and benefit calculation of the ruling party and by elaborating on the conditions under which the EU can interfere with this rational calculus (hence modify the opportunity structure for the target government), advances our understanding of the EU’s transformative power and contributes to the Accession Europeanization literature in general. Furthermore, the study provides additional empirical as well as theoretical in-depth case knowledge to the available literature on the Europeanization of Turkey and Turkish foreign policy.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Cruickshank, Neil A. « Power, civil society and contentious politics in post communist Europe ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/559.

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This dissertation examines how contentious collective action in two post communist states, Poland and the Czech Republic, has broadened to include European and international actors. It identifies the emergence of new opportunities for contention brought about by recent episodes of institutional change, specifically EU accession, and questions how they benefit materially or politically weak NGOs. With the intention of determining how three interrelated processes, democratization, Europeanization and internationalization, affect the nature and scope of contentious politics, this dissertation carries out an investigation of several concrete episodes of political mobilization and contention. As shown these 'contentious events' involved a myriad of national, European and international actors, mobilizing to challenge national policy. Data from NGO questionnaires, interviews and newswire/newspaper archives are used to discern the nature and scope of contentious collective action. This dissertation assesses the extent to which transnationalization of advocacy politics has disrupted existing power arrangements at the national level between NGOs and government. Hypothesizing that European Union accession in 2004 changed the nature and scope of contentious collective action in post communist Europe, this dissertation undertakes a comparative empirical examination of three sectors, environment, women and Roma, and twenty-nine representative NGOs. My research identifies three important developments in the Polish and Czech nonprofit sector: first, European advocacy networks and institutions are helping national NGOs overcome power disparities at the national level; second, issues once confined to national political space have acquired a European dimension, and; third, despite Europeanization, a few notable policy issues (i.e. reproductive rights, nuclear energy and domestic violence) remain firmly under national jurisdiction. This dissertation contributes to existing collective action/post communist scholarship in three ways. It applies established theories of contention/collective action to several recent episodes of political mobilization; it confirms that post accession institutional change does offer new political opportunity structures to national NGOs, and finally; it presents new empirical research on post communist collective action.

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Breindl, Yana. « Hacking the law : an analysis of internet-based campaigning on digital rights in the European Union ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209836.

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Digital rights activism constitutes an exemplary case of how internet affordances can be mobilised to engender political change. The values and principles stemming from the hacker imaginaire, and free and open source software practices, underpin digital rights activism, which uses the internet as a tool, object and platform for the protection of rights in the digital realm. The analysis focuses on how digital rights activists use and adapt the political affordances of the internet to intervene in European Union policy-making. Two original case studies of internet-based campaigning at the European level (the “No Software Patents” and the “Telecoms package” campaigns) provide in-depth insight into the campaigning processes and their impact upon parliamentary politics. The cases highlight the complementarity of online and offline collective action, by examining processes of open collaboration, information disclosure and internet-assisted lobbying. The success of the “Telecoms package” campaign is then assessed, along with the perspective of the targets: members and staff of the European Parliament.

The belief in values of freedom, decentralisation, openness, creativity and progress inspires a particular type of activism, which promotes autonomy, participation and efficiency. The empirical evidence suggests that this set of principles can, at times, conflict with practices observed in the field. This has to do with the particular opportunity structure of the European Union and the characteristics of the movement. The EU favours functional integration of civil society actors who are expected to contribute technical and/or legal expertise. This configuration challenges internet-based protest networks that rely on highly independent and fluctuating engagement, and suffer from a lack of diversity and cohesion. The internet does not solve all obstacles to collective action. It provides, however, a networked infrastructure and tools for organising, coordinating and campaigning. Online and offline actions are not only supportive of each other. Internet-based campaigning can be successful once it reaches out beyond the internet, and penetrates the corridors of political institutions.

Doctorat en Information et communication
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Albuquerque, Joao Manuel Nunes Lemos de. « A convencao Europeia dos direitos do homem como fonte de direito comunitario : excurso sobre a jurisprudencia do Tribunal de Justica das Comunidades Europeias ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2000. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1637067.

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Mander, Kirsten Jane. « Applying the analytical framework of cosmopolitanism as a model of democracy ; how can civil society help further the democratic quality of European Union governance (the case of Spain 2012) ? » Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/8309.

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As the European Year of Citizens (2013) dawns, the European Union (EU) finds itself at a crossroads. One of the largest international organisations in the world, it has built a reputation as an international community model and democratic figure judged in the context of a multi-level system. However, the EU has recently departed from both roles, as its economic practices suffer dramatically from a lack of political pressure and regulation. The EU now faces an uncertain future: should it break apart or move forward with deeper integration and a “more Europe” attitude? In contrast to public and scholarly concern, this thesis does not treat the crisis as abstract evidence of a structural democracy deficit. This thesis instead attempts to draw attention to the point of departure, the European citizen, and a social cleavage that can be easily addressed despite ongoing economic insecurity. In this sense, this thesis differs from current academic thought in that it focuses less on understanding how democracy can be achieved and more on understanding how democracy, which already exists, can be enhanced. This paper looks at how two discourses identified in the literature (civil society and cosmopolitanism) could be combined in a governance framework that would support the EU to become a civilian power. It will complete this investigation through the use of case studies on two civil society organisations based in Spain and primary data collected from within the European Parliament (EP). The case studies will be used to understand how local civil society can improve the democratic quality of EU governance whilst meeting individuals’ needs and rights. This paper will conclude that, in the case of Spain 2012, local civil society creates three core conditions for active citizen participation that the EU can benefit from, despite the challenging environment surrounding it.

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Zhang, Chenchen. « Territory, rights and mobility : theorising the citizenship/migration nexus in the context of europeanisation ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209346.

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The overarching objective of this dissertation is to conceptualise the spatiality of citizenship through an exposure to its various others – especially to mobile subjectivity. In particular, it examines the changing patterns of territorialising space, distributing rights and regulating mobility in the intertwined politics of citizenship and that of migration in the EU. Building on the approach of critical citizenship studies, it assumes that the practices and discourses of othering have been constituent of the very foundation of modern citizenship, and understands citizenship at the interface between the governing structure and the acts of the governed that rupture, resist or appropriate it. In this framework, the thesis first of all looks at the spatial configurations of national citizenship by analysing the trajectories in which the interrelated concepts of territory, rights and mobility participate, and are reshaped, in the project of making the citizen and her various others.

The main part of the thesis investigates the ways in which the interrelations between these spatial dimensions of citizenship are reconfigured in a multiplied citizenship-migration nexus under the process of Europeanisation. It first looks at two different notions of territory – a statist one and a networked one – that are visible in the official discourses, yet it highlights the fact that the technologies that are supposed to produce each type of territoriality often converge. Thus I read the politics of Eurostar and the Channel Tunnel project as one that involves competing patterns of territoriality and manifests the dynamics between facilitated and obstructed mobilities at a moving border. However, the permeability of this border is partly enabled by the uneven and ambiguous configurations of Schengenland itself, and draws attention to the excessive forms of mobility that challenge and break with the official formulation of free movement rights. Thus we turn to the intricate relationship between mobility and citizenship in Europe following our dialogical approach: focusing on the rationalities implied in the government of free movement on one hand, and the paths through which to redefine the right to mobility on the other. In the light of Rancière’s reconceptualisation of rights and democracy, I present two examples each employing different strategies to politicise and mobilise mobility: one is through appealing to the universal, the other legitimating the particular. The politics of mobility is also seen as an endeavour of producing alternative spaces against the territorialised state-centric space to which the imagination of citizenship is usually limited. In discussing a possible global ethics, however, I argue that the dynamics between rights and citizenship are not bound to an emancipatory end. While the juridical system of differentiated rights is constantly challenged by those who claim that they have the rights they are denied to, once the ‘achievements’ of rights-claims are re-appropriated in the juridico-political form of citizenship, this form continues to reproduce boundaries and differential inclusions which shall again be contested. A self-critical global ethics therefore should be conscious about the imperfectability of citizenship and the impossibility of community.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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Fahlbusch, Markus. « European integration in the field of human rights protection : the interaction on the basis of different constitutional cultures ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209162.

