Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Civil rights – European Union countries »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Civil rights – European Union countries"
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Nykytchenko, N. « The legal status of a lawyer in the countries of the European Union ». Fundamental and applied researches in practice of leading scientific schools 28, no 4 (1 septembre 2018) : 103–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.33531/farplss.2018.4.19.
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This article is devoted to the study of the theoretical and scientific-practical nature of the institution of representation in the EU countries and the development of proposals based on them on improving the legal status of a lawyer in Ukraine, taking into account the best European practice. The place of the advocacy in the modern legal system can be characterized as one of the ways of self-restraint of state power through the creation and functioning of an independent human rights institution that promotes its activities by fulfilling the constitutional function of the state – the realization and protection of human rights and freedoms. The constitutional and legal status allows advocates to participate in ensuring the rights not only of everyone, but of the whole civil society, to implement the human rights function, ensuring the interaction in the activity of the institutional systems of the state and civil society. Since 2012, the advocacy reform has been initiated and brought to the standards of the European Union. However, over 6 years have passed, but no significant positive changes have taken place in this field. Ensuring the constitutional rights and freedoms of citizens still leaves much to be desired. The issue of voluntary admission of lawyers to the National Association of Advocates of Ukraine will be resolved, and so-called "lawyer's monopoly" needs to be substantially revised. Therefore, the review of the grounds, the rules, and the regularity of the prosecution in civil proceedings, which is carried out by the two advocates, needs a substantial improvement. In order to create in Ukraine the model of legal assistance taking into account modern legal frameworks, that is a guarantee of the right of accessibility and effectiveness of judicial protection in civil proceedings.
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KHRIDOCHKIN, Andriy. « Features of legal support of public administration procedures in the field of intellectual property in the countries of the European Union ». Scientific Bulletin of Flight Academy. Section : Economics, Management and Law 6 (2022) : 131–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.33251/2707-8620-2022-6-131-137.
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Abstract. The article deals with the peculiarities of public administration in the field of intellectual property and the conceptual foundations of its procedures in the countries of the European Union. The conceptual foundations of the formation and development of public administration procedures in the field of intellectual property in the countries of the European Union are revealed. The pluralism of approaches to determining public administration procedures in the field of intellectual property in the European Union countries is analyzed. The legal framework of public administration procedures in the field of intellectual property in the countries of the European Union is presented. A modern analysis of the legislation of the European Union for the Protection of Intellectual Property Rights, including: copyright and related rights; protection of rights to inventions; utility models; industrial designs; brands; geographical indications; branded names; plant varieties; layout of semiconductor products; commercial secrecy; as well as legislation on civil law and customs ways to protect intellectual property rights in the European Union, the practice of application. It is established that in the national legal systems of European countries the regulation of public relations in the field of intellectual property is given considerable attention. At the same time, neither universal international treaties nor national legal regulation in the field of intellectual property can ensure the effectiveness of legal protection of the results of intellectual creative activity. The acts of the European Communities on Public Administration in the field of intellectual property are analyzed. The process of improving public administration procedures in the field of intellectual property in the countries of the European Union is analyzed and the legal framework of this process is presented. The conclusion was made on the relevance of the study of problems of public administration in the field of intellectual property in the countries of the European Union. Key words: European Union, Intellectual Property, Intellectual Property Right, Procedure, Public Administration, Community Court, European Communities, Intellectual Property Sphere.
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Mendzhul, M. V., et N. O. Davydova. « The mechanism of civil law regulation of property relations of partners in de facto unions ». Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series : Law, no 65 (25 octobre 2021) : 124–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2021.65.22.
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The article investigates the mechanism of legal regulation of property relations of partners in de facto unions. The national legislation of European states is analyzed, as well as the recommendations of the Commission on European Family Law, suggestions for improving national legislation are made.It is determined that there are no uniform approaches in the legal regulation of partners in de facto unions in European countries, in particular in six countries such relations are unregulated, in fourteen countries such relations are regulated by different branches of law, and in nine jurisdictions there is a special legal mechanism (Sweden, Hungary, Slovenia, Croatia, Catalonia, Portugal, Scotland, Ireland and Finland).The provisions of the Lithuanian Civil Code on the regulation of de facto marital relations, as well as the legislation of Croatia, Sweden, Norway and other countries are analyzed. It was found that in Scotland, civil partnerships were allowed for same-sex couples back in 2005, and for people of the opposite sex only from June 30, 2021.It is substantiated that in the context of Europeanization of private law, the position on the need to amend the Family Code of Ukraine and introduce the term «de facto union» recommended by the Commission on European Family Law in the Principles of European Family Law on property rights, maintenance and succession of couples in de facto unions.It is proved that in the process of Europeanization of private law the institution of de facto union should be regulated by the norms of the Family Code of Ukraine, which, taking into account the recommendations of the Commission on European Family Law should be improved as follows: contract on selling a dwelling in which partners live, as well as household items, is made with the consent of both partners; to guarantee partners the right to file a claim to the court for consent to dispose of the property without the consent of the other partner; to guarantee the principle of freedom of contract between partners in de facto unions; establish the right to compensation for a significant contribution to the property (or business) or profession of another partner; guarantee the right of the partner to inherit equally with the spouses, etc.
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Al-Jaberi, Prof Dr Sattar Jabbar. « Iraq and the European Union towards a Strategic Partnership ». ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 220, no 2 (8 novembre 2018) : 95–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v220i2.487.
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The Iraq's relations with the European Union countries of the oldest and surest Iraq's foreign relations, in spite of the damage to those relationships during certain time periods, and sometimes degradation several considerations, they quickly return to normal, the importance of Iraq's strategy for European countries on the one hand, and interest in Iraq, the European its relations On the other hand .
The EU played an important role in Iraq in the era after 2003, through important political relations with the Iraqi government, and try to achieve a real partnership in the political, economic and cultural fields, and interested in EU areas of human rights, and civil society organizations, and strengthen the Iraqi security capacity and we will try in this Find the study of the positions of the European Union countries of Iraq, and then try the European Union and Iraq to establish a strategic partnership between them.
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Beiter, Klaus D., Terence Karran et Kwadwo Appiagyei-Atua. « Academic Freedom and Its Protection in the Law of European States ». European Journal of Comparative Law and Governance 3, no 3 (28 août 2016) : 254–345. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134514-00303001.
