Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Civil-military relations – Colombia »

Abstract This article argues that civil-military relations should be conceptualized not only in terms of democratic civilian control but also for effectiveness in implementing a spectrum of roles and missions. It also argues that achieving effectiveness requires institutional development as a necessary but not sufficient condition. Currently in Latin America, the focus in civil-military relations remains exclusively on civilian control. While there is a growing awareness of the need for analysis beyond asserting control over the armed forces, so far nobody has proposed or adopted a broader analytical framework. This article proposes such a framework, and employs it to analyze differences among four major South American countries: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Colombia. The explanation for the differences identified by use of the framework is found in the incentives of civilian elites in Chile and Colombia, who have recognized serious threats to national security and defense.

AbstractColombia and Peru made significant progress in reducing the institutional prerogatives of their respective militaries in the 1990s and 2000s while reforming their economies in a neoliberal direction. They accomplished this despite internal armed threats to state authority and stability. The end of the Cold War, U.S. promotion of “market democracies,” and the international centrality of free markets and formal democratic governance coincided with the rise to power in Peru and Colombia of “neoliberal policy coalitions.” The internal insurgency mitigated the emergence of antiglobalization or antidemocratic reform factions in the military and civil society. The armed forces unified behind their counterinsurgency mission, and opposition in civil society was weakened, creating greater space for neoliberal elites to reform their economies and reduce military prerogatives.

Abstract The strengthening of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) during the 1990s was an unintended consequence of a series of tactical successes in U.S. antidrug policies. These included dismantling the Medellín and Cali drug cartels, interdicting coca coming into Colombian processing facilities, and using drug certification requirements to pressure the Colombian government to attack drug cartels and allow aerial fumigation of coca crops. These successes, however, merely pushed coca cultivation increasingly to FARC-dominated areas while weakening many of the FARC's political-military opponents. This provided the FARC with unprecedented opportunities to extract resources from the cocaine industry to deepen its long insurgency against the Colombian state. The Colombian experience demonstrates the importance of creating a more sophisticated understanding of how lootable wealth can exacerbate civil wars.

Traditional approaches to international aid deal with post-conflict risks focusing on external safeguards for peacebuilding, leaving local social enhancers playing a subsidiary role. Trust has long been highlighted as a key factor that can positively affect sustainable peace efforts by reducing intergroup hostility. Surprisingly, most post-conflict studies deal with trust as a dependent variable. Using a cross-sectional multi-method field study in Colombia, we assess the impact of trust on prospective reconciliation in the midst of an ongoing peace process. We find that trust in ex-combatants and in government increases the likelihood of having positive attitudes towards future reconciliation and willingness to support not only the peace process but reconciliation activities after war. We offer evidence supporting the idea that rather than drawing exclusively on economic and military capabilities, investing in local governance infrastructures that promote prosocial behaviour and positive belief management in the pre-reconciliation face offers a complementary alternative to help societies exit civil wars while tackling barriers to peacebuilding efforts in the initial stages of a post-conflict.

This article presents a data set of the population of military students, resulting from a sociological study completed at the Colombian Military Academy (Escuela Militar de Cadetes General Jose Maria Cordova - ESMIC). By analyzing perceptions and attitudes of ESMIC’s students in six areas, namely, socio-demographic characteristics; professional behavior; social patterns; military values; civil-military relations; and integration of women in the military, this data set aims to provide scientific information to assist in the design, implementation, and effectiveness of the National Army of Colombia’s policies.

What are the effects of war on political behavior? Colombia is an interesting case in which conflict and elections coexist, and illegal armed groups intentionally affect electoral outcomes. Nonetheless, groups have used different strategies to alter these results. This paper argues that differential effects of violence on electoral outcomes are the result of deliberate strategies followed by illegal groups, which in turn result from military conditions that differ between them. Using panel data from Senate elections from 1994 to 2006 and an instrumental variables approach to address potential endogeneity concerns, this paper shows that guerrilla violence decreases turnout, while paramilitary violence has no effect on participation, but reduces electoral competition and benefits non-traditional third parties. FARC violence is significantly higher during election years, while paramilitary violence is lower. This is consistent with the hypothesis that the guerrillas’ strategy is to sabotage elections, while paramilitaries establish alliances with certain candidates.

