Thèses : « Citizenship in Europe »

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Cronin, Anne. « Consumer-citizenship : advertising, difference, selfhood and Europe ». Thesis, Lancaster University, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.264118.

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Bagno, Enrico <1991&gt. « European Citizenship : from the treaties to the "Europe for citizens" programme ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/7951.

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Le sfide che l’Europa deve affrontare oggi, come le conseguenze della crisi economica, il problema delle migrazioni di massa e del terrorismo internazionale, rappresentano un rallentamento del processo d’integrazione dell’Unione Europea con una conseguente crisi d’identità. In quest’ottica, la tesi affronta il tema della cittadinanza europea con un’analisi su più fronti: inizialmente si daranno le basi giuridiche necessarie per comprendere la questione della cittadinanza nell’UE (evoluzione della cittadinanza nei trattati, acquisizione, casi giurisprudenziali, diritti derivati dallo status di cittadino UE), in una fase successiva sarà presentata la possibilità d’iniziativa dei cittadini come elemento di partecipazione democratica, e infine si presenterà una proposta progettuale nell’ambito del programma “Europa per i cittadini”, collegando le conquiste ottenute dalla Corte di Giustizia e dai Trattati alla cittadinanza attiva e al coinvolgimento diretto dei cittadini nei processi decisionali. L’obiettivo del lavoro è mostrare come una maggiore consapevolezza riguardo allo status di cittadino europeo e dei diritti a esso collegati possa portare a una maggiore partecipazione democratica nel processo d’integrazione dell’Unione Europea.

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Shadley, Anna Bardes. « The Third Gate : Naturalization Legislation in Central and Eastern Europe ». Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1206123091.

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Rezmuves, Ildiko. « Selling Europe. Citizenship, identity and communication in the European Union's institutional discourse ». Diss., Connect to online resource, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3219022.

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Rohde-Liebenau, Judith. « Raising European citizens ? : European narratives, European schools and students' identification with Europe ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:24615518-fef0-44e0-be23-0ec24ca301eb.

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Fostering identification with Europe among citizens could legitimise European integration. Whether such an identity exists, however, remains an on-going debate among scholars. This research returns to the foundations of how a European identity is constructed, transmitted and transformed. It explores narratives of European identity in a carefully chosen context - European Schools for children of EU officials - where identification with Europe should mirror official EU visions. A qualitative content analysis explores narrations of 101 students collected during interviews and focus groups across three schools, and analyses documents and interviews with EU officials, school directors and teachers. This analysis reveals a descriptive puzzle: official EU and European School propositions of (multi-) national narratives differ markedly from teachers' and students' conceptions of cosmopolitan and transnational identities. The EU constructs an out-group of its own nationalist past and non-EU citizens. On the other hand, students construct an explicitly European in-group, but differentiate themselves from more national and less mobile lifestyles. This disparity, in turn, reveals a causal puzzle about how differences in narratives emerge. I use process tracing to elucidate the relationship between European schooling and students' identification with Europe. The results show a distorted transmission where broader EU goals are elaborated and transformed by teachers and further fuelled by interactions amongst students with similarly mobile and multilingual backgrounds. I develop a dual mechanism to understand how the varieties of identification with Europe develop: the concept of "doing Europe" explains how students nourish a transnational social network; "telling Europe", on the other hand, considers students' exposure to European symbols and stories in school and both national and anti-nationalist narratives provided by teachers and peers. Together, this leads to a transformed but ultimately European in-group understanding. Overall, this project underlines the complexity of identity construction, given that top-down transmission gets altered even in this favourable case. Specifically, it informs future research on European identity by detailing peculiar narratives and offering a causal approach to how these narratives emerge.

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Webster, Anne. « Citizenship education : a study of citizenship education in the school curriculum with exemplars from the USA, Europe and the UK ». Thesis, University of Reading, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.388402.

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Vezzani, Giovanni. « European Muslims and Liberal Citizenship : Reconciliation through Public Reason : The Case of Tariq Ramadan's Citizenship Theory ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. https://dipot.ulb.ac.be/dspace/bitstream/2013/228062/4/Thesis.pdf.