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Focusing on those countries that are members of the European Union, it may be noted that these countries are bound under international human rights agreements, such as the International Covenants on Civil and Political, and Economic, Social and Cultural Rights or the European Convention on Human Rights, to safeguard academic freedom under provisions providing for the right to freedom of expression, the right to education, and respect for ‘the freedom indispensable for scientific research.’ unesco’s Recommendation concerning the Status of Higher-Education Teaching Personnel, a ‘soft-law’ document of 1997, concretises international human rights requirements to be complied with to make the protection of the right to academic freedom effective. Relying on a set of human rights indicators, the present article assesses the extent to which the constitutions, laws on higher education, and other relevant legislation of eu states implement the Recommendation’s criteria. The situation of academic freedom in practice will not be assessed here. The results for the various countries have been quantified and countries ranked in accordance with ‘their performance.’ The assessment demonstrates that, overall, the state of the protection of the right to academic freedom in the law of European states is one of ‘ill-health.’ Institutional autonomy is being misconstrued as exhausting the concept of academic freedom, self-governance in higher education institutions sacrificed for ‘executive-style’ management, and employment security abrogated to cater for ‘changing employment needs’ in higher education.
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Ploszka, Adam. « Shrinking Space for Civil Society : A Case Study of Poland ». European Public Law 26, Issue 4 (1 décembre 2020) : 941–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2020072.
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This article discusses the phenomenon of shrinking space for civil society organizations in Poland, a Member States of the European Union and Council of Europe. It describes the tools used by Polish public authorities to restrict the operational capacity of civil society and compares these tools with the applicable constitutional and human rights standards. The article’s summary presents recommendations concerning the methods of addressing this phenomenon in Poland, which are capable of being applied in a broader context of other countries of Central and Eastern Europe. human rights, ECHR, shrinking space, civil society
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Strohmeier, Dagmar, Martyn Barrett, Carmen Bora, Simona C. S. Caravita, Elisa Donghi, Edmond Dragoti, Chris Fife-Schaw et al. « Young People’s Engagement With the European Union ». Zeitschrift für Psychologie 225, no 4 (décembre 2017) : 313–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/2151-2604/a000314.
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Abstract. This study investigated whether demographic variables, efficacy beliefs, visions, and worries are associated with four different forms of (dis)engagement with the European Union (EU): intended voting in the 2019 EU elections, nonconventional political engagement, psychological engagement, and the wish that one’s own country should leave the EU. The sample comprised 3,764 young people aged 16–25 years living in seven European countries: Albania, Austria, Germany, Italy, Romania, Spain, and the UK. Economic challenges, human rights, and the environment were the most important future visions; unemployment and poverty, climate change, civil unrests, and collapse of the EU were the most important future worries. The four forms of (dis)engagement with the EU were differentially associated with predictors, although internal efficacy and future vision of economic challenges predicted all forms. Implications for future EU policy are discussed.
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Jastisia, Mentari. « PERLINDUNGAN HUKUM HAK ASASI MANUSIA INTERNASIONAL TERHADAP IMIGRAN SURIAH ». Yustitia 7, no 2 (15 octobre 2021) : 148–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31943/yustitia.v7i2.142.
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Immigrants are people who have fled from their country to other countries where they can be referred to as refugees or asylum seekers. There are legal instruments that regulate and provide protection for them. Arrangements for asylum seekers are contained in the 1967 Declaration of Territorial Asylum, State practice, humanitarian issues, Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). Meanwhile, the arrangements for refugees are contained in the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees 1951, Protocol relating to the status of Refugees 1967, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). This papers uses a normative juridical method. This juridical approach is because this research analyzes existing legal aspects, and is normative because this research focuses more on the analysis of existing laws and regulations and other regulations, using secondary data, namely scientific references or other scientific writings as study material that can support the completeness of this scientific papers. Regarding legal protection for Syrian immigrants, the same applies to immigrants from other state as regulated in the arrangements that have been regulated. Countries in the European Union implement international human rights law protections for Syrian immigrants residing in European Union countries consistently as mandated in the European Convention on Human Rights, Convention applying the Schengen Agreement dated June 14, 1985, Lisbon treaty, Dublin II Regulation (Council Regulation (EC) 343/2003) 2003. The indication is that there are several countries in the European Union such as Greece, Hungary which refuse and do not want to take more responsibility for their obligations as a State related to the provisions of international human rights law to provide protection for Syrian immigrants. in Europe
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Roberts, Simon, et Maija Sakslin. « Some are more equal than others : the impact of discrimination in social security on the right of same-sex partners to free movement in the European Union ». Benefits : A Journal of Poverty and Social Justice 17, no 3 (octobre 2009) : 249–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.51952/rwkw9327.
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Although non-discrimination and the free movement of persons are fundamental principles of the European Union (EU), discrimination against same-sex partners in many EU member countries presents serious barriers to free movement. In many member countries, lesbian, gay, bisexual and transsexual (LGBT) people experience discrimination in all aspects of their lives, including civil status and social security. The interface of a plethora of civil statuses and benefit entitlement conditions means that same-sex partners exercising their right of free movement under the Treaty of Rome may find their status and entitlements changing as they move between different ‘rights regimes’, to the detriment of their social security coverage. The proposed new EU Directive on equal treatment may not prevent this discrimination although, if the Lisbon Treaty is ratified, the Charter of Fundamental Rights may provide a route and an opportunity to do so.
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Economou, Athina, et Christos Kollias. « Terrorism and Political Self-Placement in European Union Countries ». Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 21, no 2 (1 avril 2015) : 217–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2014-0036.
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AbstractStudies have shown that citizens’ risk-perceptions and risk-assessment are affected by large scale terrorist acts. Reported evidence shows that individuals are often willing to trade-off civil liberties for enhanced security particularly as a post-terrorist attack reaction as well as adopting more conservative views. Within this strand of the literature, this paper examines whether terrorism and in particular mass-casualty terrorist attacks affect citizens’ political self-placement on the left-right scale of the political spectrum. To this effect the Eurobarometer surveys for 12 European Union countries are utilized and ordered logit models are employed for the period 1985–2010 with over 230,000 observations used in the estimations. On balance, the findings reported herein seem to be pointing to a shift in respondents’ self-positioning towards the right of the political spectrum.