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The present thesis suggests that judicial interaction can benefit constructive solutions of concrete human rights problems as a specific way of integrating European human rights protection. This affirmation is substantiated by case studies examining the interaction of the European Court of Human Rights with the UK House of Lords and Supreme Court on the one hand and with the German Federal Constitutional Court on the other. Yet, the manner in which the courts proceed in their interaction, notably in view of their potentially conflictual stances, can deflect from the concentration on constructively solving the substantive human rights problem with which the courts are confronted. Accordingly, the courts might be inclined to preserve the status quo of their initial positions and to resort to a mere compromise between the different interests involved.

This thesis identifies two major factors in the courts’ reasoning that inhibit the fruitful discussion of the substantive human rights questions brought up by the cases: the reference to “culture” and the focus on their institutional relationship with the balancing of possibly conflicting interests. By way of analysing practical cases against a legal- and political-theoretical backdrop, this work develops how these two factors contribute to the obstruction of a constructive interaction between the courts and to the shielding of controversial views from being discussed and challenged. In response, also by reference to the concrete practice of the courts, this thesis puts forward an approach to the interaction which avoids this inhibiting effect and therefore allows for a comprehensive, deep and critical discussion on how to solve the specific human rights problems raised by the cases./La présente thèse soutient que l’interaction judiciaire peut bénéficier à des solutions constructives des problèmes concrets de droits de l’homme comme une forme spécifique d’intégration de la protection européenne des droits de l’homme. Cette affirmation est corroborée par des études de cas qui examinent l’interaction de la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme avec la House of Lords et la Cour suprême du Royaume-Uni d’un côté et avec la Cour constitutionnelle fédérale de l’Allemagne de l’autre. Pourtant, la manière dont les cours procèdent dans leur interaction, notamment au vu de leurs points de vue potentiellement conflictuels, peut détourner l’attention de la solution constructive des problèmes substantiels des droits de l’homme auxquels les cours font face. En conséquence, il se peut que les cours soient susceptibles de préserver le statu quo de leurs positions initiales et d’avoir recours à un simple compromis entre les différents intérêts en cause.

Cette thèse identifie deux facteurs majeurs dans le raisonnement des cours qui entravent la discussion fructueuse des questions substantielles soulevées par les cas :la référence à la « culture » et la concentration sur leur relation institutionnelle avec le balancement des intérêts possiblement conflictuels. Au moyen de l’analyse des cas pratiques sur le fond de la théorie juridique et politique, ce travail fait ressortir comment ces deux facteurs contribuent à l’obstruction d’une interaction constructive entre les cours et à la protection des opinions controversées contre leur discussion et défi. En réponse, également en se fondant sur la pratique concrète des cours, cette thèse avance une approche quant à l’interaction qui évite cet effet inhibant et, par conséquent, permet une discussion complète, profonde et critique de comment résoudre les problèmes spécifiques de droits de l’homme posés par les cas.

Doctorat en Sciences juridiques
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Penwarden, Mia. « Suur druiwe ? Wyn, die TDCA en Suid-Afrika ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53076.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In October 1999 South Africa and the European Union (EU) signed a free trade agreement, the Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA), which came into effect on 1 January 2000. The TDCA was developed to enhance bilateral trade, economic-, political- and social cooperation and consists of three components - the creation of a Free Trade Area between South-Africa and the EU, EU financial aid to South Africa through the European Programme for Reconstruction and Development (EPRD), and project aid. However, the EU, in an effort to secure the best possible deal for itself, often behave in its own interests (through the manipulation of the Wine and Spirits Agreement) during the negotiations for the TDCA. The goal of this study was to establish what exactly trademarks are, and what implications the EU's protection of intellectual property rights on wine and spirits trademarks will have on i) the South African wine industry, ii) whether South Africa could have exercised another option, iii) whether this action has created a precedent with which the EU can, in future, again force South Africa or any of its other developing trade partners to make concessions, and iv) who gains the most from the TDCA. The concludes that the EU, through the manipulation of the Wine and Spirits Agreement, left South Africa with no choice by to concede the use of the contested trademarks - something that has already taken its toll on the South African wine industry - in order to save the TDCA. This action created a precedent that the EU will, in future, again be in a position to threaten developing countries with the termination of an agreement should they fail to comply with its demands. Finally, the conclusion is made that even though the TDCA was created to assist South Africa with its reintegration into the world market, it will ultimately be the EU that benefits most from the agreement.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika en die Europese Unie (EU) het in Oktober 1999 In vryehandelsooreenkoms, die Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) onderteken, wat op 1 Januarie 2000 in werking getree het. Die TDCA is ontwerp om bilaterale handel-, ekonomiese-, politieke- en sosiale samewerking te bevorder en bestaan uit drie komponente, naamlik die skep van 'n vryehandelgebied tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika; finansiele steun deur die EU aan Suid-Afrika onder die European Programme for Reconstruction and Development (EPRD) en projekhulp. Die EU het egter dikwels in eiebelang opgetree (deur middel van die manipulasie van die Wyn- en Spiritus Ooreenkoms) tydens die onderhandelingsproses in 'n poging om die beste moontlike ooreenkoms vir homself te beding. Die doel van hierdie studie was om te bepaal wat presies handelsmerke is, en watter implikasies die EU se beskerming van intellektuele eiendomsregte aangaande wyn- en spiritushandelsmerke op i) die Suid-Afrikaanse wynbedryf sal he, ii) of Suid-Afrika 'n ander opsie kon uitoefen, iii) of hierdie aksie In presedent geskep het waarmee die EU Suid-Afrika of enige van sy ander ontwikkelende handelsvennote in die toekoms weer sal kan dwing om toegewings te maak, en iv) wie die meeste baat vind by die TDCA. Die studie het tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die EU deur die manipulasie van die Wyn- en Spiritus Ooreenkoms aan Suid-Afrika geen keuse gegee het nie as om die gebruik van die betwiste handelsmerke op te se - iets wat reeds die Suid-Afrikaanse wynbedryf geknou het - in 'n poging om die TDCA te behou. Hierdie optrede skep 'n presedent dat die EU voortaan in onderhandelings met ander ontwikkelende state weer kan dreig om die hele ooreenkoms te verongeluk indien daar nie aan sy eise voldoen word nie. In die laaste instansie is daar tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat, alhoewel die TDCA daarop gemik was om Suid-Afrika te help met sy herintegrasie tot die wereldmark, dit uiteindelik die EU is wat die meeste daarby gaan baat.