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This study investigates the subject of Muslims’ citizenship in contemporary Western European societies from the viewpoint of John Rawls’s political liberalism, in particular in light of the ‘idea of public reason’ [see John Rawls, Political Liberalism, expanded edition (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005) and the 1997 essay “The Idea of Public Reason Revisited,” originally published in University of Chicago Law Review 64 (1997), 765-807 and now included in Political Liberalism, expanded edition, 440-490]. By its very nature, political liberalism does not prescribe a single model for being Muslim in contemporary Europe. Thus, one may wonder if it is too vague as a point of departure for the analysis. On the other hand, however, here I argue that political liberalism specifies a peculiar evaluative framework that allows citizens to answer questions such as “What is politically at stake when citizens of Muslim faith are publicly presented as permanent aliens in contemporary European societies?”, “On what grounds is such exclusion based?”, and “What requirements can European citizens be reasonably expected to meet?” in a distinctively political way and, ideally, to solve the political and social problems from which those questions spring. In this research, I claim that public reason provides a common discursive platform that establishes the ground for a public political identity and for shared standards for social and political criticism. Together, these two elements solve the two dimensions of the problem of ‘stability for the right reasons’ (in Rawls’s terms) in contemporary European societies, because they secure both the political inclusion of Muslims on an equal footing as citizens and civic assurance that they will remain committed to fair terms of social cooperation. A joint solution of these two apparently conflicting demands of stability for the right reasons (i.e. inclusion and mutual assurance) requires an effort in political reconciliation. After having compared public reason citizenship with two prominent normative alternatives, I will conclude that the former is an adequate ideal conception of citizenship for European societies. Finally, I will apply the justificatory evaluative methodological framework (whose requirements I will specify starting from the idea of public reason itself) to a conception of citizenship elaborated by one of the most renowned Muslim public intellectuals in Europe: Tariq Ramadan. (I justify the choice of this author in sections 2.3 and 6.1). Such an evaluation sheds light on one of the main insights of this research, that is, the idea that public reason makes a decompression of the public space possible: it frees the public space from those forces that would prevent citizens from the possibility of exercising effectively their two moral powers (once more in Rawls’s words, the ‘capacity for a sense of justice and for a conception of the good’) as free equals. In this sense, public reason tries to reconcile ideal political consensus and the fact of reasonable pluralism on a public political ground. I believe that this is the deepest meaning of what Rawls calls ‘reconciliation through public reason’: its aspiration is to reabsorb reasonable pluralism politically without annihilating it.This research is structured in three parts: the first is methodological, the second is reconstructive, and the third is evaluative. Each part is composed of two chapters.In chapter one (“General Framework”), I begin from some empirical observations about the role of perceptions and identities in relation to the issue of Muslims’ citizenship in contemporary Europe. I claim that from this point of view Islam seems to “make problem” in a very specific sense. This does not mean that Islam is a problem, but that Islam is frequently publicly presented and perceived as a problem. This is the background problem from which my work starts. Thus, I explore some dimensions of such a problem (see 1.1). Subsequently, I provide a more specific formulation of the research problem and questions and of the aims of this study. Then, the main research question (Q) is stated in these terms: Which ideal conception of citizenship should provide the common normative perspective in contemporary Western European societies, which are characterised by both demands of inclusion of Muslims and the need for solving a ‘problem of mutual assurance’ [on which, see in particular Paul Weithman, Why Political Liberalism? On John Rawls’s Political Turn (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010)] concerning citizens’ commitment to shared terms of social cooperation, so that those societies can be stable for the right reasons? In order to answer this question, I also specify three sub-questions that I call respectively Q1, Q2, and Q3 (see 1.2).In chapter two (“Toward a Justificatory Evaluative Political Theory”), I firstly try to frame the problem of public justification within Rawls’s political liberalism (see 2.1). I then consider a specific approach to the question of Muslim citizenship in liberal democracies which can be adopted from a Rawlsian perspective: namely, reasoning from conjecture (see 2.2). Finally, I explain my own approach (which I call justificatory evaluative political theory) by means of comparison with the method of reasoning from conjecture (see 2.3). In presenting the evaluative framework specified from a political liberal standpoint, I point out three political liberal evaluative requirements: the reciprocity requirement (RR), the consistency requirement (CR), and the civility requirement (CiR).Chapter three (“What is Public Reason?”) deals with the history of the notion of public reason from Kant to Rawls and its enunciation within Rawls’s work (see 3.1 and 3.2 respectively). In doing so, I also identify three specifications for the three political liberal evaluative requirements considered in the second chapter. Furthermore, in chapter three I also unpack CR in three different dimensions (PR1, PR2, and PR3).Chapter four (“Public Reason and Religion. Reinterpreting the Duty of Civility”) completes the reconstructive stage by analysing Rawls’s ‘wide view’ of public reason and two major lines of objection to it (see 4.1). After having discussed such criticisms, I then introduce my own interpretation of the ‘proviso,’ which is structured around a two-level (or bifurcate) model of the ‘duty of civility’ (see 4.2).Chapter five (“Reconciliation through Public Reason: Justificatory Evaluative Political Theory between Modelling and Application”) bridges the second and the third part, that is, the reconstructive and the evaluative stage respectively. In the first section of the chapter, I summarise the political liberal evaluative requirements developed in the second part. In doing this, my purpose is to present my justificatory evaluative model of public reason citizenship (see 5.1). In the second section, I firstly argue that a conception of citizenship grounded in public reason is not only possible in existing European societies, but also preferable if compared with alternative conceptions (I consider liberal multiculturalism and Cécile Laborde’s critical republicanism [Cécile Laborde, Critical Republicanism: The Hijab Controversy and Political Philosophy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008)]) with reference to the problem under scrutiny in this research. In conclusion, I show that public reason citizenship is able to solve the theoretical problem and the main research question mentioned above: Which ideal conception of citizenship should provide the common normative perspective in contemporary Western European societies, which are characterised by both demands of inclusion of Muslims and the need for solving a problem of mutual assurance concerning citizens’ commitment to shared terms of social cooperation, so that those societies can be stable for the right reasons? In the final part of chapter five, I try to demonstrate that public reason citizenship can both include Muslim citizens and solve the assurance problem because it provides both shared standards for political criticism and a common political identity on the basis of which citizens politically recognise one another as free equals. If my argument succeeds, then public reason citizenship not only could but also should be adopted as the ideal conception of citizenship in European societies (see 5.2).In the sixth chapter (“Tariq Ramadan’s European Muslims and Public Reason”) I apply the evaluative framework based on public reason to the conception of citizenship for Muslims in Europe developed by Tariq Ramadan. (According to a principle introduced in chapter two which I call the “plausibility principle” PP, I argue that Ramadan’s theory of citizenship can be plausibly presented as a “European Muslim” approach to the issue of citizenship, see 6.1). The purpose of such an evaluative work is twofold. Firstly, it aims at examining whether and how the idea of public reason accounts for a version of European citizenship for Muslims coming from Muslims themselves. Secondly, it aims at disclosing whether what such a Muslim conception of citizenship in Europe says about the two dimensions of ‘stability for the right reasons’ of the system of social cooperation (namely, inclusion and ‘mutual assurance’) is consistent with the provisions of public reason citizenship (see 6.2-6.5).
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
N.B. 1) Le lieu de défense de la thèse en cotutelle est ROME (Luiss Guido Carli)2) L'affiliation du co-promoteur de la thèse en cotutelle (Sebastiano Maffettone) est: LUISS Guido Carli
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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VEZZANI, GIOVANNI. « European Muslims and liberal citizenship : reconciliation through public reason : the case of Tariq Ramadan’s citizenship theory ». Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/201103.

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What is politically at stake when citizens of Muslim faith are publicly presented as permanent aliens in contemporary European societies? On what grounds is such exclusion or ‘externalisation’ based? What requirements can European citizens be reasonably expected to meet? This research analyses the subject of Muslims’ citizenship in contemporary European societies from the perspective of normative political theory, and more precisely from the viewpoint of John Rawls’s political liberalism, in particular in light of the idea of public reason. Whilst recent contributions in political philosophy analysing the question of citizenship of Muslims in liberal democracies from a Rawlsian standpoint have mainly focussed on the notion of an overlapping consensus, the implications of the concept of public reason on that same issue are largely unexplored. This study tries to fill such a gap in the literature. In chapter one, I begin by framing what I call the “background problem” of the research, namely, the claim that “Islam in Europe makes problem” and its different dimensions. I then reframe the question under scrutiny by presenting in greater theoretical detail the problem investigated and the main research question: Which ideal conception of citizenship should provide the common normative perspective in contemporary Western European societies, which are characterised by both demands of inclusion of Muslims and the need for solving a problem of mutual assurance concerning citizens’ commitment to shared terms of social cooperation, so that those societies can be stable for the right reasons? My central thesis is that the idea of public reason provides a common discursive platform which establishes the ground for both a public political identity for citizens and shared standards for social and political criticism. I also argue that political liberalism specifies a peculiar evaluative framework that allows citizens to answer the above-mentioned questions in a distinctively political way. In the first part, I thus develop my “justificatory evaluative” methodological approach based on public reason (chapter two). In the second part (chapters three and four), I reconstruct the idea of public reason and specify the fundamental requirements of the justificatory evaluative approach. In the third part, I firstly attempt to demonstrate that, with reference to the problem at hand, public reason citizenship is normatively more appealing than two alternative ideal conceptions of citizenship, namely ‘critical republicanism’ and liberal multiculturalism (chapter five); secondly, I apply the evaluative framework to the conception of citizenship elaborated by one of the most renowned Muslim intellectuals in Europe: Tariq Ramadan. The purpose of such evaluation is twofold. Firstly, it aims at examining whether and how the idea of public reason accounts for a version of European citizenship for Muslims coming from Muslims themselves. Secondly, it aims at disclosing whether what such a Muslim conception of citizenship in Europe says about the two dimensions of ‘stability for the right reasons’ of the system of social cooperation (namely, inclusion and mutual assurance) is consistent with the provisions of public reason citizenship.