Thèses sur le sujet "Civil rights – European Union countries"
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FELD, Leonard. « From soft law to hard law : the concept and regulation of human rights due diligence in the EU legal context ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/74341.
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Defence date: 14 March 2022Examining Board: Professor Stefan Grundmann (Humboldt University Berlin); Professor Mathias Siems (European University Institute); Professor Karin Buhmann (Copenhagen Business School); Professor Robert McCorquodale (University of Nottingham)
This dissertation examines the concept of human rights due diligence (HRDD) under international soft law and its transposition into business regulation, with a particular focus on the European Union context. It traces the evolution of HRDD – starting from the work of the United Nations to the recent contributions of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. The inquiry finds that HRDD is a concept of remarkable depth, whose features make it suitable to address human rights abuse in the globalised economy. Yet, there are also a number of practical and conceptual concerns. For instance, it is argued that the concept of HRDD features a high level of abstraction, which leads to ambiguities at the stage of implementation. In view of these findings, the transposition of HRDD into business law provides an opportunity, not only to build on the strengths of the concept, but also to counter some of its weaknesses. In addition, the thesis addresses two questions of international law concerning, first, the legality of HRDD legislation in view of its extraterritorial implications and, second, the relationship between relevant legal acts and the duties of states under international human rights law. It is held that regulators enjoy considerable leeway under international law to facilitate or require HRDD even beyond their own borders. Yet, states are presently under no international obligation to regulate HRDD processes – even though new developments are in sight. Finally, drawing on the findings of this research, the dissertation reviews Directive 2014/95/EU and Regulation (EU) 2017/821 as two precedents of HRDD legislation in the European Union. The two legal acts pursue very different strategies to promote HRDD processes with, it is argued, a varying degree of success. Through these assessments, the thesis provides a set of recommendations that may inform the transposition of the concept into business law.
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COLEMAN, Nils. « European readmission policy : third country interests and refugee rights ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7021.
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Defence date: 22 June 2007Examining Board: Prof. Bruno de Witte, (EUI) ; Prof. Marise Cremona, (EUI) ; Prof. Rosemary Byrne, (Trinity College Dublin) ; Prof. Thomas Spijkerboer, (Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
no abstract available
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Etienne, Anne. « Towards European Integration : Do the European Union and Its Members Abide by the Same Principles ? » Thesis, University of North Texas, 2004. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4617/.
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In the last few decades the European Union (EU) and its members have emphasized the importance of human rights and the need to improve human rights conditions in Third World countries. In this research project, I attempted to find out whether the European Union and its members practice what they preach by giving precedence to countries that respect human rights through their Official Development Assistance (ODA) program. Furthermore, I tried to analyze whether European integration occurs at the foreign policy level through aid allocation. Based on the literatures on political conditionality and on the relationship between human rights and foreign aid allocation, I expected that all EU members promote principles of good governance by rewarding countries that protect the human rights of their citizens. I conducted a cross-sectional time-series selection model over all recipients of ODA for each of the twelve members for which I have data, the European Commission, and the aggregate EU disbursements from 1979 to 1998.
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PFARR, Mag Dietmar. « Civilian control of armed forces : challenges for the European Union / ». Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FPFARR.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Hans-Eberhard Peters. Includes bibliographical references (p. 51-56). Also available online.
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ELBASANI, Arolda. « The impact of EU conditionality upon democratisation : comparing electoral competition and civil service reforms in post-communist Albania ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10435.
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Defence date: 30 November 2007Examining Board: Prof. Philippe Schmitter (EUI); Prof. Làszlò Bruszt (EUI); Dr. Antoaneta Dimitrova (Leiden University); Prof. Shinasi Rama (New York University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This dissertation explores how and to what extent EU conditionality can foster democratisation in a highly problematic case such as post-communist Albania. In order to examining the phenomena of democratisation in operational detail, the thesis delves into the sub-systemic level of democratisation focusing on two partial regimes - electoral regime and civil service system. The analysis follows on the rational choice premise that the domestic actors’ strategies of compliance depend on the structure of external incentives i.e. rewards and threats, that appeal to their interest. Our account on the impact of EU conditionality upon democratisation assumes that the likelihood of compliance depends on 1) the size of the rewards attached to conditionality; 2) the size of adoption costs; 3) the clarity of prescriptions and 4) credibility of reinforcement. The first part consists of developing a conceptual framework for assessing and explaining the impact of EU enlargement conditionality over democratisation processes. The second part explores the case of Albanian democratisation and the specific challenge it poses to the working of EU conditionality. The third part analyses the association between EU conditionality and reform seeking to identify whether the fortification of the EU conditionality coincides with a pattern-breaking change in each of the partial regimes of our choice. The thesis concludes that the EU was more successful to foster reforms in the area of electoral competition than public administration and civil service system. The EU seemed to push forward reforms by articulating clear prescriptions regarding the electoral competition; and advancing contractual relations with the country in function of electoral performance.
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Fee, Emma. « 'A Europe without dividing lines' : the normative framework of the European neighbourhood policy - emergent jus gentium or consolidation of jus civile ? » Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83952.
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The primary focus of this work is Article 57 of the Draft European Constitution, concerning the constitutionalisation of a new aspect in EU external relations law, 'the European Neighbourhood Policy'. No comprehensive study of this constitutional article has yet been undertaken in EU legal research. Through the medium of the title of my thesis I wish to examine whether it amounts to an emergent jus gentium for the EU or its antithesis, the consolidation of jus civile. In parallel with the nature of the subject, this study is necessarily a legal-political one. Key points identified are the strategic use of human rights, extraterritoriality of law, foreign direct investment and legal imperialism. A number of recent developments, both judicial and legislative, have provoked this study.
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CERAN, Olga. « Cross-border child relocation : national law in a united Europe ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/74359.