La identidad militar de los miembros de las Fuerzas Militares de Colombia (FFMM) es uno de los aspectos menos explorados en la literatura especializada, en particular, en los campos de la ciencia política, la sociología militar y la ciencia de la administración. Si bien las FFMM se han mantenido como la institución con el índice más alto de favorabilidad en Colombia durante las últimas dos décadas, el desconocimiento de lo que significa ser militar por parte de los ciudadanos ha impedido un mejor entendimiento de las instituciones castrenses y sus integrantes, lo cual ha afectado las relaciones entre civiles y militares, la gobernabilidad del Estado y el robustecimiento de la democracia. Frente a esta problemática, la presente investigación busca ofrecer ciertas soluciones desde la perspectiva de la ciencia política, a partir del análisis de la identidad militar de los oficiales de las FFMM colombianas del siglo XXI en tres ámbitos: (1) sus rasgos sociodemográficos (su lugar de procedencia, estratificación económica, creencias religiosas y tendencias endogámicas), (2) su visión sobre lo que significa para ellos ser militar (motivos para ingresar a la carrera militar, las cualidades y virtudes castrenses, su posición frente al riesgo de muerte y su opinión sobre los estímulos profesionales, el corporativismo y el prestigio de las FFMM) y (3) su idoneidad profesional (educación militar y educación no castrense, su concepción de la política, las instituciones y movimientos sociales, su tendencia ideológica y su entendimiento de los valores ciudadanos). Para tal fin, se examinaron las opiniones de 273 oficiales del Ejército, la Armada y la Fuerza Aérea que adelantaron el Curso de Estado Mayor en la Escuela Superior de Guerra “General Rafael Reyes Prieto” como requisito para ser promovidos al grado de Teniente Coronel o Capitán de Fragata. La información obtenida también se cotejó en ciertos aspectos con las percepciones de 1.120 cadetes, futuros oficiales del Ejército, de la Escuela Militar de Cadetes “General José María Córdova”. Además de permitir la identificación, en mayor profundidad, de los orígenes y perspectivas de los oficiales, este trabajo contribuye al fortalecimiento del vínculo entre civiles y militares, así como a fortalecer la democracia en un país largamente afectado por un conflicto armado interno.
La identitat militar dels membres de les Forces Militars de Colòmbia (FFMM) és un dels aspectes menys explorats en la literatura especialitzada, en particular, en els camps de la ciència política, la sociologia militar i la ciència de l'administració. Si bé les FFMM s'han mantingut com la institució amb l'índex més alt de favorabilitat a Colòmbia durant les últimes dues dècades, el desconeixement del que significa ser militar per part dels ciutadans ha impedit un millor enteniment de les institucions castrenses i els seus integrants, la qual cosa ha afectat les relacions entre civils i militars, la governabilitat de l'Estat i l'enfortiment de la democràcia. Davant d'aquesta problemàtica, la present investigació busca oferir certes solucions des de la perspectiva de la ciència política, a partir de l’anàlisi de la identitat militar dels oficials de les FFMM colombianes de segle XXI en tres àmbits: (1) els seus trets sociodemogràfics (el seu lloc de procedència, estratificació econòmica, creences religioses i tendències endogàmiques), (2) la seva visió sobre el que significa per a ells ser militar (motius per ingressar a la carrera militar, les qualitats i virtuts castrenses, la seva posició davant el risc de mort i la seva opinió sobre els estímuls professionals, el corporativisme i el prestigi de les FFMM) i (3) la seva idoneïtat professional (formació militar i formació no castrense, la seva concepció de la política, les institucions i moviments socials, la seva tendència ideològica i el seu enteniment de els valors ciutadans). Per a tal fi, es van examinar les opinions de 273 oficials de l'Exèrcit, l'Armada i la Força Aèria que van avançar el Curs d'Estat Major a l'Escola Superior de Guerra "General Rafael Reis Prieto" com a requisit per ser promoguts a el grau de tinent coronel o capità de Fragata. La informació obtinguda també es va confrontar en certs aspectes amb les percepcions de 1.120 cadets, futurs oficials de l'Exèrcit, de l'Escola Militar de Cadets "General José María Córdova". A més de permetre la identificació, en major profunditat, dels orígens i perspectives dels oficials, aquest treball contribueix a l'enfortiment de l'enllaç harmònic entre civils i militars, així com a enfortir la democràcia en un país llargament afectat per un conflicte armat intern.
The military identity of the members of the Colombian Armed Forces (FFMM) is one of the least studied aspects in academic literature, especially, in the fields of political science, military sociology and management science. Although, during the past two decades, the FFMM have maintained their status as an institution with the highest degree of approval in Colombia, the citizens’ lack of knowledge as far as the meaning of being a military woman/man is concerned has precluded the society from gaining a better understanding of the military institutions and its members. This, therefore, had a negative impact on the civil-military relations as well as the governance of the State and strengthening of democracy. In light of this problem, this research seeks to offer specific solution from the political science perspective by analyzing the military identity of the 21st century Colombian FFMM officers with an emphasis on three areas: (1) their sociodemographic features (their place of origin, economic stratification, religious beliefs and endogamic patterns); (2) their view of what it means for them to be a military woman/man (reasons to join the military, military qualities and virtues, their position in relation to the risk of death and their opinion on professional stimuli, corporatism and prestige of the FFMM); and (3) their professional suitability (military and non-military training, their perception of politics, institutions and social movements, their ideological orientation and their understanding of citizen values). To this end, the thesis examines 273 opinions pertaining to the officers from the Army, Navy and Air Force who completed the General Staff Course at the Colombian War College (Escuela Superior de Guerra “General Rafael Reyes Prieto”) as a requirement for promotion to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel or Navy Commander. The data obtained was also verified to a certain degree with the perceptions of 1.120 cadets, future officers of the Army, from the Colombian Army Military Academy (Escuela Militar de Cadetes “General José María Córdova”). In addition to identifying with greater depth the origins and perspectives of the officers, this thesis contributes to strengthening both the link between the civilians and the military and democracy in a country largely affected by an internal armed conflict.