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Piotrowicz, Ryszard W. « The post-war settlement in Central Europe : legal aspects of frontiers and citizenship ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.305653.

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MONTEIRO, JOYCE ANNE RODRIGUES. « DUAL CITIZENSHIP IN A GLOBAL EUROPE : PORTUGAL AND THE CHALLENGES OF NEW MIGRATIONS ». PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2006. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=9539@1.

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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
O objetivo da tese é investigar como a admissão da dupla cidadania pela lei de nacionalidade portuguesa, ao se sobrepor a uma cidadania européia, permite novas configurações para a noção de cidadania, desagregando os limites da participação e do pertencimento nacionais. A convergência nas leis de nacionalidade dos Estados-membros e a tolerância à dupla cidadania, características do processo de integração europeu, só podem ser compreendidas a partir do contexto social dentro do qual se processam suas interações. Desde a década de 70, as migrações têm colocado uma série de questões sobre como os Estados e o processo de integração europeu podem e devem responder aos desafios trazidos pela diversidade com a globalização. Após a consolidação do espaço Schengen, a institucionalização da União Européia tem gerado uma nova lógica de exclusão, além daquela centrada no Estado- nação, que opõe a comunidade de cidadãos europeus àqueles que não são nacionais e, portanto, são imigrantes, principalmente os ilegais e sem qualificação. Mas, se ela reforça e reconstrói lógicas de exclusão tradicionais, fornece também, baseada em seu compromisso com os direitos humanos, um novo campo para a discussão acerca da integração das comunidades imigrantes já existentes. O Estado português, nesse sentido, tem desenvolvido uma relação dialética entre a proximidade histórica e cultural do mundo lusófono com as prioridades do processo de integração europeu. Ao analisar as mudanças das leis de nacionalidade de Portugal e sua tolerância à dupla cidadania a partir de década de 80, pode-se verificar como aqueles que obtêm a nacionalidade portuguesa - especialmente os descendentes de portugueses provenientes de ex-colônias - têm a oportunidade de participar do processo excludente da cidadania européia, deslocando, ao mesmo tempo, as fronteiras comunitárias para além dos limites territoriais da União.
The goal of this dissertation is to explore how dual citizenship conceded by the Portuguese nationality legislation, overlapped with the European citizenship, allows the formation of new ideas of citizenship, dissolving boundaries of national participation and belonging. The confluence of nationality legislations of the member-states and the tolerance for dual citizenship, as characteristics of the European integration process, can only be understood in the social context in which interactions occur. Since the 1970s, migrations have raised questions about how states and the European integration process could and should deal with the challenges brought by diversity in a globalized world. After the consolidation of the Schengen area, the institutionalization process within the European Union has gone beyond the nation-state, creating a new logic of exclusion, in which a community of European citizens offers resistance to those who are not nationals, therefore to those who are (mostly illegal or non-qualified) immigrants. In fact, this logic reinforces and reconstructs traditional logics of exclusion, but because of its compromise with human rights, it also offers a new topic of discussion related to already existent immigrant communities. Accordingly, the Portuguese state has developed a dialectic relationship between, in one hand, its historical and cultural proximity with the Portuguese-speaking world and, in the other hand, the priorities of the European integration process. Since the 1980s it is possible to verify changes in the Portuguese nationality legislation and in its tolerance to dual citizenship. In this sense, those who obtain the Portuguese nationality - especially descendants of Portuguese immigrants born in former colonies - have the opportunity to participate in the exclusionary process of the European citizenship, at the same time pushing the communitary boundaries beyond the territorial limits of the Union.

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Keating, Avril Ann. « The Europeanisation of citizenship education : politics and policy-making in Europe and Ireland ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.613238.

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Munson, Elizabeth A. « The sex of citizenship : modernizing Spain on the margins of Europe, 1890-1931 / ». Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9945692.

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Xidias, Jason. « Immigration and citizenship in post-colonial Europe : a comparative analysis of Britain and France ». Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2015. http://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/immigration-and-citizenship-in-postcolonial-europe(065c0b90-f602-4191-8c09-d00fbbc33b37).html.

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Britain and France are two rival nations that have much in common. They were Europe’s two largest colonial empires, they completed their last phase of decolonisation after 1945, and they have received substantial immigration from their ex-colonies. Furthermore, they are presently two of Europe’s most diverse societies and lie at the core of media coverage on immigration, cultural pluralism, citizenship, integration, and identity. Despite these commonalities, and others, Britain and France have been long portrayed in academic studies, politics, and the media as antithetical citizenship ‘models’: the French have framed republicanism in opposition to their perceived Other, ‘the Anglo- Saxon model’ of race relations, ethnic markers, and communitarianism, whereas the British have generally represented the French as a colour-blind, multi-cultural society in denial. Recently, scholarly literature has emerged that has called into question this longstanding dichotomy. In light of globalisation, European integration, and post-9/11 securitisation, a small number of scholars have argued that national differences are becoming irrelevant, or even that supranational norms and structures have superseded the nationstate. This thesis contributes to this important debate by providing a detailed comparative analysis of the complexities that have shaped immigration, citizenship, discrimination, and resistance in post-colonial Britain and France and by critically assessing some of their key similarities and differences. Drawing on a combination of national and media archives, European archives, government and NGO reports, legal documents, semi-structured interviews, and secondary literature, this research examines the strong yet ambiguous links between capitalism, European colonialism, post-colonial immigration, and contemporary social relations. It details the problematic gap between abstract liberal and republican ideals of citizenship and structural inequalities in practice. Furthermore, it argues that despite many examples of convergence in discourses and policies over time, immigration and citizenship developments in post-colonial Britain and France have varied significantly because of different histories, nation-building processes, frames of reference, institutional structures, and power distributions, which have shaped distinct articulations, lived experiences, social struggles, and policy processes and outcomes. This conclusion situates this research between the two opposing academic camps described above, but places it closer to the ‘polarised approach’ insofar as it highlights the persistent relevance of nation-states as a unit of analysis and national differences. This research also critically examines the relevance of ‘post-colonialism’ to European integration and the pursuit of a ‘common’ migration and citizenship regime. Scholarly literature has overlooked largely this important element because it has focused too narrowly on the French-German question. The author finds that post-war European integration was a means by which Europe’s former colonial powers sought to compensate colonial losses, perpetuate colonial power structures, and collectively exert influence internationally, in the aftermath of the Second World War and in the midst of decolonisation. Finally, this thesis reflects on whether the European Union can advance a solution to the ethno-cultural shortcomings of national citizenship. It finds that the EU, as a blurry extension of nation-states, was built on, and has evolved on, a specific logic of capitalism and imperialism based on a duality of inclusion and exclusion, which reproduces divisions both within Europe and externally towards third country nationals. While today the EU does provide some space for transnational contestation and the advancement of minority rights, this research finds that this occurs in an environment in which market expansion, security, and co-option take precedence over human rights. Consequently, the author calls into question the prevailing frame among transnational groups that more power for European institutions equates to more justice and inclusion. Rather, it is suggested that activists must see the European Union as an extension of national, ethno-cultural shortcomings rather than narrowly as a progressive, ‘post-national solution’. Overall, this project illuminates the lived experiences of discrimination, the struggles to overcome them, the fundamental role of the state in producing and reproducing divisions, and the ambiguous ways in which Britain and France’s colonial past has shaped and continues to shape power structures and social relations. By doing this, it diverts attention from the dominant, current discourse in politics and the media that ahistorically and simplistically links ‘excessive permissiveness’ and ‘the failed integration of ethnic minorities’ with ‘declining national values’ and societal breakdown, and places the emphasis, rather, on the underlying structural causes of contested citizenship.