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Defence date: 17 March 2022Examining Board: Prof. Stefan Grundmann (Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin & European University Institute); Prof. Martijn Hesselink (European University Institute); Prof. Katharina Boele-Woelki (Bucerius Law School); Dr. Ruth Lamont (University of Manchester)
Cross-border child relocation cases are among the most difficult disputes that family judges need to face. Commentators across the globe disagree on the interpretation of the child's best interests and the relevance of adults' autonomy in this context. As relocations are directly concerned with free movement, the literature has expressed an interest also in the European Union's influences in this area. However, considering its lack of competence in family law and the limited jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the European Union on such issues, some questions about the scope and nature of obligations imposed by EU law remain open. This thesis investigates, therefore, the following question: What is the (nature of) EU law's influence on cross-border child relocation and what are its effects on national legal systems? Its contribution is two-fold. Methodologically, it proposes a constructively oriented investigation of European influences in child relocation law. Cross-border movement constitutes the main raison d'être of EU law, and a defining feature of its community. Hence, a mixture of traditional values and new ways of life - sanctioned by a supranational entity - might lead to new dilemmas regarding children's interests and adult autonomy and complicate relocation decisions. The suggested approach allows contextual influences to be analysed together with legal doctrines, at both the EU and the national level. Substantively, the thesis builds on existing research to refine the understanding of child relocation in the context of supranational fundamental rights and freedoms in the EU, in their doctrinal and ideational dimensions. Finally, using case law from Germany, Poland, and England and Wales, it qualitatively investigates how national judges encounter the EU and draw from its ideational and legal features. This thesis demonstrates how the normatively inflicted EU context is occasionally used in courts but does not seem to consistently reorient national approaches towards the EU.
Chapter 3 ‘Child relocation and the European framework of human rights' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'Child relocation, soft law, and the quest for umiformity at the European court of human rights : part one' (2020) in the journal ‘Prawa prywatnego’
Chapter 3 ‘Child relocation and the European framework of human rights' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'Child relocation, soft law, and the quest for umiformity at the European court of human rights : part two' (2021) in the journal ‘Prawa prywatnego’
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Wiessala, Eugen Georg. « The politics of re-orientation and responsibility : European Union foreign policy and human rights promotion in Asian countries ». Thesis, University of Central Lancashire, 2005. http://clok.uclan.ac.uk/22530/.
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This study focuses on the protection and promotion of human rights in the context of the external relations of the European Union (EU). It sets out to examine, in particular, the position of human rights within the framework of EU foreign policy. While questions of human rights sparked a wide-ranging academic debate and resulted in enhanced levels of public scrutiny over the last decade, the research presented in this dissertation attempts to fill a significant gap in scholarly attention. It does so by offering a critique of the theoretical approaches towards, and the practical manifestations of human rights promotion initiatives in the context of EU policy interaction with countries in Asia. Evidence from previous work, included as part of this dissertation, suggests that the incremental growth of human rights competencies and agendas within the EU's legal and political systems was reflected in a number of areas of concrete EU external activity, such as the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), Development Policy, relations with the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of countries and the EU's New Asia Strategy. This dissertation attempts to demonstrate how, in the context of a Constructivist perspective within International Relations Theory in general, and EU-Asia relations in particular, the EU can be conceptualised as a value-guided, 'ethical' polity, grounded in a constitutional framework of Treaties. As a result of this, the Union introdued a more pronounced human rights dimension to its dialogue with Asia. The evidence indicates that, in respect of its Asian partners, the EU implemented human rights strategies in a number or formats and with varying degrees of success. The study scrutinises, in particular, the Commission's 'strategy papers' on Asia and the Asia-Europe Meetings (ASEM). In addition to findings analysed in previous work, this study demonstrates that the resulting debates about 'rights' and 'values' can be related to wider discourses derived from normative theory and surrounding issues of culture and identity. In the Asia-EU dialogue, arguments over human rights contain the potential to be both an enabling dynamic for, and an inhibiting agent of, a more intensive EU-Asia political and cultural dialogue. The study places a particular emphasis on EU human rights promotion policies towards the People's Republic of China, the Republic of Indonesia and Burma (The Union of Myanmar). It identifies and appraises three distinct EU policy approaches ranging from incentives based and coordinated measures to a more coercive and punitive diplomatic arsenal.
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GATTO, Alexandra. « The responsibility of multinational enterprises for human rights violations in European Union law ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7018.
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Defence date: 18 June 2007Examining Board: Prof. Francesco Francioni, (EUI) ; Prof. Marise Cremona, (EUI) ; Prof. Enzo Cannizzaro, (University of Macerata) ; Prof. Olivier De Schutter, (Catholic University of Louvain)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis addresses the question as to how the European Union can ensure that EU based MNEs respect human rights when operating in third countries. Firstly, it identifies primary obligations on MNEs as developed by international law in order to tackle the above question. Secondly, on the basis of this theoretical framework it investigates how the European Union has acted to promote respect of human rights obligations by MNEs which are based on the territory of one of its Member States. Thirdly, the gap between the EU’s commitment to the respect and promotion of human rights, the potential to regulate the conduct of MNEs and the EU’s reluctance to impose human rights obligations on MNEs is explored. It is suggested that current human rights law should develop in the sense of considering companies as duty holders, together with States and other non-state actors, for the realisation of human rights. Moreover, a principle of graduation of responsibility is applied to MNEs, according to the specific human right involved, the proximity to the victim and the element of State authority exercised by the company in a particular situation. The above depicted graduation of responsibility (from the obligation to respect, to the obligation to promote human rights) should be matched by a graduation of corresponding implementing mechanisms. Applying this theoretical framework to the EU, three main recommendations have been formulated. Firstly, the EU should more firmly link the promotion of MNEs’ human rights obligations to international human rights law and support the constitution of an international law framework within the UN. Secondly, the EU should promote MNEs’ human rights obligations within the limits of its competence, both at the international and at an external level. It has been argued that a proactive attitude in this respect would not require the acquisition of new powers, but simply the recognition of a functional competence on the basis of Article 6 TEU in taking positive (and not merely negative) steps for the promotion of human rights in the areas of its competence occurring in international law and the international framework for MNEs’ responsibility. Finally, the EU should not abandon the option of exploring non-binding and incentive measures, both at the international and external levels, to be encouraged as a viable complement to binding measures.
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Haydar, Samer. « Le partenariat Euromed : contribution à l'étude du soft-power de l'Union Européenne ». Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0433/document.