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Juma, Nyabinda Richard. « An Inquiry into the Compatibility of the Demo-Conditionality with State Sovereignty in International law : With Special Focus on The European Union and the African, the Caribbean and the Pacific Countries Relations ». Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-136109.

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This study examines the issue of compatibility of demo-conditionality with state sovereignty in international law. From a practical perspective, it examines the state of the science with respect to the enforcement of demo-conditionality, in the context of the unique relationship between the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. The practicality of any argument declaring certain norms to be compatible with state sovereignty rests on an assumption that it is possible to distinguish which norms are compatible from those which are not. The validity of such an assumption depends on whether a universal workable test with which to draw this distinction, and its accompanying requirements, has been or can be developed. Therefore, the starting point of this study is to investigate whether such a universal test exists, and if so, what its requirements are. The author reaches a legally appropriate conclusion as to which norms are compatible with the principle of state sovereignty and which not in the international legal system. Thereafter, an investigation is undertaken with regard to the legal premises invoked to justify the compatibility of the demo-conditionality with state sovereignty. To this end, two levels of analysis (also referred to here as two paths) are followed. The first level of investigation concerns the proposition for demo-conditionality’s being premised upon adherence to new treaty obligations governing the parties’ observance of democratic norms. In this context, the examination focuses on Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 as the relevant provision. Other single-issue human rights instruments are also examined to establish whether they compliment Article 25. The second level of investigation explores the possibility for demo-conditionality's compatibility being premised upon obligations of State parties, which arise from the various development co-operation instruments adopted over the years. Here, emphasis is placed upon the question of whether or not these instruments advocate the inclusion of demo-conditionality in development co-operation between donors and recipients of aid. This study ultimately reaches a legally appropriate conclusion, at both levels of analysis, concerning demo-conditionality's compatibility with the principle of state sovereignty. At this juncture, a recommendation is made as to which of the two paths is the legally safer one for the pursuit of the demo-conditionality in development co-operation. On the question of what constitutes a more successful international approach to the establishment of democratic governments in the South, this study has undertaken a comparative analysis, making suggestions with respect to two models: the "Enforcement Model", based upon coercive enforcement measures, and the "Managerial Model", based upon an approach of co-operative dialogue. Finally, the study examines the state of the science with respect to enforcement of demo-conditionality, with a focus on the special relationships between the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. This is designed to provide a degree of insight into the practical aspects associated with the enforcement of demo-conditionality.

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Cebulak, Pola. « Judicial activism of the Court of Justice of the EU in the pluralist architecture of global law ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209172.

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Judicial activism implies a hidden politicization of the Court. The legal arguments and the methods used by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) might seem coherent. However, an inquiry into judicial activism means looking beyond the legal reasoning of the Court and trying to “connect the dots” of an alternative narrative that can explain the Court’s long-term approach to certain issues. In the case of judicial activism of the CJEU in the case-law concerning public international law, the veil for the politicization of the Court is provided by the pluralist architecture of global law. The heterarchical structure of relations among legal orders in the international arena activates the CJEU as an actor of global governance. Simultaneously, it results in the Court adopting a rather internal and defensive approach, undermining legal security.

Judicial activism of the CJEU finds its particular expressions in the case-law concerning public international law. The pro-integrationist tendency of the CJEU often raised in the literature concerning the Court’s role in the process of EU integration, translates into a substantial and an institutional dimension of judicial activism. The substantial articulation of judicial activism in the case-law concerning international law is the Court’s emphasis on the autonomy of the EU legal order. This internal perspective is adopted not only for virtuous reasons, but also in defense of definitely not universal European interests. The institutional dimension refers to the Court’s position within the EU structure of governance. The case-law concerning international law is marked by a close alignment with the European Commission and the integration of the EU goals in external relations. Moreover, the pluralist veil can cover the extent to which the Court’s decisions concerning international law are influenced by considerations completely internal to the EU.

In my analysis I proceed in three steps that are reflected in three chapters of the thesis. There is no clear and prevalent definition of judicial activism, but instead rather multiple possibilities of approaching the concept. While the general intend of the research project is to critically reflect on the concept of judicial activism of the highest courts within a legal order, the particular focus will be on the CJEU dealing with international law. I proceed in three steps. First, I assess different understandings of the role of the judge and the concept of judicial activism in legal literature in view of ascertaining the relevance of the debate and distilling some general components of a possible definition. Secondly, I identify the factors particular for the position of the CJEU within the EU legal order and with regard to international law. The particular characteristics of the CJEU result in a limited applicability of the general definitions of judicial activism. Finally, I analyze the case-law in view of identifying examples as well as counter-examples of the particular symptoms/attributes. Because judicial activism broadens the scope of the factors guiding judicial decision-making, it enables us to better understand the contingencies in the Court´s jurisprudence.
Doctorat en Sciences juridiques
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Volz, Eckehard. « The trade, development and cooperation agreement between the Republic of South Africa and the European Union : an analysis with special regard to the negotiating process, the contents of the agreement, the applicability of WTO law and the Port and Sherry Agreement ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52582.