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Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel. « Bürgerschaft und kollektive Identität in Europa ». Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2007/1341/.

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In Auseinandersetzung mit dem Konzept kollektiver Identität werden drei Bürgerschafts-Modelle (republikanisches, liberales und cäsarisches) diskutiert. Bürgerschaft wird im Sinne von citizenship anstelle von Staatsbürgerschaft wegen deren etatistischer Konnotation in der deutschen Sprache verwendet. Abschließend wird die europäische Bürgerschaft sowie deren korrespondierende kollektive Identität betrachtet.
The article refers to collective identity as a sense of commonness between individuals that fosters a general commitment to the public interest. In order to establish the link between collective identity and citizenship, three models of citizenship are explored (republican, liberal and caesarean). Finally, the model of European citizenship and its corresponding collective identity are elaborated.

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Saxen, Aura. « Becoming Citizens : Representations of Citizenship in European Children's Literature ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-361205.

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This thesis examines the representations of citizenship in award-winning children's novels from Finland, France, Sweden and the UK to analyse how the effects of recent cultural and economic developments affecting European societies are described and explored in children's literature. In recent years, both the EU and the nation-state have seemed to be in a state of crisis. I hypothesise that increased cultural and ethnic diversity, new alternative arenas of citizenship and economic scarcity are currently driving the crises and changes in European states, and each of these developments influences our conceptions of citizenship. Reading the novels, I use a qualitative method based on critical content analysis to identify the issues relating to citizenship that the novels deal with and then analyse what they say about said issues. I argue that the novels show some awarness of increased cultural diversity, for example by having diverse casts of characters or by addressing cultural difference. The theme of scarcity is especially evident in characters experiencing precarity and a concern for the environment. Furthermore, they focus on how using one's voice, giving an account of one's life and being listened to, can lead to empowerment. In some of the novels, the protagonists are presented as models of active citizens bravely changing society, whereas the other novels contain more of the characters' internal musings of where they belong, in terms of which nation-state they belong to, but also their place within the state.

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Malloy, Tove. « The 'politics of accommodation' in the Council of Europe after 1989 : national minorities and democratization ». Thesis, University of Essex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369369.

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Bruhagen, Åsa. « European Identity-building and the Democratic Deficit - a Europe in search of its 'Demos' ». Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-557.

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During the last two decades the citizens’ trust in the European Union (EU) has decreased. It has been established that the Union suffer from a democratic deficit which has caused it to impose so called “identity-policies”. There is a need for the citizens to identify with the Union as a foundation of its legitimacy. But there is a problem since there is no clear idea of who constitutes “the people” in the European case.

Democratic theory presupposes a demos and a polity. The problem of the EU is that there are difficulties defining the ‘demos’ – there are difficulties identifying ‘the people’. The fact that the EU is in a situation where it has to deal with ‘peoples’ instead of a ‘people’ (demoi instead of demos) makes it more difficult since demos is closely related to the ‘nation’. Only nations may have states, thus the EU may not have a state. Hence it is difficult for the EU to conceptualize a demos, and without a demos there cannot be democracy. By arguing in this way the great need to create a ‘peoples’ Europe’ is understandable.

The thesis will concentrate on why there is a lack of a demos, or a “We-feeling”, within the Union, why this is a source of anxiety, and what possibly could unite the Union.

Attempts have been made to create a ‘European’ identity through constitution-making (however, a new constitution was recently rejected) and citizenship rights. The Union has also adopted a number of symbols to facilitate the citizens in identifying with the Union. Most of these symbols have been similar to those of the memberstates, thus, the Union has tried to use the methods of nation-building to overcome the legitimacy problem. Still, there is a lack of uniqueness of the Union. This may be for various reasons. Institution-building and constitution-making cannot alone provide democratic legitimacy; social practice and contestation must be included. This should take place in a public sphere but, in order to ‘have’ a public sphere, there must be a certain degree of collective identification.

It has also been claimed that there is a ‘European’ culture stemming from three ancient treasure houses (the ancient Near East, the ancient Greece, and the Roman Empire). Since culture is based on norms, i.e. customs, attitudes, beliefs, and values of a society, it is of importance to the Union when this is what politics are based on.

The study of this topic is relevant since the EU has an increased impact on the lives of its citizens, yet troubles to reach them. There is a lack of communication between the Union and its citizens and the democratic deficit becomes more and more obvious. The methods used by the Union do not seem successful and the issue of a European identity has become a source of anxiety.

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Passos, Rogério Duarte Fernandes dos. « Espaço europeu de ensino superior e a questão da cidadania europeia ». [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/330303.