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Cette thèse étudie la contribution assez complexe du partenariat euro-méditerranéen au soft powerde l’UE. Nous avons procédé à l’examen de l’articulation entre les objectifs, les instruments, lesprogrammes, les accords et l’efficacité de l’action de l’Euromed. Il ne s’agit pas d’évaluer lepartenariat en tant que tel mais plutôt son utilisation par l’Union européenne comme instrument desoft power pour instaurer une démocratie libérale dans les pays sud-méditerranéens. Les quatreaspects fondamentaux de la démocratie libérale ont été donc examinés. Dans le domaineéconomique, il y eu des améliorations économiques dans les pays sud-méditerranéens del’Euromed, surtout par la mise en oeuvre de réformes économiques et institutionnelles, mais la zonede libre-échange prévue pour 2010 n’a pas été établie. L’intégration régionale et internationale, deces pays partenaires a connu des avancées qui demeurent encore modestes. La promotion de labonne gouvernance occupe une place centrale au sein des objectifs politiques du Partenariat.Ciblant principalement le renforcement des capacités des institutions et l’indépendance du systèmejudiciaire, les efforts menés dans le cadre de l’Euromed ont apporté une amélioration globale, maisinsuffisante, de la bonne gouvernance dans les pays sud-méditerranéens. Les actions menées dansle cadre du partenariat sur le terrain des droits de l’Homme ont mis surtout l’accent sur les questionsde sécurité, de la lutte antiterroriste et du contrôle des migrations, tandis que les questions relativesaux droits de l’Homme et à la démocratisation étaient plus ou moins passées sous silence. Mêmel’action civile est insuffisamment renforcéeThis thesis studies the rather complex contribution of the Euro-Mediterraneanpartnership to the EU’s soft power. We have examined the link between the objectives,instruments, programs, agreements and effectiveness of the euro-Mediterraneanpartnership’s action. It is not a matter of evaluating the partnership as such but rather itsuse by the European Union as a soft power instrument to establish liberal democracy inthe South Mediterranean countries. The four fundamental aspects of liberal democracywere therefore examined. In the economic field, there have been economicimprovements in the southern Mediterranean countries, mainly through theimplementation of economic and institutional reforms, but the free trade areaanticipated for 2010 was not established. The regional and international integration ofthese partner countries has made some progress that remains however modest. Thepromotion of good governance is central to the political objectives of the Partnership.Focusing mainly on institutional capacity building and the independence of the judicialsystem, Euromed efforts have brought about a global but insufficient improvement ingood governance in the southern Mediterranean countries. Actions in the framework ofthe Human Rights Partnership have focused on security issues, counter-terrorism andmigration control, while human rights issues and democratization were more or lessignored. Even civil action is not sufficiently strengthened
Livres sur le sujet "Civil rights – European Union countries"
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José, Menéndez Agustín, et Eriksen Erik Oddvar 1955-, dir. Arguing fundamental rights. Dordrecht : Springer, 2006.
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Multicultural citizenship of the European Union. Aldershot, Hampshire, England : Ashgate, 2000.
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The effects of EU citizenship : Economic, social and political rights in a time of constitutional change. The Hague, The Netherlands : T.M.C. Asser Press, 2010.
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Taking a case to the European Court of Human Rights. 3e éd. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2011.
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Ward, Angela. Judicial review and the rights of private parties in EU law. 2e éd. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2007.
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Leach, Philip. Taking a case to the European Court of Human Rights. 2e éd. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2005.
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Leach, Philip. Taking a case to the European Court of Human Rights. London : Blackstone Press, 2001.
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Proportionality, fundamental rights, and balance of powers. Leiden : Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 2010.
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Williams, Andrew J. EU human rights policies : A study in irony. Oxford : Oxford University Press., 2004.
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Normensozialisation in Russland : Chancen und Grenzen europäischer Menschenrechtspolitik gegenüber der Russländischen Föderation. Wiesbaden : VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2008.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Civil rights – European Union countries"
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Mihr, Anja. « European democracy’s Response to the BRI ». Dans Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia, 375–92. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_26.
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AbstractIn this chapter, I will argue that the 2013 Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been neither a curse nor a blessing for democracy. Instead, China’s BRI activities in over 140 countries worldwide have triggered many global and local movements and initiatives that have led alternatively to stronger autocratisation and democratisation in some regions, such as across Eurasia. The quantity of investments under the BRI is not a determinant of whether a country democratises or autocratises.Instead, the BRI and the autocratic leadership of the Chinese government in implementing investments across Eurasia has triggered several countermeasures by the European Union (EU) and the G7. One of these is the Global Gateway Initiative (GGI) which aims to invest in infrastructure and development projects worldwide, but with the key difference that its aim is to promote democratic norms and principles of human rights at the same time. Some of the consequences of the New Cold War between democratic and autocratic political systems including the rising unrest of civil society in the face of autocratic forms of governance and anti-Chinese sentiments, these lead to civil unrest and even wars that destabilise entire regions and countries.
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Matthes, Claudia-Y. « Safeguarding Democracy and the Rule of Law by Civil Society Actors ? The Case of Poland ». Dans Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 263–81. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_11.
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Abstract A growing body of literature examines the EU’s reactions to illiberal trends in ECE countries. These studies predominantly focus on political instruments such as Article 7 and the Commission’s new rule of law mechanism, and there is a broad consensus on the view that these tools are too weak to combat breaches of liberal principles. This chapter therefore explores the potential of alternative strategies, namely the involvement of civil society actors in backsliding countries. By looking at the Polish case, it explores how much Polish civil society interacts with the European institutions in order to address violations of the rule of law and which strategies these actors unfold. It examines whether this cooperation may help to safeguard democracy in a bottom-up manner. The overall goal of the chapter is to investigate how much the EU’s instruments against democratic backsliding could and should be accompanied effectively by strategies aiming at collaboration with liberal forces within the backsliding member states.
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Slipchenko, Sviatoslav, et Oleksandr Shyshka. « Civil Circulation of the Deceased’s Organs in the Countries of Eastern Europe ». Dans European Union and its Neighbours in a Globalized World, 115–30. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05690-1_7.
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Hazelhorst, Monique. « Free Movement of Civil Judgments and European Union Fundamental Rights Law ». Dans Free Movement of Civil Judgments in the European Union and the Right to a Fair Trial, 231–69. The Hague : T.M.C. Asser Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-162-3_6.
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Bardutzky, Samo. « European Civil Society, Rights and Non-Europeans : Thoughts Upon Reading Amsterdam—From the Market to the European Society by Francisco Lucas Pires ». Dans What Market, What Society, What Union ?, 115–27. The Hague : T.M.C. Asser Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-371-9_8.