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Thesis (LLM)--University of Stellenbosch, 1999.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis deals with the Trade, Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA) between the European Union and the Republic of South Africa, which was concluded in October 1999. In particular, the agreement is analysed in the light of the negotiating process between the parties, the contents of the agreement, the applicability of WTO law and the compatibility of the agreement with it and the Port and Sherry Agreement. Since the EU emphasised its aim to commence economic and development cooperation with other African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries on a reciprocal basis during the negotiations for a successor of the Lomé Convention, the TDCA between the EU and South Africa had to be seen as a "pilot project" for future cooperation agreements between countries at different levels of development. The TDCA between the EU and South Africa is therefore not only very important for the two concerned parties, but could serve as an example for further negotiations between the EU and other ACP countries. Thus the purpose of this thesis is to examine the TDCA between the EU and South Africa from a wider global perspective. The thesis is divided into six Chapters: The first Chapter provides an introduction to the circumstances under which the negotiations between the EU and South Africa commenced. It deals briefly with the economic situation in South Africa during the apartheid era and presents reasons why the parties wanted to enter into bilateral negotiations. The introductory part furthermore presents an overview of the contents of the thesis. The second chapter contains a detailed description of the negotiating process that took place between the parties and shows why it took 43 months and 21 rounds of negotiations to reach a deal. South Africa's partial accession to the Lomé Convention and the conclusion of separate agreements such as the Wine and Spirits Agreement, are also analysed. Chapter three presents the various components of the TOCA and illustrates what the negotiators achieved. This chapter on the TOCA concludes with an evaluation of the Agreement and shows the potential benefits to South Africa and the EU. Since the Agreement had to satisfy international rules, the provisions of the General Agreement on Tariffs and TradelWorld Trade Organisation (GATTIWTO) were of major importance. The EC Treaty, however, does not contain any provision that indicates whether, or how, an international agreement like the GATTIWTO penetrates the Community legal order. In Chapter four, accordingly, questions are raised regarding the extent to which the bilateral agreement between South Africa and the EU was influenced by the GATTIWTO provisions and how these rules were incorporated into the agreement. Furthermore, since the parties agreed on the establishment of a free trade area, this chapter deals with the question of in how far the TOCA is in line with Article XXIV GATT. In addition to the GATT provisions, the TOCA is also affected by the Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs). Therefore Chapter five deals with TRIPs in connection with the TOCA. The use of the terms "Port" and "Sherry" as the major stumbling block to the conclusion of the TOCA is analysed more closely. The final part, namely Chapter six, provides a summary of the results of the investigation. Furthermore, a conclusion is provided with regard to the question of whether the TOeA can be seen as an example for further trade relations between the EU and other ACP countries.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is gerig op die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms (TDGA) tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en die Republiek van Suid Afrika wat in Oktober 1999 gesluit is. Die ooreenkoms word veral in die lig van die onderhandelingsproses tussen die partye, die inhoud van die ooreenkoms, die toepaslikheid van Wêreldhandelsorganisasiereg en die versoenbaarheid daarvan met die ooreenkoms en die Port en Sjerrie-ooreenkoms ontleed. Aangesien die EU sy oogmerk van wederkerige ekonomiese en ontwikkelings-gerigte samewerking met ander lande in Afrika en die Karibiese en Stille Oseaan-Eilande gedurende die onderhandelings vir 'n opvolger van die Lomé Konvensie beklemtoon het, moes die ooreenkoms tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika as 'n "loodsprojek" vir toekomstige samewerkingsooreenkomste tussen lande wat op verskillende vlakke van onwikkeling is, gesien word. Die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika is dus nie net baie belangrik vir die betrokke partye nie, maar dit kan ook as 'n voorbeeld vir verdere onderhandelings tussen die EU en lande van Afrika en die Karibiese- en Stille Oseaan-Eilande dien. Die doel van dié tesis is om die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewekingsooreenkoms tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika vanuit 'n meer globale perspektief te beskou. Die tesis is in ses Hoofstukke ingedeel: Die eerste hoofstuk bied 'n inleiding tot die omstandighede waaronder die onderhandelings tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika begin het. Dit behandel die Suid- Afrikaanse ekonomiese situasie onder apartheid kortliks en toon hoekom die partye tweesydige onderhandelings wou aanknoop. Verder bied die inleidende deel 'n oorsig oor die inhoud van die tesis. Die tweede hoofstuk bevat 'n gedetailleerde beskrywing van die onderhandelingsproses wat tussen die partye plaasgevind het en toon aan waarom dit drie-en-veertig maande geduur het en een-en-twintig onderhandelingsrondtes gekos het om die saak te beklink. Suid-Afrika se gedeeltelike toetrede tot die Lomé Konvensie en die sluit van aparte ooreenkomste soos die Port- en Sjerrieooreenkoms word ook ontleed. Die daaropvolgende hoofstuk bespreek die verskillende komponente van die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms en toon wat die onderhandelaars bereik het. Hierdie hoofstuk oor die Ooreenkoms sluit af met 'n evaluering daarvan en dui die potensiële voordele van die Ooreenkoms vir Suid- Afrika en die EU aan. Aangesien die Ooreenkoms internasionale reëls moes tevrede stel, was die voorskrifte van die Algemene Ooreenkoms oor Tariewe en Handel (GATT) van uiterste belang. Die EG-verdrag bevat egter geen voorskrif wat aandui óf, of hoé, 'n internasionale ooreenkoms soos GATTNVTO die regsorde van die Europese Gemeenskap binnedring nie. Die vraag oor in hoeverre die tweesydige ooreenkoms tussen Suid-Afrika en die EU deur die GATTIWTO voorskrifte beïnvloed is, en oor hoe hierdie reëls in die ooreenkoms opgeneem is, word dus in Hoofstuk vier aangeraak. Aangesien die partye ooreengekom het om 'n vrye handeisarea tot stand te bring, behandel hierdie hoofstuk ook die vraag oor in hoeverre die TOGA met Artikel XXIV GATT strook. Tesame met die GATT-voorskrifte word die TOGA ook deur die Ooreenkoms ten opsigte van Handelsverwante Aspekte van Intellektuele Eiendomsreg (TRIPs) geraak. Hoofstuk vyf behandel daarom hierdie aspek ten opsigte van die TOGA. Die gebruik van die terme "Port" en "Sjerrie" as die vernaamste struikelblok tot die sluiting van die TOG-ooreenkoms word ook deegliker ontleed. Die laaste gedeelte, naamlik Hoofstuk ses, bied 'n opsomming van die resultate van die ondersoek. Verder word 'n gevolgtrekking voorsien ten opsigte van vraag of die TOGA as 'n voorbeeld vir verdere handelsverwantskappe tussen die EU en ander lande in Afrika en die Karibiese en Stille Oseaan-eilande beskou kan word.

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Gajic, Sandra. « Le jeu des négociations entre l'Union européenne et la Serbie : les critères politiques (2000-2018) ». Thesis, Bordeaux, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018BORD0463.

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La Serbie n’est certainement pas ce que l’on pourrait désigner comme étant un Etat typique de l’Europe centrale et du Sud-Est. Alliée fidèle de la Russie et de la Chine, elle a subi les plus longues sanctions internationales en Europe et des bombardements de l’OTAN en 1999. Depuis la chute du régime de Milošević en 2000, l’ « enfant terrible » du continent a vocation à adhérer à l’Union européenne, or la tendance n’est clairement pas à l’élargissement. Face aux nombreuses crises (économique, migratoire et démocratique), l’UE parait impuissante à plusieurs égards. Symbole pendant longtemps du développement, de la paix et de la démocratie, elle doit faire face à une perte d’attractivité ces dix dernières années. Toutefois, malgré les doutes de part et d’autre, Bruxelles ne peut pas se permettre de ne pas tendre la main à la Serbie qui a une place centrale dans les Balkans, de par son poids démographique et sa position géostratégique. Le 1er mars 2012, la Serbie a officiellement obtenu son statut de candidat à l’UE. En signant l’accord d’association et de stabilisation, Belgrade s’est engagé à aligner sa législation sur l’acquis communautaire et donc à effectuer de nombreuses réformes. Or, sur fond d’acculturation et de déculturation juridique, des voix s’élèvent contre les réformes en chaîne dans le seul but d’intégrer l’institution européenne. L’un des objectifs de cette thèse est d’éclairer la nature et l’avancée de ces réformes à travers les critères politiques, définis lors du Conseil européen de Copenhague en 1993. Elle étudie les difficultés que la Serbie partage avec tous les Etats du Sud-Est de l’Europe et les difficultés qui lui sont propres, tout en questionnant sur la nécessité et les conséquences de ces changements. L’étude des négociations entre Bruxelles et Belgrade est aussi l’occasion d’apporter un éclairage sur le fonctionnement de l’institution européenne et de constater les limites de l’ambigüité constructive chère à l’UE. Finalement, le comportement de l’Union européenne à l’extérieur de ses frontières est symptomatique de son comportement à l’intérieur
Serbia is certainly not a typical state of Central and Southeastern Europe. A loyal ally of Russia and China, it suffered the longest international sanctions in Europe and NATO bombings in 1999. Since the fall of the Milošević regime in 2000, the "enfant terrible" of the continent is destined to join the European Union. However, the trend is clearly not toward a enlargement. Facing multiple crises (economic, migratory and democratic), the EU seems powerless in many ways. Although the EU has been regarded as a symbol of development, peace and democracy, it has suffered a loss of attractiveness in the last ten years. However, despite doubts on both sides, Brussels cannot afford not to reach out to Serbia, which has a central position in the Balkans, because of its demographic weight and its geostrategic position. In March 2012 Serbia was granted EU candidate status. By signing the Stabilisation Agreement, Belgrade is committed to a gradual harmonization of legislation with the acquis of the European Communities and thus implement many reforms. However, in a context of legal acculturation and deculturation, some voices are rising to denounce a chain of reforms for the sole purpose of joining the European institution. One of our aims is to clarify the nature and progress of these reforms through the political criteria, defined at the Copenhagen European Council in 1993. We will hence study the difficulties that Serbia shares with all the states from Southeast Europe and its own problems, by questioning the necessity and consequences of these changes.The study of the negotiations between Brussels and Belgrade is also an opportunity to examine the functioning of the European institution and to note the limits of constructive ambiguity cherished by the EU. Finally, the behavior of the European Union outside its borders is symptomatic of its behavior inside