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Orientador: Elisabete Monteiro de Aguiar Pereira
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T15:09:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Passos_RogerioDuarteFernandesDos_D.pdf: 1237537 bytes, checksum: 45a883a79d3aca05877d061d46a65b13 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015
Resumo: O trabalho discute a relação da constituição da cidadania europeia com o auxílio da universidade, em particular por meio do estabelecimento da União Europeia e da criação do Espaço Europeu de Ensino Superior. Em assim sendo, após resgate histórico do Processo de Bolonha ¿ que no ano de 2010 conformou o Espaço Europeu de Ensino Superior ¿, supõe-se a universidade europeia como locus de contribuição para a cidadania europeia, trazida à tona pelo Tratado de Maastricht de 1992. Tem-se, por conseguinte, a universidade como espaço para acréscimo ao conteúdo da cidadania, não ficando o conceito alicerçado exclusivamente no Estado nacional como a sua unidade básica, uma vez que se identifica a proposta de realizá-la, igualmente, nos campos do saber e da cultura. Para tanto, da mesma forma colhe-se os elementos de uma trajetória de grande atualidade para o contexto político e educacional, apta a visualizar uma Europa não apenas fincada nas questões econômicas, mas, por conseguinte, nas morais e culturais, representando eixo de orientação ao caminho trilhado pelo Processo de Bolonha em direção a valores caros aos seres humanos, tendo a educação superior e as universidades enquanto panos de fundo e como portadoras de uma missão e de uma responsabilidade, no bojo de um itinerário em que elas mesmas podem se proporcionar no contexto de reforma uma autorreflexão e reposicionamento em face das questões do momento contemporâneo
Abstract: The work discusses the relationship of the constitution of European citizenship with the help of the university, specifically through the establishment of the European Union and the creation of the European Higher Education Area. That being so, after historic rescue of the Bologna Process ¿ who in 2010 resigned the European Higher Education Area ¿, it is assumed that the European university as a locus of contribution for European citizenship, brought out by the Maastricht Treaty of 1992. There is, therefore, the university as a space to increase the content of citizenship, not getting the concept rooted exclusively in the national state as its basic unit, since it identifies the proposal to do it also in the fields knowledge and culture. Therefore, in the same way draw in the elements of a great current trajectory for political and educational context, able to see a Europe not just stuck on economic issues, but therefore the moral and cultural, representing orientation axis the path taken by the Bologna Process towards values cherished by humans, with higher education and universities as backdrops and as having a mission and a responsibility, in the midst of a journey in which they themselves can provide in the context of reform one self-reflection and repositioning in view of the question of the contemporary moment
Doutorado
Ensino e Práticas Culturais
Doutor em Educação

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19

Bain, Katrin. « New public management, citizenship and social work : children’s services in Germany and England ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2008. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3114/.

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This thesis examines the citizen-state relationship in the context of the modernisation of public services as effected by New Public Management (NPM). It explores the extent of the impact of one element of NPM - the shift towards representing service users as consumers or customers - within children’s services in Germany and England. Two qualitative case studies, one of a German and one of an English children’s social service, were conducted. The studies examined conceptions of citizenship in relation to parents who were users of these services by analysing national and local policy documents, local organisational procedures and by conducting semi-structured interviews with managers and social workers, partly based on the use of vignettes. These studies found that in children’s services, the impact of NPM is mainly at the organisational level with regard to elements of NPM other than consumerism. As far as consumerism is concerned, the studies demonstrated that this element of NPM is not central to an understanding of contemporary state-citizen relationships in this field and that the consumerist version of citizenship has had little impact. Rather than being a singular concept, citizenship was revealed as being open to a number of interpretations and formulations. In each country five different conceptions of citizenship were identified. These were ideal-type conceptions that served as discursive resources on which politicians, managers and social workers drew in different combinations, depending on the specific situation and wider context. Although there has been research on the impact of NPM on children’s services, there has previously been little consideration of its consumerist agenda, especially with regard to conceptions of citizenship that come into play in relation to parents as service users, as representations of state-citizen relationships in this field. The conceptions of citizenship that have the most impact on parents as service users derive from different understandings of the family and parenthood in the German and English contexts. Parenthood in Germany is a legal status that includes both the responsibility for the safe upbringing of one’s children and the right to receive support from social services. Parents are perceived by social workers as being the holders of these responsibilities and rights. In contrast, parenthood in England is an identity. In their contact with social services, English parents are perceived solely as their children’s carers, to the extent that they are referred to and addressed directly as ‘mum’ and ‘dad’ by social workers. The thesis concludes that the findings demonstrate that policy initiatives, organisational structures and social work practice impacting on state-citizen relationships are shaped by the wider historical and political context from which they emerge. Accordingly, rather than emerging from consumerism as a dominant paradigm, conceptions of citizenship vary; they are complex, competing and contested conceptions and they combine in a variety of different ways.

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Passetti, Francesco. « Keeping policy and politics apart : integration policies in Europe and the politics of citizenship in Spain and Italy ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/587162.

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This thesis investigates immigrant integration policies paying special attention to the Spanish and Italian citizenship regimes. It hinges upon a multi-method design and its results take the shape of a three-article structure. The first article addresses similarities and differences among European countries’ integration policies and, by means of cluster analysis on MIPEX data, it identifies policy-models characterizing the current European scenario. Two shared-configurations are captured, cutting across the East/West cleavage. The Eastern configuration is more restrictive than the Western one, especially in traditional areas of integration. The second and third articles concentrate on the domain of citizenship and try to account for the puzzling continuity of nationality laws in Spain and in Italy by relying on the explanatory power of ideas. The Spanish case is treated in the second article whereas the third article compares such case to the Italian one. In both countries ideas prove to be crucial in driving the evolution of nationality laws; however according to distinct causal logic.
La presente tesis investiga las políticas de integración de los inmigrantes prestando especial atención a los regímenes de nacionalidad españolo e italiano; sigue un diseño de investigación “multhi-method” y sus resultados se estructuran en tres artículos. El primer artículo aborda similitudes y diferencias entre las políticas de integración de los países europeos y, mediante un cluster análisis con datos MIPEX, identifica los modelos de policy que marcan el escenario europeo actual. Dos macro-configuraciones son identificadas, a través de la división este/oeste. La configuración del este es más restrictiva de la del oeste, especialmente en las tradicionales áreas de integración. Los artículos segundo y tercero se centran en el área de la ciudadanía y tratan de dar cuenta de la enigmática continuidad de las leyes de nacionalidad en España y en Italia, confiando en el poder explicativo de las ideas. El segundo artículo trata el caso español, el tercero compara éste con el caso italiano. En ambos países los factores “ideacionales” se demuestran cruciales en influenciar la evolución de las leyes de nacionalidad; sin embargo, según distintas lógicas causales.

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Hansson, Ulf. « The minority rights regime in the 'new Europe' and the citizenship and language legislation in Latvia, 1991-1999 ». Thesis, University of Ulster, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.444480.

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Schmiers, Tina. « Getting Europe back on Track ? Learning Experiences during Interrail and how a free Interrail Ticket could foster Global Citizenship ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för geovetenskaper, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324047.