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Thiel, Markus. « European Civil Society and ‘Participatory’ Governance Tools : The Impact of the EU Fundamental Rights Agency and Platform ». Dans Democratic Legitimacy in the European Union and Global Governance, 87–111. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-41381-5_5.
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Hazelhorst, Monique. « Free Movement of Judgments and the European Convention on Human Rights ». Dans Free Movement of Civil Judgments in the European Union and the Right to a Fair Trial, 177–229. The Hague : T.M.C. Asser Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-162-3_5.
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Zimmer, Reingard. « Trade Union Approaches to Global Value Chains : The Indonesian Experience ». Dans Interdisciplinary Studies in Human Rights, 171–85. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73835-8_10.
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AbstractThe evident failure of voluntary corporate codes of conduct and their monitoring has further intensified debates over the purchasing practices and legal accountability of transnational corporations. This article analyses the development of International Framework Agreements as an alternative approach advanced by trade unions and describes the characteristics of these instruments, pointing out their strengths and weaknesses concerning implementation and monitoring. It specifically focuses on the Indonesian Protocol on Freedom of Association, a special framework agreement concluded between Indonesian trade unions and international sportswear firms to protect freedom of association and trade union rights in the Indonesian textile, garment and footwear industries. After presenting the protocol’s content, the article discusses findings concerning the implementation and monitoring of the agreement, based on interviews conducted by the author in Indonesia between November 2018 and January 2019. It identifies several key factors that led to the successful promotion of strong trade union rights in the formation phase of the agreement, namely public awareness due to intensive campaigning around a mega sporting event, strong support from different civil society actors and the presence of a neutral facilitator. Overall, the Indonesian Protocol on Freedom of Association is an example of a bottom-up process that strengthens the signatory trade unions and thus serves as a potential model for actors in other countries.
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Hazelhorst, Monique. « Protection of Fundamental Rights by EU Instruments on Free Movement of Civil Judgments ». Dans Free Movement of Civil Judgments in the European Union and the Right to a Fair Trial, 63–114. The Hague : T.M.C. Asser Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-162-3_3.
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Naef, Tobias. « The Restrictive Effect of the Legal Mechanisms for Data Transfers in the European Union ». Dans European Yearbook of International Economic Law, 115–230. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19893-9_3.
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AbstractThe right to data protection in Article 8 CFR has an extraterritorial dimension, which requires continuous protection for personal data that is essentially equivalent to the protection guaranteed within the EU. This right to continuous protection of personal data is an unwritten constituent part of the right to data protection in Article 8 CFR. Primary Union law in Article 16(2) TFEU instructs the European Parliament and the Council to establish rules relating to the protection of individuals regarding the processing of their personal data. This mandate also extends to the extraterritorial dimension of the right to data protection. Accordingly, Chapter V GDPR sets out the system for the transfer of personal data from the EU to third countries. The first section of this chapter defines the legal concept of “data transfers” and introduces the three legal mechanisms for the transfer of personal data in Chapter V GDPR (Sect. 3.1). The following sections address the three legal mechanism and their role in guaranteeing the right to continuous protection for personal data. Each section entails a fundamental rights analysis for the transfer of personal data on the basis of a legal mechanism in Chapter V GDPR. The second section is dedicated to data transfers based on adequacy decisions for third countries following Article 45 GDPR (Sect. 3.2). The third section is dedicated to data transfers based on the instruments providing appropriate safeguards in Article 46 GDPR such as standard data protection clauses and binding corporate rules (BCRs) (Sect. 3.3). Finally, the fourth section is dedicated to data transfers subject to contract-based and consent-based derogations in Article 49 GDPR (Sect. 3.4).
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Civil rights – European Union countries"
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Saule, Murat. « PROPRIETARY METHODS OF THE PROPRIETARY RIGHTS PROTECTION IN THE CIVIL LAW OF THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN AND COUNTRIES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION : COMPARATIVE LEGAL ANALYSIS ». Dans 4th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2017. Stef92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/12/s02.078.
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Uslu, Kamil. « The Evaluation of the Energy Resources of Exclusive Economic Zones in Eastern Mediterranean ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02348.
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The Eastern Mediterranean has attracted new attention on the gas potential in the world. In fact, overseas research in the eastern Mediterranean waters began in the late 1960s with a number of wells opened by Belpetco. With the overseas production of the region in recent years, it has entered the world agenda. However, these discoveries have triggered additional conflicts between the states on the establishment of sovereign rights and the limitation of the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). In 2009, a large amount of energy was produced in the Eastern Mediterranean Region. The resulting supply, economic line in the westward movement, between Cyprus and Turkey, Turkey would reach out to EU countries. Arish-Ashkelon, which supplies gas to Israel, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon, has been identified as a pipeline. The other line is the Arab Gas Pipeline. The cooperation with the implementation of the line was met and accepted. But the Syrian civil war has postponed this view for now. When Cyprus joined the EU in 2004, the Sea of Levantine made the European Union a sea border for all practical purposes. In the early 2000s, Cyprus and Turkey's EU membership expectancy, could boost optimism about the possibility of a breakthrough. Turkey should not be admitted to the EU has prevented the solution of the Cyprus problem. Turkey and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) and made clear that the agreement with the International Exclusive Economic Zone reached 200 Mile limits. The energy source derived from the region, the future of both Turkey and the TRNC will be able to improve the economic well-being. Thus, will contribute to peace in the region.
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Dauster, Manfred. « Criminal Proceedings in Times of Pandemic ». Dans The 8th International Scientific Conference of the Faculty of Law of the University of Latvia. University of Latvia Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/iscflul.8.2.18.