O propósito desta tese é explicar as relações civil-militares na Colômbia durante a década de 2000. Nesta perspectiva, considera-se, em primeiro lugar, o impacto da pressão externa por uma determinada conformação das FFAA. Ou seja, a influência da intervenção dos Estados Unidos da América através do Plano Colômbia. Em segundo lugar, avalia-se o impacto do contexto político interno da Colômbia na conjuntura 2000-2010 e, particularmente, a dinâmica do conflito colombiano durante a execução da Política de Segurança Democrática do governo Uribe, nas suas dimensões normativas, institucionais e operacionais. A pesquisa também desenvolve uma contextualização sócio-histórica para identificar os condicionantes estruturais das interações entre civis e militares na Colômbia desde o século XIX. Por fim, exploram-se as implicações do processo de fortalecimento, modernização e expansão das FFAA nos últimos anos para o controle civil democrático, como também para a inserção do estado colombiano em dinâmicas de cooperação regional no âmbito da segurança e defesa.
This research aims to explain the civilian-military relationships during the 2000 decade. First off, it considers the impact of external stress supporting a battle between the FFAA. I mean the influence from an American participation through the frame of Plan Colombia. In second place, it reviews the impact of the internal political context in Colombia in the juncture 2000-2010 and, specially, it focuses on the dynamics of armed conflict and the execution of the security policies during Uribe’s Government, within the normative, institutional and operational dimensions. Also includes the study of the historic and sociological context that represents the structural interactional conditions between civilians and militaries of the XIX century. Finally, it explores the consequences of the process of consolidation, modernization and expansion of the FFAA over the last years for the civil democratic control, as so as for the introduction of Colombia in regional cooperation policies of security and defense.