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This study investigates learning experiences and outcomes during the train travel phenomenon Interrail. It especially focuses on transformational learning and whether and in what scope these learning outcomes correlate with the concept of global citizenship. It further analyses how the proposal of a free Interrail ticket, that is currently debated within the European Commission, could foster global citizenship in the wider context of Education for Sustainable Development. Although there has been much research on educative benefits of travel, Interrail in general and as an informal learning environment in particular, is an under-researched phenomenon. By providing a deeper understanding about transformative learning processes and outcomes during the specific case of Interrail in the context of sustainable development, this study contributes towards closing this niche. This research was carried out in form of a qualitative case study research. In total, 18 in-depth interviews were conducted with young adults representing 13 different nationalities. The interviews were thoroughly analysed by applying Jack Mezirows´ transformative learning theory and the concept of global citizenship. The results were completed with an additional documentation analysis. The study results reveal that Interrail with its specific characteristics and elements may provide an informal learning environment that can foster and promote both transformative learning and global citizenship to the individual traveller. The identified patterns and commonalities of learning experiences and outcomes were summarized within the main topics of personal development, critical thinking and reflection, cultural sensitivity and pluralism, shaping identity and sense of belonging, broadening view and change of behavior or action. Implementing a free Interrail ticket could thus arguably contribute to greater accessibility and more equal opportunities for youth to discover, experience and learn from travelling through Europe by train. Subsequently, this could help to foster Education for Sustainable Development and global citizenship. Based on the study results it is suggested, that transformative learning during Interrail could be enhanced through providing incentives and formal guidance in critical thinking and engagement in rational discourse in formal education.

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Colpus, Eve C. « Landscapes of welfare : concepts and cultures of British women's philanthropy 1918-1939 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f5a09389-0a12-4e75-8ed4-b570460b19a8.

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This thesis offers a new conceptual framework for the study of women’s philanthropy between the end of the First World War and the beginning of the Second World War. Contesting the dominant historiographical narrative which essentialises the association of women with philanthropy, it argues that interwar female philanthropy operated through an inherently creative and flexible methodology. By interrogating gender as a category of analysis alongside other definitional variables of generation, religion, informal and formal modes of influence, and professionalisation, it reveals female philanthropy as an intellectual, as much as a practical endeavour, through which women philanthropists sought to achieve and encourage self-development and societal improvement. Moving beyond a social history framework that concentrates on philanthropic activity in terms of its relationship to social policy, six thematic chapters argue for the critical significance of concepts of language, performance and space in the meanings and presentations of interwar female philanthropy. A central remit of the thesis is to relate the social and cultural processes that underpinned women’s philanthropy between the wars to the subjective experiences of the individual women who engaged them. The thesis examines the personal archives, published oeuvres and publicity materials (alongside presentations of philanthropy in public discourse) of four philanthropic women who achieved celebrity in the interwar period: Evangeline Booth, Lettice Fisher, Emily Kinnaird and Muriel Paget. It interrogates the contemporary meanings attached to female philanthropy in a period of transformations in mass transport, mass communication and mass democracy, and in women’s position within society. An analysis of this process sheds new light on the historiography of work, civil society and citizenship. Problematising the centrality placed on the national as a sphere of citizenship (embodied in the state), the thesis reveals the critical interconnections between the local and global domains in female philanthropists’ visions. It also illuminates the hitherto underexplored connections between philanthropy, celebrity, the mass media and mass culture. Far from outmoded, female philanthropy lay at the heart of interwar cultural transformations. Female philanthropists contributed dynamically to debates about civil agency and sought to remap the contours of a good society.

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Wagner, Rikke. « Exit as voice : transnational citizenship practices in response to Denmark's family unification policy ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/815/.

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Modern western understandings of citizenship are closely tied to the nation state. This is the political community where members are expected to exercise their freedoms and practice solidarity. When individuals claim rights across borders and move in and out of different polities the state-centric citizenship model is disturbed. Nowhere is this more pronounced than in the European Union where borders are transformed by transnational migration and internal mobility. This has led some scholars to welcome the emergence of a ‘postnational citizenship’ of human rights. Others argue for the need to protect a comprehensive state membership based on shared identity and active participation. The dichotomy of ‘thick and thin’ citizenship warrants critical attention, however. It risks romanticizing national or postnational membership, overlooking historical and contemporary power struggles and change. Agonistic democratic theory offers a particularly promising way of moving beyond the binary. It constructs a dynamic relationship between citizenship rights, participation and identification. Political conflicts over liberties and membership are seen as practices that re-constitute civic actors. By claiming and contesting rights migrants and citizens take part in the ongoing re-founding of polities and develop, reinforce or change their democratic subjectivity. But agonism like its intellectual counterpart deliberative democracy focuses exclusively on public ‘voice’. It neglects to explore the civic potential of exit, entry and re-entry so integral to migration and EU citizenship. In the thesis I address this problem and develop an agonistic conception of citizenship and cross-border movement. I do so through a heuristic empirical case study of transnational immigration and EU mobility in the Danish family unification dispute. In response to restrictive national policy many have used the freedom of movement in the EU to sidestep or contest domestic rules. Based on 30 narrative interviews with Danish-international couples I draw out and conceptualize practices of contestatory transnational citizenship.

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Arabaghian, Anouche. « L'identite européenne : un developpement progressif par la citoyennete et la Charte des droits fondamentaux de l'Union européenne ». Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30074.

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Depuis le projet d’origine, l’Union européenne a étendu ses frontières, intégré de nouveaux territoires, de nouvelles traditions politiques et pris une nouvelle forme géographique. Ses frontières « non définies » se sont déplacées, le territoire cédant la place à un espace ouvert. Mais cette évolution n’a pas modifié la nature des interrogations sur son identité, sur l’existence d’une société européenne, sur l’identification des « peuples » européens à leur nouvelle communauté politique et sur l’émergence d’un espace public européen.La problématique de l'identité européenne est que malgré tous les moyens déployés par les institutions supranationales (processus d’harmonisation, d’homogénéisation et de convergence), celle-ci demeure un concept abstrait dont l’expression et l’enracinement dans le tissu social sont encore superficiels. L’Union européenne est une communauté de citoyens, les droits sont codifiés par les traités successifs, mais elle reste une communauté dont l’identité est encore incertaine.Bien que l’identité européenne concerne toute une série de questions qui doivent être saisies concurremment - élargissement, questions des frontières, hybridité politico- institutionnelle, nous l'analyserons notamment à travers le prisme de la citoyenneté européenne et de la Charte des droits fondamentaux de l'Union européenne. La question suivante sera ainsi posée : la citoyenneté européenne et la Charte européenne contribuent-elles à faire émerger, voire à consolider, une identité européenne?
Since the original project, the European Union has extended its borders, integrated new territories, new political traditions and has taken a new geographic form. Its borders "undefined" moved, the area giving way to an open space. But this evolution did not alter the nature of questions relating to its identity, the existence of a European society, the identification of "peoples" to their new European political Community and the emergence of a european public space.The issue of the European identity is that despite all measures deployed by supranational institutions (harmonization process, homogenization and convergence), it remains an abstract concept whose expression and rooting in the social sphere are still superficial. The European Union is indeed a community of citizens, the rights are codified by successive treaties, but it remains a community whose identity is still uncertain.Although the European identity concerns a range of questions that must be considered concurrently - enlargement, border issues, political-institutional hybridity, we will analyze it mainly through the prism of European citizenship and the Charter of Fundamental Rights. The following question will therefore be asked : European citizenship and the Charter of Fundamental Rights will they contribute to emerge or even consolidate a European identity?