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COVID-19 caught humanity off guard at the turn of 2019/2020. Even when the Chinese government sealed off Wuhan, a city of millions, for weeks to contain the epidemic, no one in other parts of the world had any idea of what specifically was heading for the countries. The ignorant and belittling public statements and tweets of the former US president are still fresh in everyone's memory. Only when the Italian army carried the coffins with the COVID-19 victims in northern Italy, the gravesites spread in the Bergamo region, as well as the intensive care beds filled in the overcrowded hospitals, the countries of the European Union and other parts of the world realised how serious the situation threatened to become. Together with the World Health Organisation (WHO), the terms changed to pandemic. Much of the pandemic evoked reminiscences originating in the Black Death raging between 1346 and 1353 or in the Spanish flu after the First World War. Meanwhile, life went on. The administration of justice in criminal cases could not and should not come to a standstill. Emergency measures, such as those that began to emerge in February 2020, are always the hour of the executive. In their efforts to stop the spread of the virus, in Germany, governments particularly reflected on criminal proceedings. Neither criminal procedural law nor the courts and court administrations applying this procedural law were adequately prepared for the challenges. Deadlines threatened to expire, access to court buildings and halls had to be restricted to reduce the risk of infection, public hearings represented a potential source of infection for both the parties to the proceedings and the public, virtual criminal hearings via conference calls had not yet been tested in civil proceedings, but were legally possible, but not so in criminal cases. The taking of evidence in criminal cases in Germany is governed by the rules of strict evidence and is largely not at the disposal of the parties to the proceedings. Especially in criminal cases, fundamental and human rights guarantees serve to protect the accused, but also the victims and witnesses. Executive measures of pandemic containment might impact these guarantees. Here, an attempt will be made to discuss at some neuralgic points how Germany has attempted to balance the resulting contradictory interests in the conflict between pandemic control and constitutional requirements for criminal court proceedings.
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Ballı, Esra, et Gülçin Güreşçi Pehlivan. « Economic Effects of European Neighborhood Policy on Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00777.
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After the fifth enlargement of European Union in 2004 and with the expansion of European Unions borders and new neighbors, it became one of the important policies to provide security, stability and prosperity, and develop relationship between neighborhood countries. Although, enlargement process provide some opportunities to the member states of European Union, it brings about some difficulties. The differences at the life standards, environment, public health, prevention and combating organized crime between European Union and neighbor countries caused to create new policies. European Neighborhood Policy was launched in 2004, and consists of 16 countries, namely: Israel, Jordan, Moldova, Morocco, The Palestinian Authority, Tunisia, Ukraine, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Egypt, Georgia, Lebanon, Algeria, Syria, Libya and Belarus. European Union and the partner country sign the Partnership and Cooperation Agreements or Association Agreements, and then the Agreement Action Plans are mutually adapted. Action Plans include privileged relationship, mutual commitment to common values, democracy and human rights, legal and market economy principles, good governance, sustainable development, energy and transportation policies. Within the framework of European Neighborhood Policy, the main aim is to arrange the relationship between the neighbors of European Union. In this study, economic effects of the European Neighborhood Policy will be examined for the relevant countries.
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Rym, Olena. « DIFFERENCES IN THE FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS UNDERSTANDING : DOES THE PROBLEM IN THE EUROPEAN UNION EXIST ? » Dans Relevant Issues of the Development of Science in Central and Eastern European Countries. Publishing House “Baltija Publishing”, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-588-11-2_62.
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Wysocki, Pawel. « FUNCTIONING AND LEGAL REGULATIONS OF PERPETUAL USUFRUCT RIGHT IN POLAND IN RELATION TO SIMILAR RIGHTS IN OTHER COUNTRIES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION. » Dans 15th International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2015/b22/s9.031.
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Urbane, Marta. « The Future of the Employee’s Right to Disconnect in the European Union and Latvia ». Dans 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002285.
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The right to disconnect refers to a worker's right to be able to disconnect from work and refrain from engaging in work-related electronic communication, like emails and other messages, during non-work hours and holidays. The Latvian Labor Law does not directly determine the right to disconnect from digital devices, however, such rights arise from certain legal norms. Examples of the provisions of the Labor Law relate to the general rules on rest periods and breaks in work. The recent research results of remote work during Covid-19 pandemic conducted by the author show that for 69.3% of respondents working remotely possibility to disconnect from digital devices outside working hours (when the assigned work tasks have been completed) is extremely crucial. If the rights to disconnect are not explicitly regulated, the risk of disbalance between work and private life is at stake. The increase in workload during the emergency caused by COVID-19 was indicated by 42.7% of respondents in Latvia. That shows that another problem of lack of regulation of rights to disconnect could be unpaid overtime. The research shows that 14.7% of respondents were not paid for overtime work when working from home. The practice shows a critical need for sustainable and predictable changes in the legal system to protect employees’ rights and thus ensure stable employment in general in Latvia. It was also recently decided by Employment Committee MEPs that EU countries must ensure that workers are able to exercise the right to disconnect effectively. Some of the member states in the European Union have recently implemented the right into their legal system (Portugal, Spain, France), but each member state takes a different approach. That means that discussion is no longer if there is a need to implement the “right to disconnect” in national legal acts, but how to implement the right efficiently not only at a national level but at the EU level as well.The goal of the research is to provide an in-depth analysis of the legal status of the “right to disconnect” in the legal system of the European Union and Latvia. In order to reach the goal, the author is using various scientific research methods. The paper is based on a quantitative research method and analytical, comparative, case law analysis method to provide valid conclusions on the current role of the “right to disconnect” in Latvia and the European Union. The author also offers recommendations on how to implement the “right to disconnect” efficiently to avoid violation of employees’ rights and ensure a sustainable work environment.In the result, the author has concluded that the biggest impediment of the employee's right to disconnect is the lack of clear legislative preconditions that would encourage businesses to preserve employees' freedom to disconnect, resulting in a more sustainable working environment - both in the office and remotely.Finally, the author concludes that there is a need to adjust regulation in Latvia to meet the needs of widespread use of remote work. The author also concludes that a significant role to protect employees’ right to disconnect is for governmental authorities to explain the right to disconnect to employees and employers.
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Niftiyev, Ibrahim. « A comparison of institutional quality in the South Caucasus ». Dans The European Union’s Contention in the Reshaping Global Economy. Szeged : Szegedi Tudományegyetem Gazdaságtudományi Kar, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/eucrge.2022.9.