This thesis seeks to answer the question: how healthy, relatively speaking, are civil-military relations in South America? To answer this, key variables from three of the touchstone works in civil-military literature, namely, Samuel Huntington’s “The Soldier and the State,” Morris Janowitz’s “The Professional Soldier: A Social and Political Portrait,” and Samuel Finer’s “The Man On Horseback.” and journal articles were gleaned. A total of twenty-two variables were identified and divided into three categories: State Comparative, Civilian and Military variables that are connected to “healthy” civil-military relations in the literature. These variables were then applied to all twelve South American states. The results were then compared to the United States, which the literature suggests is the closest to having “ideal” civil-military relations. To ensure that the paper comparison matches practice, this thesis reviewed Colombia in-depth. Its military is not only the second largest in the region, but also one that plays a vital role in society. The overall results from this comparative assessment indicate that there is a bimodal distribution among South American states in terms of the variables indicating healthy civil-military relations. Although it is clear that all States still need major improvements, half have healthier civil-military relations than the other half.

Defence date: 24 October 2017
Examining Board: Donatella della Porta, SNS/EUI (Supervisor); Sidney Tarrow, Cornell University; Jennifer Welsh, EUI; Elisabeth Wood, Yale University.
The thesis was awarded the Linz-Rokkan Prize in Political Sociology 2018
This study deals with the collective roles that civilians come to play in the context of civil war. Concretely, it documents and analyzes a little studied pattern of civilian agency: civilian noncooperation with armed groups. It develops a theory that specifies where and when civilians are more likely to organize themselves to refuse non-violently to cooperate with armed organizations. Where territorial control is shifting, where violence against civilians has recently spiked, and where targeting is perceived as unavoidable, a desire for noncooperation is likely to evolve. However, this desire is not enough for us to observe organized noncooperation. Campaigns of noncooperation are likely to emerge when desire meets capacity for collective action. Localities with a prior history of mobilization and/or with the support of external actors are more likely to count on the leadership and the associational space needed for organizing action. These conditions are found to be individually necessary and jointly sufficient across three different ideal types of noncooperation: oblique, pacted and unilateral. Complementing this set of expectations, the study specifies a limited number of cognitive and relational mechanisms that explain the pathway towards noncooperation. Civilian noncooperation is proposed both as a strategy of community self-protection and a form of contentious politics. In this sense, the study bridges scholarship on the micro-dynamics of civil war, civil resistance, social movements/collective action and civilian protection. The analysis is embedded in a three-stage research design that combines within-case analysis, cross-case structured and focused comparisons, and paired comparisons of positive and control observations. The empirical data, both qualitative and quantitative, was gathered during two separate waves of field research in warzones using different techniques of data collection. These included over 150 individual and group interviews with civilians and (ex)combatants, memory workshops, collective map-drawing and timeline-building exercises, and direct observation. The goal of this study is accomplished to the extent that it succeeds in the art of combining parsimonious theorization of an outcome with the smells and sounds of the complex processes that give life to that outcome. In other words, providing sensitive simplification and empirically falsifiable claims is as important as offering a realistic and fair account of the lives of the communities I lived and worked with over the past years. Ultimately, it is for the reader to judge.

In this exploratory article, the authors investigate if and how sport may be used as a tool to advance Peace Support Operations’ (PSO) success. This is done based on a review of existing literature both in the Sport for Development and Peace (SDP) and PSO fields, as well as information on relevant activities going on “in the field” and a first round of interviews with Colombian and German officers. The authors start with an examination of sport as a tool for peace-building and the nexus between sport and the military. Outlining the characteristics and challenges of today’s complex PSO’s, they identify docking points and ways of how sport may be used to mitigate those challenges. The authors focus on four areas: multinational military-military cooperation, international civil-military interaction and PSO’s relations with the local population and the local authorities and armed forces. Acknowledging some restraints due to the nature of these operations’ constellations and dynamics, they propose six preliminary models for the use of sport to support mission success and encourage academia, the military and SDP practitioners to look further into the field.