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AYNÈS, Camille. « La privation des droits civiques et politiques : l'apport du droit pénal à une théorie de la citoyenneté ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/68319.

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Defence date: 21 September 2020 (Online)
Examining Board: Pr. Loïc Azoulai (Sciences-Po Paris, Directeur de thèse); Pr. Olivier Beaud (Université Paris II Panthéon-Assas, Co-directeur de thèse); Pr. Xavier Pin (Université Jean Moulin, Lyon 3); Pr. Christoph Schönberger (Université de Constance)
Awarded the 2021 Prix Dalloz
Awarded the 2021 Best Thesis Prize in the category "Concepts fondamentaux du droit constitutionnel" from the “Institut francophone pour la Justice et la Démocratie” Louis Joinet (previously the 'Fondation Varenne')
Received a special mention of the Vendôme Prize 2021 for the best doctoral thesis in Criminal Law.
Il est d’usage de considérer que la citoyenneté étatique, en tant qu’elle désigne une appartenance statutaire, est un concept de clôture qui implique l’inclusion aussi bien que l’exclusion. À rebours de la littérature dominante sur la citoyenneté en droit qui privilégie généralement sa dimension inclusive, cette thèse entreprend un renversement de perspective : elle se propose de théoriser la citoyenneté en creux, à partir de ses exclus, de définir autrement dit le citoyen par le non-citoyen. L’exclu étudié en droit français n’est pas la figure paradigmatique de l’étranger, mais celle du criminel déchu de ses droits politiques à la suite d’une condamnation pénale. Nous faisons l’hypothèse de la valeur heuristique d’une étude proprement juridique et non normative de la notion constitutionnelle de citoyenneté à partir du droit pénal en général, et des sanctions privant le condamné de ses droits de citoyen en particulier. L’apport de cette recherche est double : il concerne à titre premier la citoyenneté dont on entend examiner les bénéficiaires, la nature (les valeurs) et le contenu matériel (les droits et les devoirs). Nous démontrons (1) que par différence avec la nationalité, la citoyenneté a historiquement une dimension axiologique et qu’elle protège la moralité publique. Cette affirmation semble de prime abord remise en cause aujourd’hui en raison de l’influence du droit des droits de l’homme sur la matière. Plus qu’à la substitution d’un modèle de citoyenneté à un autre, nous établissons (2) que l’on a affaire à une tension au cœur du régime actuel de la citoyenneté. À titre second, nous contribuons en filigrane à une lecture de la démocratie en soutenant (1) que la lutte pour les droits politiques des derniers exclus de la nation (les condamnés et les « aliénés ») correspond moins à une revendication de participation politique qu’à une demande d’inclusion sociale ; (2) que le citoyen, dans cette lutte, tend à disparaître derrière le sujet de droit doté de droits opposables.

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Williams, Helen Marie. « Examining the nature of policy change : a new institutionalist explanation of citizenship and naturalisation policy in the UK and Germany, 2000-2010 ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3464/.

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This thesis combines two burgeoning fields – New Institutionalism and migration studies – to explain the process of institutional change. It tests six hypotheses drawn from a hybrid theoretical framework drawn from Historical Institutionalism, Rational Choice Institutionalism, and Sociological Institutionalism, identifying concrete mechanisms of reproduction and sources of endogenous and exogenous change. It applies this framework to changes in access to citizenship in the form of citizenship and naturalisation policy in the United Kingdom and Germany between 2000 and 2010. Its greatest contributions lie in a more comprehensive explanation of endogenous factors and incremental changes, two aspects of institutional change that have received inadequate theoretical attention and empirical investigation. Testing economic, power-based, and ideational explanations for change, it concludes that each of the New Institutionalisms makes an important contribution to a complete understanding of the process of change and the dynamics of this policy area in two very different European countries.

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Bengtsson, Anki. « Governance of Career Guidance : an enquiry into European policy ». Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för pedagogik och didaktik, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-130810.

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The overall aim of this thesis is to enquire into and problematize the governance of career guidance and how individuals’ career management is constructed within EU policy. The empirical material consists of European policy documents produced during 2000-2015. The two central research questions explore (1) how European career guidance is made governable, and (2) how individuals’ career management is constructed and governed. The Foucauldian governmentality perspective and the analytic method of problematization is utilized. The analysis focuses on the compositions of normative forms of reason, discursive practices and techniques by which governing is exercised and knowledge is produced. The thesis is based on four articles, three of which concern career guidance and career management. The fourth article concerns education of citizenship. The analysis shows that the formation of a policy space for comparison of national systems of career guidance is significant for making European career guidance amenable to governance. It is mobilized by governing practices for involvement of institutional actors and the construction of standards of performance. This form of governance becomes effective on the condition that institutional actors use and produce knowledge and practices about what works in career guidance, and this implies self-control and constant monitoring. It is a complex process of producing self-regulation of career guidance adjustable to change and innovation in which both standardization and modulation are inbuilt. Moreover, this is dependent on the interplay of governance and self-government. Knowledge and practices shape career management as an individual competence, which each individual is assumed to achieve. The use of guidance techniques supporting this design and self-regulating practices contributes to responsibilizing individuals to achieve this competence. Knowledge of individuals’ management of their careers includes civic competence. This led me to extend my use of the theoretical framework to investigate how knowledge of civic competence is constructed in European policy documents concerning teacher education from 2000 to 2012. My analysis shows that presumptions of teaching civic competence support the production of the active and learning subject.

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Piper, Alana. « The evolution of a conception of citizenly duty towards military service 1854-1914 : a study of London press discourse ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f86d6581-f83c-44ed-b65c-6acf9578496d.