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Much has happened in the three countries of the South Caucasus-namely, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia-since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Political events, institutional reforms, and economic development have resulted in greater economic welfare in these countries after the painful transition period of the 1990s. However, it remains to be seen whether they have achieved any solid results or whether they still have much to accomplish. While the answer is ambiguous, each country has followed a different political, geopolitical, economic, and institutional path and achieved different economic outcomes despite their close geographical proximity to each other. This paper compares the available data on economic and institutional quality in Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia to portray the overall situation in terms of changes in institutional patterns. Then, special attention is given to Azerbaijan, as the country is considered to be oil-rich and thus resource-dependent. A comparative perspective on institutional quality suggests that Georgia has been a leading country in terms of institutions and effective bureaucracy-building, despite having lower economic indicators compared to Azerbaijan. Moreover, while Armenia is positioned between Georgia and Azerbaijan in terms of institutional quality, its economic growth is similar to Georgia's. Lastly, institutional variables (e.g., control of corruption, rule of law, and government effectiveness, and human rights) in Azerbaijan are negatively correlated with oil-related variables. This result aligns with the natural resource curse and Dutch disease theories, which posit that oil boom periods in mineral-rich countries are associated with a deterioration in institutional quality, thereby leading to slower growth. Also, the results are important to build up analytical frameworks to address the Dutch disease or resource curse studies in the case of Azerbaijan in a comparative manner with oil-poor countries even if the scope is limited to the South Caucasian former Soviet Union countries.
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Panagoreţ, Andreea, Dragos Panagoreţ et Tomislav Kandyija. « Sustainable Development and Environmental Policy of the European Union ». Dans G.I.D.T.P. 2019 - Globalization, Innovation and Development, Trends and Prospects 2019. LUMEN Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/gidtp2022/16.
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Sustainable development approaches the concept of quality of life in all its complexity, from an economic, social and environmental point of view, promoting the idea of the balance between economic development, social equity, efficient use and conservation of the environment. By its very nature, sustainable development represents the need for responsibility and education for environmental protection, and this aspect is reflected in the evolution of community policy in recent years, a policy marked by the transition from an approach based on constraint and sanction, to a more flexible, based one on incentives. Thus, it is acting in the direction of a voluntary approach, in order to promote this environmental responsibility and to encourage the use of environmental management systems. The environmental policy does not act independently, but reflects the interest of civil society in this direction, manifested by the creation of numerous environmental movements and organizations. Moreover, in some countries the creation and development of "green" political parties has been achieved, with real success in the political arena. However, resistance - or, more properly, the restraint and inertia that manifests itself, should not be forgotten, when environmental objectives seem to limit industrial competitiveness and economic growth; but this aspect only emphasizes once again the need for a concerted approach at European level and the need for an active and integrated environmental policy, capable of responding to the challenges that appear economically. The European environmental policy is based on the principles of precaution, prevention, correction of pollution at source and "polluter pays". The precautionary principle is a risk management tool that can be invoked if there is scientific uncertainty about a possible risk to human health or the environment, arising from a particular action or policy.
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Tucak, Ivana, et Anita Blagojević. « COVID- 19 PANDEMIC AND THE PROTECTION OF THE RIGHT TO ABORTION ». Dans EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18355.
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The COVID - 19 pandemic that swept the world in 2020 and the reactions of state authorities to it are unparalleled events in modern history. In order to protect public health, states have limited a number of fundamental human rights that individuals have in accordance with national constitutions and international conventions. The focus of this paper is the right of access to abortion in the Member States of the European Union. In Europe, the situation with regard to the recognition of women's right to abortion is quite clear. All member states of the European Union, with the exception of Poland and Malta, recognize the rather liberal right of a woman to have an abortion in a certain period of time after conception. However, Malta and Poland, as members of the European Union, since abortion is seen as a service, must not hinder the travel of women abroad to have an abortion, nor restrict information on the provision of abortion services in other countries. In 2020, a pandemic highlighted all the weaknesses of this regime by preventing women from traveling to more liberal countries to perform abortions, thus calling into question their right to choose and protect their sexual and reproductive rights. This is not only the case in Poland and Malta, but also in countries that recognize the right to abortion but make it conditional on certain non-medical conditions, such as compulsory counselling; and the mandatory time period between applying for and performing an abortion; in situations present in certain countries where the problem of a woman exercising the right to abortion is a large number of doctors who do not provide this service based on their right to conscience. The paper is divided into three parts. The aim of the first part of the paper is to consider all the legal difficulties that women face in accessing abortion during the COVID -19 pandemic, restrictions that affect the protection of their dignity, right to life, privacy and right to equality. In the second part of the paper particular attention will be paid to the illiberal tendencies present in this period in some countries of Central and Eastern Europe, especially Poland. In the third part of the paper, emphasis will be put on the situation in Malta where there is a complete ban on abortion even in the case when the life of a pregnant woman is in danger.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Civil rights – European Union countries"
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Martin, Matthew. The Crisis of Extreme Inequality in SADC : Fighting austerity and the pandemic. Oxfam, Development Finance International, Norwegian Church Aid, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.8793.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the extreme inequality in Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, and pushed millions into poverty. The economic crisis continues due to the obscene global vaccine inequality. As of end March 2022, a dismal 14% of SADC citizens had been fully vaccinated against COVID-19, compared with 65.5% in the United States and 73% in the European Union. In 2021, with infections rising in SADC, the critical health, social protection and economic programmes put in place by most governments in 2020 were rolled back and replaced with austerity, in the context of growing debt burdens and lack of external support for country budgets. Such austerity has been built into IMF programmes in the region. Recovering from the pandemic, however, offers SADC governments a once-in-a-generation opportunity to do what their citizens want: increase taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, boost public spending (especially on healthcare, education and social protection), and increase workers’ rights as well as tackling joblessness and precarious work. With external support, including through debt relief and aid, they could reduce inequality drastically and eliminate extreme poverty by 2030.
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Martin, Matthew. The Crisis of Extreme Inequality in SADC : Fighting austerity and the pandemic. Oxfam, Development Finance International, Norwegian Church Aid, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.8793.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the extreme inequality in Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, and pushed millions into poverty. The economic crisis continues due to the obscene global vaccine inequality. As of end March 2022, a dismal 14% of SADC citizens had been fully vaccinated against COVID-19, compared with 65.5% in the United States and 73% in the European Union. In 2021, with infections rising in SADC, the critical health, social protection and economic programmes put in place by most governments in 2020 were rolled back and replaced with austerity, in the context of growing debt burdens and lack of external support for country budgets. Such austerity has been built into IMF programmes in the region. Recovering from the pandemic, however, offers SADC governments a once-in-a-generation opportunity to do what their citizens want: increase taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, boost public spending (especially on healthcare, education and social protection), and increase workers’ rights as well as tackling joblessness and precarious work. With external support, including through debt relief and aid, they could reduce inequality drastically and eliminate extreme poverty by 2030.