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Prebble, Zoë, et John Prebble. « Comparing the General Anti-avoidance Rule of Income Tax Law with the Civil Law Doctrine of Abuse of Law (Part II) ». IUS ET VERITAS, 2016. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/123114.

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This article compares and analyzes how member States of the European Union, the United States of America and the United Kingdom combat tax avoidance through its legal systems. The article addresses issues such as the influence of the Court of Justice of the European Union and the case Cadbury Schweppes in establishing anti-avoidance rules in member States of the European Union and the application of Business Purpose Doctrine in the United States of America and the United Kingdom.
El presente artículo compara y analiza la manera en que los Estados miembros de la Unión Europea, los Estados Unidos y el Reino Unido combaten la elusión tributaria a través de sus sistemas legales. El artículo aborda temas como la influencia del Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea y el caso Cadbury Schweppes en el establecimiento de normas antielusivas en los Estados miembros de la Unión Europea, y la aplicación de la doctrina de la simulación en los Estados Unidos y en el Reino Unido.

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Quevedo, González Josefina. « Investigación y prueba del ciberdelito ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/665611.

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Se examina en este trabajo la trascendencia que tiene el uso de internet en la aparición de nuevos delitos y de nuevas formas de comisión de los ilícitos tradicionales. A todos ellos se denomina ciberdelitos, cuya investigación y prueba exigen la adopción de especiales precauciones para evitar que se frustre la labor investigadora o se vulneren derechos fundamentales. Por ello, se estudian cuestiones básicas que suscitan los ciberdelitos como la competencia para conocer de los mismos, los conflictos de jurisdicción entre Estados, la cooperación internacional y los sujetos especializados en la investigación con especial referencia a los Equipos Conjuntos de Investigación así como a las obligaciones a las que vienen sujetas las empresas proveedoras de internet. Se analiza la regulación legal de las medidas de investigación tecnológica necesarias para la investigación del ciberdelito, en concreto: la obtención de 1 una IP, la identificación de terminales, de datos desvinculados de los procesos de comunicación, la orden de conservación de datos, la cesión de datos de tráfico, la interceptación de las comunicaciones telefónicas y telemáticas, el registro de dispositivos informáticos de almacenamiento masivo, el registro remoto de equipos, el agente encubierto informático y qué sucede con los hallazgos casuales descubiertos tras estas medidas. Asimismo, se detalla cómo han de practicarse estas medidas de investigación con todas las garantías para superar el juicio de licitud y el de fiabilidad y de esta manera servir de prueba ante los tribunales al igual que el resto de las pruebas informáticas. Por último, se dedica un capítulo a la valoración judicial de las pruebas informáticas según el principio de apreciación en conciencia contenido en el artículo 741 LECrim y la profusa jurisprudencia en la materia.
This paper examines the importance of the use of the Internet in the emergence of new crimes and new forms of commission of traditional illicit. All of them are called cybercrimes, whose investigation and proof require the adoption of special precautions to avoid the frustration of research or fundamental rights violations. For this reason, there is a study of basic issues that are raised by cybercrime, such as the judicial competence to learn about them, conflicts of jurisdiction between States, international cooperation and specialized researching subjects with special reference to Joint Investigation Teams as well as to the obligations to which the internet service providers (ISP) are subject. The legal regulation of the technological research measures necessary for the investigation of cybercrime is analyzed and, in particular: the obtaining of an IP, the identification of terminals, data unrelated to the communication processes, the data preservation order, the cession of traffic data, interception of telephone and telematic communications, search of mass storage devices, remote search of equipment, undercover agent and what happens with casual findings discovered after these measures. It is also detailed how these investigative measures should be practiced with all the guarantees to overcome the legal and reliability trial and thus serve as evidence in court as well as the rest of the computer evidence. Finally, a chapter is devoted to the judicial assessment of computer evidence according to the principle of appreciation in conscience contained in article 741 LECrim and the profuse jurisprudence in the matter.
S’examina en aquest treball la transcendència que té l’ús d’internet en la aparició de nous delictes i de noves formes de comissió dels il·lícits tradicionals. A tots ells se’ls anomena ciberdelictes, la investigació i prova dels quals exigeixen l’adopció d’especials precaucions per a evitar que es frustri la tasca investigadora o es vulnerin drets fonamentals. Per això, s’estudien qüestions bàsiques que susciten els ciberdelictes, com la competència per a conèixer d’aquests, els conflictes de jurisdicció entre Estats, la cooperació internacional i els subjectes especialitzats en la investigació amb especial referència als Equips Conjunts d’Investigació així com a les obligacions a que venen subjectes les empreses proveïdores d’internet. S’analitza la regulació legal de les mesures d’investigació tecnològica necessàries per a la investigació del ciberdelicte, en concret: l’obtenció d’una IP, la identificació de terminals, de dades desvinculades dels processos de comunicació, l’ordre de conservació de dades, la cessió de dades de tràfic, la intercepció de les comunicacions telefòniques i telemàtiques, el registre de dispositius informàtics d’emmagatzemat massiu, el registre remot d’equips, l’agent encobert informàtic i què succeeix amb les trobades casuals descobertes després d’aquestes mesures. Així mateix, es detalla com han de practicar-se aquestes mesures d’investigació amb totes les garanties per a superar el judici de licitud i el de fiabilitat i d’aquesta manera servir de prova davant dels tribunals a l’igual que la resta de les proves informàtiques. Per últim, es dedica un capítol a la valoració judicial de les proves informàtiques segons el principi d’apreciació en consciència contingut a l’art. 741 LECrim i la profusa jurisprudència en la matèria.

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BIANCHESSI, ANDREA. « COOPERAZIONE INTERNAZIONALE PER LO SVILUPPO : IL RUOLO DELLA SOCIETA' CIVILE NELLE POLITICHE DELLA BANCA MONDIALE E DELL'UNIONE EUROPEA ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/307.

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La presente tesi di dottorato valuta i rapporti tra le organizzazioni della società civile e le istituzioni internazionali nel sistema della cooperazione per lo sviluppo, attraverso l'analisi delle politiche della Banca Mondiale e dell'Unione Europea, che risultano gli attori multilaterali più rilevanti nell'allocazione e gestione dei finanziamenti dell'Aiuto Pubblico allo Sviluppo (APS). Nel quadro di relazioni cooperative-dialettiche, si verificano le funzioni degli interlocutori della società civile nel rapporto con le due organizzazioni internazionali e i livelli di partnership. Si analizzano alcuni nodi problematici come la valutazione della performance dei progetti delle organizzazioni della società civile (OSC), per verificarne il valore aggiunto; la dicotomia tra un approccio top-down e bottom-up nella pianificazione di processi di sviluppo locale; la rappresentatività e l'efficacia del contributo delle OSC alla global governance per lo sviluppo. Si presentano anche due casi empirici di progetti realizzati da una stessa OSC, finanziati dalle due istituzioni considerate, al fine di favorire, attraverso l'analisi “micro”, la comprensione di eventuali diversità rispetto al quadro teorico, alle procedure sul “ciclo di progetto” e ai rilevamenti quantitativi presentati. Complessivamente, emerge che la cooperazione tra OSC e le istituzioni internazionali ha maggiori benefici che costi e conduce ad una partnership win-win per entrambi.
The present PhD thesis considers the relationships between the organisations of civil society and the international institutions in development cooperation's system through the analysis of the World Bank's and the European Union's policies. In the frame of cooperative and dialectic relationships will be verified the functions of the interlocutors of the civil society in relationship with the two international organisations and levels of partnership. Some problematic knots will be analysed such as the evaluation of projects' performance of the organisations of the social society (OSC) in order to verify the added value; the dichotomy between a top-down and bottom-up approach in the process planning of the local development; the representation and effectiveness of the OSC's contribution to the global governance for development. Two empirical cases of projects realised by an OCE will be showed. These are financed by the two above considered institutions in order to favour, through a “micro” analysis, the comprehension of possible differences regard to the theoretical picture, to the procedures of the project cycle and to the quantitative showed survey. Altogether it appears that the cooperation between the OSC and the international institutions has more benefits than costs and leads to a win-win partnership.

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BIANCHESSI, ANDREA. « COOPERAZIONE INTERNAZIONALE PER LO SVILUPPO : IL RUOLO DELLA SOCIETA' CIVILE NELLE POLITICHE DELLA BANCA MONDIALE E DELL'UNIONE EUROPEA ». Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/307.

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La presente tesi di dottorato valuta i rapporti tra le organizzazioni della società civile e le istituzioni internazionali nel sistema della cooperazione per lo sviluppo, attraverso l'analisi delle politiche della Banca Mondiale e dell'Unione Europea, che risultano gli attori multilaterali più rilevanti nell'allocazione e gestione dei finanziamenti dell'Aiuto Pubblico allo Sviluppo (APS). Nel quadro di relazioni cooperative-dialettiche, si verificano le funzioni degli interlocutori della società civile nel rapporto con le due organizzazioni internazionali e i livelli di partnership. Si analizzano alcuni nodi problematici come la valutazione della performance dei progetti delle organizzazioni della società civile (OSC), per verificarne il valore aggiunto; la dicotomia tra un approccio top-down e bottom-up nella pianificazione di processi di sviluppo locale; la rappresentatività e l'efficacia del contributo delle OSC alla global governance per lo sviluppo. Si presentano anche due casi empirici di progetti realizzati da una stessa OSC, finanziati dalle due istituzioni considerate, al fine di favorire, attraverso l'analisi “micro”, la comprensione di eventuali diversità rispetto al quadro teorico, alle procedure sul “ciclo di progetto” e ai rilevamenti quantitativi presentati. Complessivamente, emerge che la cooperazione tra OSC e le istituzioni internazionali ha maggiori benefici che costi e conduce ad una partnership win-win per entrambi.
The present PhD thesis considers the relationships between the organisations of civil society and the international institutions in development cooperation's system through the analysis of the World Bank's and the European Union's policies. In the frame of cooperative and dialectic relationships will be verified the functions of the interlocutors of the civil society in relationship with the two international organisations and levels of partnership. Some problematic knots will be analysed such as the evaluation of projects' performance of the organisations of the social society (OSC) in order to verify the added value; the dichotomy between a top-down and bottom-up approach in the process planning of the local development; the representation and effectiveness of the OSC's contribution to the global governance for development. Two empirical cases of projects realised by an OCE will be showed. These are financed by the two above considered institutions in order to favour, through a “micro” analysis, the comprehension of possible differences regard to the theoretical picture, to the procedures of the project cycle and to the quantitative showed survey. Altogether it appears that the cooperation between the OSC and the international institutions has more benefits than costs and leads to a win-win partnership.

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Dusepulchre, Gaëlle. « Politique européenne de coopération au développement et relations extérieures : des droits de l'homme à la bonne gouvernance, impact de l'interdépendance du droit et du politique sur le choix des instruments de régulation ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210587.

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L'étude a porté sur deux outils élaborés par l’Union européenne à l'appui de ses politiques d'allocation d'aide extérieure au bénéfice principalement d'Etats en développement et participant à sa stratégie de promotion du respect de droits de l’homme dans les Etats tiers. Il s'agit du mécanisme de conditionnalité démocratique d’une part, et de la doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance d’autre part. L'une des principales critiques que la doctrine adresse à l’Union au sujet de sa politique de conditionalité est son incapacité à répondre à l’une des attentes fondamentales qui la sous-tend, à savoir :la naissance d’une politique d’aide extérieure détachée des considérations géopolitiques et visant à protéger et promouvoir efficacement les droits de l’homme. Dans la mesure où la doctrine en attribue en général la responsabilité à l’absence de clarté et de prévisibilité du mécanisme de la conditionnalité démocratique, cette critique eut dû conduire à l’élaboration d’un régime davantage juridicisé. Or, l'émergence de la doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance révèle que l’Union n’a pas opté pour une telle solution. C’est alors que, divisant mon étude en deux parties, la première affectée à l’étude du mécanisme conditionnel et la seconde affectée à l’étude de la doctrine de gouvernance, je me suis interrogée sur les raisons pour lesquelles l’Union avait pu choisir de recourir d’abord à un appel au droit, et ensuite à une repolitisation partielle de son mécanisme. Prenant appui sur une étude des documents officiels des institutions européennes, de la pratique de l'Union et des théories des relations internationales, l'étude tend à révéler les atouts et les limites théoriques de chacune de ces stratégies déstinées à suciter des réformes particulières dans les Etats partenaires de l’Union.Il apparaîtra que l’appel au droit opéré dans le cadre du mécanisme de conditionnalité répondait à des besoins et à une logique spécifiques lors de son institution, mais que la forme juridicisée du mécanisme conditionnel tel qu’institué se heurtait à diverses limites. La doctrine fondée sur le concept de gouvernance, dans le même temps qu’elle acte ces limites et tend à les dépasser, amène à de nouveaux questionnements.

The study related to both EU tools, affecting its external aid policies and contributing to its human rights strategy :conditionality and governance. One of the main critic that the doctrine addresses to EU conditionality, is its incapacity to lead to an external aid free of geopolitical considerations and acting to protect and promote effectively the human rights. The doctrine explains this weakness by pointing out the mechanism of conditionality’s lack of clearness and previsibility. Despite this critic is pleading for a more legalized mechanism, the governance strategy reveals that the Union did not choose such a solution.Then, dividing the study into two parts, the first assigned to conditional mechanism and the second assigned to governance, I’m asking the reason why a less legalized mecanism succeeded to conditionality. Based on cooperation agreements, strategic orientations, EU practice and the international relations theories, the study tends to reveal the assets and limits of the two strategies. It appears that the legalization process of conditionality can be explained by specific needs but it encountered various limits. At the same times, while strategy based on Governance adresses some of them, this new tool reveals new questions.

Doctorat en droit
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Mazáček, David. « Mezinárodní srovnání práv spojených s akvizicemi nemovitostí ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192638.

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Diploma thesis concerns about legal regulations of real estate by new civil codex with reflection to the previous and international legal regulation.The aim of the thesis is to assess the functionality of new civil code and its benefits in the real estate investment transactions in Czech Republic. This analysis is supported with overview of transfrontier real estate acquisitions made by foreign investors in Czech Republic and additionally also real estate investments of Czech investors abroad. This thesis therefore tries to provide answers to multiple questions ranging from analysis of new civil codex regulation, its impacts, risks and functionality then secondly its similarities in comparison to foreign law regulation (of Germany, Austria, Great Britain, Italy and France). From the perspective of transfrontier real estate acquisitions this thesis concerns about law acknowledgement for foreigner parties in real estate transactions in Czech Republic and counterbalance of the similar rights on the side of Czech residents in reciprocal acquisition process. The analysis is supported by the debate of accuracy of either liberal or protectionist attitude to foreign real estate investors' regulation with a reflection to current international political, sociological and economical course of events.

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LAFFERTY, Michelle Martine. « European citizens' right to vote ». Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5451.

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NANNERY, Aoife. « The 'conscience of Europe' in the European sovereign debt crisis : an analysis of the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights and the European Committee of Social Rights on austerity measures ». Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/39046.

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Award date: 30 November 2015
Supervisor: Professor Claire Kilpatrick, European University Institute
This thesis is an analysis of judgments of the European Court of Human Rights and the European Committee of Social Rights arising from austerity measures in the European sovereign debt crisis. The thesis considers the protection afforded to socio-economic interests under the two systems, and how this protection has been tested by the challenges arising from the economic crisis. The first chapter is an analysis of the social Euro-crisis cases. Brought under Article 1 of Protocol 1 to the ECHR the measures enacted to reduce government spending were an alleged violation of the right to property. Almost all of the social Euro-crisis cases were held to be inadmissible by the Court, which cited the gravity of the economic crisis in the respondent states and the executive’s margin of appreciation in matters of social and economic policy. The second chapter places the social Euro-crisis cases in context temporally and thematically, in considering two previous lines of case law developed by Strasbourg: financial and economic stability, and emergency and exceptional circumstances. The ECtHR decisions focus on the severity of the crisis, determining that the margin of appreciation is broader in such circumstances. The ECtHR section concludes that it does not appear that the European sovereign debt crisis has seen Strasbourg develop any definitive crisis approach to ensure that Convention rights are protected in times of economic instability. The third chapter examines the case law generated by the European Committee of Social Rights during the same period. This section serves to act as a counterpart to the ECtHR section. The Committee emphasised that times of crisis require socio-economic rights to be protected, and finds many of the challenged austerity measures incompatible with the European Social Charter.

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THIELBÖRGER, Pierre. « The right(s) to water ». Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/15410.

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Defence date: 15 December 2010
Examining Board: Philip Alston (New York University School of Law); Catarina De Albuquerque (UN Independent Expert, Lisbon); Ernst-Ulrich Petersmann (Supervisor, EUI); Martin Scheinin (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
As indicated in the title, 'The Rights to Water', this thesis will argue that one self-standing, comprehensive and legally-binding human right to water does currently not exist on the international level. However, it is important to note, that this is not the same thing as stating that 'there is no human right to water'. It is simply to say that this human right does not meet some of the characteristics of many other human rights (in particular: self-standingness, comprehensiveness and legalbindingness) all at once. The research question will be addressed in three steps. A first analytical part will examine the present status of the right to water in international, European and domestic law. A second, theoretical part, will scrutinize whether and in which form it is even conceptually possible and meaningful to consider water as the object of a distinct human right. Finally, a third, applied part will consider how concrete reforms and developments can improve the effectiveness of the right in practical terms, if accepted. Only by considering the right to water in its legal, philosophical and practical context can the present status and future potential of the right to water be addressed fully.

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HANCOX, Emily. « The scope of EU fundamental rights : an analytical approach ». Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/26438.

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Supervisor: Professor Loïc Azoulai, European University Institute.
Award date: 26 November 2012
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The scope of EU fundamental rights is in a general state of confusion. This thesis takes an analytical approach to the case law, focuses on how the Court of Justice has conceptualised cases dealing with fundamental rights. This approach goes beyond the use of misleading labels, often used to disguise any extension of the scope of fundamental rights. As a result of this, the case law on general principles is recategorised so that there are three main categories of Member State action falling within the scope of EU fundamental rights. These are, when the Member State acts based on a power conferred by the EU, when Member State action preconditions the exercise of an EU right and when a national measure is affected by EU legislation. The post-Charter case law is then considered against the backdrop of this recategorisation. The general trend suggests that the Charter has not affected the scope of EU fundamental rights. The potential impact of accession to the ECHR is then considered.

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PICCOLI, Lorenzo. « The politics of regional citizenship : explaining variation in the right to health care for undocumented immigrants across Italian regions, Spanish autonomous communities, and Swiss cantons ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/53404.

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Defence date: 11 April 2018
Examining Board: Prof. Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof. Maurizio Ferrera, University of Milan; Prof. Andrew Geddes, European University Institute; Prof. Liesbet Hooghe, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Over the last forty years, regions in Europe have acquired an increasingly important role in the provision of rights that were traditionally used by states to define the boundaries of national citizenship. Despite this trend, there are still few comparative examinations of what citizenship means for subnational actors, how these affect the provision of rights, and what the consequences of this process are for internal solidarity, the democratic process, and ultimately the constitutional integrity of modern states. These are important questions at a time when ideas about membership and rights within multilevel polities are vigorously contested in courts, legislative chambers, and election booths. Instances of these contestations are the Spanish Constitutional Court’s decision on the legality of subsequent referendums on Catalan secession in 2014 and 2017; the ongoing standoff between the state of California and the American federal government over who ought to regulate the rights of undocumented immigrants; and the Scottish and UK referendums on independence and exit from the European Union, respectively. This dissertation sets out to explain under what conditions, how, and with what kind of consequences some regions are more inclusionary than others in their approach to what citizenship entails and to whom it applies. This is what I refer to as the politics of regional citizenship. The empirical analysis focuses on subnational variations in the realisation of the right to health care for undocumented immigrants in three multilevel states where regional governments have some control over health care and, within these, on pairs of regions that have been governed by either left- or right-wing parties and coalitions: Lombardy (Italy, conservative government from 1995), Tuscany (Italy, progressive government from 1970), Andalusia (Spain, progressive government from 1980), Madrid (Spain conservative government from 1995), Vaud (Switzerland, progressive government from 2002) and Zürich (Switzerland, conservative government from 1991). Evidence is collected via the analysis of over 31 legislative documents and 62 interviews with policy-makers, health care professionals, and members of NGOs. The comparison shows that the interaction of political ideologies at different territorial levels leads to the emergence of contested ideas about citizenship through the use that regional governments make of the distinct traditions of regional protection of vulnerable individuals like minor children, the disabled, and the homeless. The comparison also shows that the structure of the territorial system of the state plays an important role in determining the direction of the politics of regional citizenship. The value assigned to territorial pluralism within a country, in particular, determines whether regional citizenship is developed against the state, as a strategy to manifest dissent and mark the difference—as is the case in Spain and, to some extent, in Italy—or, instead, together with the state, as an expression of multilevel differentiation—as in Switzerland. Importantly, however, regional citizenship does never develop in complete isolation from the state because it always represents an attempt to weaken or reinforce the policies of the central government.

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LAZZERINI, Nicole. « The scope of the protection of fundamental rights under the EU charter ». Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/29604.

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Defence date: 21 October 2013
Examining Board: Professor Loïc Azoulai, European University Institute (EUI Supervisor) ; Professor Bruno de Witte, European University Institute; Professor Giorgio Gaja, University of Florence; Professor Steve Peers, University of Essex.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The recognition of the legally binding value of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights has profoundly transformed the Union system of fundamental rights protection. The novelties not only concern the sources of this protection, but also the conditions for the application and interpretation of EU fundamental rights. In particular, before the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty the Court of Justice was the exclusive architect of its approach to fundamental rights, whereas in the era of the legally binding Charter is confronted with written rules on the subject. Moreover, if there is no doubt that the Lisbon Treaty has put an unprecedented emphasis on the protection and promotion of EU fundamental rights, the Member States have contextually expressed, and with equal emphasis, concerns towards an ever-increasing expansion of the scope of EU fundamental rights, at the expense of domestic standards and material competences. Against this background, the aim of this thesis is to reconstruct the scope of the protection offered (better, that should be offered) by the EU Charter. The analysis covers problems relating both to the scope of application of the Charter and to its effects. Some of the questions addressed are new, as they stem from novelties introduced by the Charter others are veritable topoi of the EU discourse on fundamental rights, which nevertheless need to be revisited in light of the new scenario just described. The leading idea is that, in order to overcome the ambiguity of the Charter on many crucial issues concerning its scope of application and effects, reliance must be made on the role assigned to EU fundamental rights by the revised Treaties. These, and the progressive evolution of the EU system of fundamental rights protection, suggest that fundamental rights are constitutive values of the EU legal order.

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CORNELISSE, Galina. « Immigration detention, territoriality and human rights : towards destabilization of sovereignty's territorial frame ». Doctoral thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7028.

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Defence date: 7 May 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Neil Walker (Supervisor, European University Institute) ; Prof. Marise Cremona (European University Institute) ; Prof. Pieter Boeles (Leiden University) ; Prof. Dora Kostakopoulou (University of Manchester)
First made available online on 10 July 2018
From a sociological point of view, camps or transit zones may present the institutionalisation o f temporariness as a form of radical social exclusion and marginalisation in modem society and a conservation of borders as dividing lines

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MENDES, Joana. « Rights of participation in European administrative law : a rights-based approach to participation in rulemaking ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12019.

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Awarded the Mauro Cappelletti Prize for the best comparative law doctoral thesis, 2010.
Defence date: 16 March 2009
Examining Board: Loïc Azoulai (University of Paris II); Paul Craig (St. John's College, Oxford); Bruno De Witte (EUI); Jacques Ziller (Supervisor, former EUI and University of Pavia)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This dissertation critically assesses the current scope and meaning of participation rights in European administrative law and proposes a different normative solution to the problem of the procedural protection of rights and legally protected interests. The analysis of the Courts' case law on this matter demonstrates that their view on participation rights is determined by a bilateral conception of the procedure which involves the decision-maker and the decisiontaker and justifies the latter's right to be heard. All extensions of this right endorsed by the Courts' case law fall within the realm of this basic construction. Likewise, the exclusion of participation rights from rulemaking procedures is a consequence of this basic approach to participation rights. It is defended that the structural scheme within which the European Courts conceive participation rights prevails over the consideration of the substantive adverse effects that may be produced in the legal sphere of legal and natural persons. It is defended that this status quo is too restrictive and overlooks the procedural protection of rights and legally protected interests where this would be justified. An extension of the scope of participation rights is thus proposed. The solution defended is grounded on a concept of participation, built on the basis of rationales of participation that can be derived from the Courts' case law as well as from rules and principles of national laws, and is framed by the concept of legal administrative relationship, which was developed in national administrative law. The solution proposed is deemed to be more consonant with the rule of law, as well as with specific features of European administrative law (in particular with the characteristics of European normative acts and with the centrality of the individual conveyed by principles of European law). This study consists of two parts. First and foremost, it is an interpretation of the Courts' case law regarding participation rights, as well as of selected relevant legal provisions covering this matter. For this purpose, this interpretation combines the literal, teleological, historical and systematic elements of interpretation. The theoretical conceptions that frame the critical analysis of the Courts' stance are grounded on rules, principles and theories found and developed in selected national legal systems. These contribute to a better understanding of participation rights from a de lege lata perspective because they have inspired some of the current features of European administrative law on this matter. Furthermore, they are capable of providing a valuable second level of analysis to critically assess the current status quo. Secondly, this dissertation includes a study of those forms of participation that exist in the EU political system and that do not constitute legally enforceable rights and duties. These demonstrate that participation is a constitutive feature of the EU political system. Moreover, this permits to consider other meanings of participation, which are not fully deprived of legal meaning, to contrast them with the rights-based approach to participation proposed in this dissertation, as well as to demonstrate the little attention given to rights-based participation in European decision-making.

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KOSTA, Vasiliki. « Fundamental rights in internal market legislation ». Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/28041.

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Defence date: 17 June 2013
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Examining Board: Professor Bruno de Witte (EUI Supervisor) ; Professor Hans-Wolfgang Micklitz, European University Institute ; Professor Niamh Nic Shuibne, University of Edinburgh ; Dr. Clemens Ladenburger, European Commission.
This thesis places the debate on the relationship between fundamental rights and the internal market outside the field of negative integration (where it is usually takes place) into the field of positive integration. It examines the extent to which there is an internal market competence to deal with fundamental rights and analyses new mechanisms for fundamental rights protection outside the Courts. Against this backdrop, this thesis analyses the existing harmonisation practice in the EU through the lens of four fundamental rights: (i) data protection, (ii) freedom of expression, (iii) fundamental labour rights [the right to collective bargaining and the right to fair and just working conditions] and (iv) the right to health. The research reveals that there is a considerable amount of internal market legislation dealing with fundamental rights (even pre-existing the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights) but that most of it is not couched in fundamental rights terms. This thesis identifies the determinants, which account for the current prevalent conceptualisation and assesses the consequences of such approaches both for the substantive content of legislation and for its judicial review. The thesis provides a much more differentiated account of the EU's fundamental rights policy in and through the internal market than perhaps initially expected. It builds the case for a conscious approach to dealing with and enhancing fundamental rights protection in and through internal market legislation, and advocates a leading role for the legislator in the establishment of an internal market that is firmly based on respect for fundamental rights.

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PHILIP, Robin. « Article 90 EC and privileged rights ». Doctoral thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5649.

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GRUNI, Giovanni. « A European perspective on international trade and labour rights ». Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/15401.

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PARMAR, Sejal. « Situating the EU human rights system in an international human rights context ». Doctoral thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/4744.

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FLØISTAD, Karin. « Fundamental rights and the EEA agreement ». Doctoral thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5515.

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Thèses sur le sujet « Civil rights – European Union countries »

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