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This dissertation investigates how personal military service, which during the immensely popular Crimean War of 1854-6 was regarded as the business only of an abstract and lowly soldier-class, had by the eve of the Great War taken on the aspect of a clear and universal citizenly duty in London press discourse. It utilises text-searchable digitised newspaper archives to exhaustively review the whole body of relevant press debate in thirteen key London periodicals, identifying key shifts and trends in press conceptions of civilian military obligation over the six decades between the outbreak of the Crimean War in 1854 and the eve of the Great War in 1914. The analytical narrative that emerges highlights the importance of key events, including the Crimean War, Indian Mutiny, wars of Prussian expansionism, and Boer War, in promoting and shaping the coherent conception of citizenly duty towards military service that would go on to underpin not only the mass enlistments of 1914 but also the acceptance of conscription in 1916. It suggests also the important role of broader cultural and political trends – in particular, the advent of militarist Imperialism, the growing legitimacy of the state, the shift towards a more collectivist ‘social democratic’ liberalism, and the emergence of ‘contractual’ theories of citizenship – in facilitating a reconciliation between the military imperative towards mass civilian military participation and existing liberal values and ideologies. This dissertation reveals that the societal consensus on the duty to enlist in 1914 was by no means a foregone cultural conclusion, nor indeed the relic of an earlier heroic age, but rather the dynamic product of evolution and contestation over six decades. The present study not only provides vital context to our understanding of the ‘rush to the colours’ of 1914, but also represents the first historical investigation of an important and much-neglected aspect of the relationship between war and society.

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Gamberale, Carlo. « European citizenship and political identity ». Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1998. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/6013/.

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The provisions of the EC Treaty on citizenship of the Union introduce a fundamental democratic element in the process of European political integration. The focus of integration is no longer on an economic factor of production (workers) but on politically self-determined citizens. Citizenship of the Union, however, does not constitute a full status of European citizenship, because of its incompleteness in terms of entitlements and its dependence on Member States' nationality. The development of Union citizenship into a complete status of citizenship depends on Member States' determination to transfer essential aspects of sovereignty to the Community and achieve full political integration. If Union citizenship is to evolve from the current form of derived status of Member States' nationality into a more complete and independent European citizenship, it must be followed by a parallel evolution in the field of collective identity of the citizens. In the EU legal order, citizenship, if taken in its `national meaning', could be a fundamental element in the consolidation of the Union as a `state-like phenomenon'. The current `national understanding' requires the existence of a common national identity (based on culture, language, traditions and in some cases ethnicity) to sustain the legal and political framework made of rights and obligations of membership. At European level, however, this approach is unlikely to work because of the different national and cultural identities of the people of Europe. Alternatively it is argued that Europe needs a radical change in the conception of citizenship and democracy to proceed in the direction of political integration. Only a strictly political European identity based on association and participation could co-ordinate the different allegiances that European citizens already have towards institutions and groups other than the Union, and at the same time create a common political bond among them. Despite this fundamental change, the extension of citizenship beyond the national boundaries should take place without endangering those citizens' rights, which have been developed in the context of the nation-state, in particular the principles of liberty and equality. The great challenge faced by the European Union consists in dissociating those rights from the tie of nationhood. On a point of eligibility, European political identity could not be used to exclude `cultural outsiders' from European citizenship, regardless of whether they come from a Member State or a third country. As European identity would lack a common cultural basis, the same concept of `cultural outsider' would not apply to European citizenship. As a result such type citizenship would be naturally open to non-European immigrants, who already reside in the Union, but who are excluded from national citizenship, and to prospective third country immigrants. The openness of a politically based European citizenship and identity contrasts with the restrictive European Union immigration and asylum policies (fortress Europe). In the absence of cultural or ethnic common grounds, fortress Europe seems to be based mainly on contingent economic reasons, such as the protection of the European labour markets and welfare systems. It appears that in the long term, due to demographic changes, these economic reasons might disappear together with the restrictive immigration policies. In the meanwhile, however, there seems to be no excuse for the non-integration of resident third country nationals into European citizenship.

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Randahl, Ellen. « Integration i europeisk kontext : Kritisk granskning utifrån skilda perspektiv inom politisk teori ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-295486.

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In modern times of globalisation, most countries no longer consist of a homogeneous population. People from different backgrounds, with different stories, religion and culture live together in the same community. Unfortunately, this creates challenges and a modern state needs to have a plan for integration so that all these groups and individuals may live together peacefully, which is important in aspects of universal human rights and human dignity, but also for the function of a society. In this Master's thesis in Human Rights, questions about integration are discussed in a European context through four ideal-typical integration policy options from a model by Karin Borevi; together with perspectives from Seyla Benhabib, Abdelmalek Sayad and Charles Taylor. The four ideal-typical options for integration that are used in this thesis are: 1: Assimilaion to an ethnic community 2: Politics for ethnic exclusion 3: Assimilation to a civil community 4: Multicultural politics. Integration in Sweden, Great Britain and France during the 90's are used as illustrative examples of integration in order to be able to discuss the ideal-typical policy options in relation to real examples for demonstrating which political ideas and values that are built into different models of integration. In the end a normative discussion results in a solution of which values that should be prioritised and which strategy that is the best to accomplish these values. I conclude amongst other things that different forms of integration value culture, groups or individuals differently and that many different types of strategies and politics can be put into the same ideal-typical option for integration. People tend to treat cultures as unchangeable and well-defined units, even though they in reality seem to be of a changeable nature. The modern state should in my opinion work more with the principles around which type of society that would be the best for all its citizens and not so much how we should preserve what cannot be preserved in the first place, like cultures. We should create societies where cultures can mix and change. The global world is here to stay and so is the heterogeneous society, the state should focus on creating a society built on this fact, where society and people as individuals may grow.

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Borgmann-Prebil, Yuri. « A rights approach to European constitutionalism and European citizenship ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.439172.

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Erik, Lejdemyr. « Immigrant integration politics in the East-EU : Contested national models or policy convergence ? » Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-3559.

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Some researchers argue that the immigrant integration approaches in liberal (and “Western-“) states are becoming more and more alike. Some claim that the previous philosophises of integration (i.e. multiculturalism, segregationism, universalism and assimilationism) no longer exists in liberal states. This study assesses the robustness of this “convergence claim” within an East-EU context. The purpose of the study is to analyse the policy trends of immigrant integration in the East-EU and assess the robustness of the convergence claim. The analysis and methodological approach is based on a theoretical framework of ideal-types (multiculturalism, segregationism, universalism and assimilationism). The study objects are Estonia and Poland, and the analysis is primarily based on national legislation and policy documents. The study describes the immigrant integration trends in Poland and Estonia in the “post-Soviet era”, looking at the policy trends between 1991-2008. During this period both countries have shown tendencies of segregationism and cultural monism. It is clear that Estonia and Poland (i.e. parts of East-EU) have not adopted a more “Western-style” approach regarding immigrant integration, i.e. there is no evidence of such convergence. In fact, the ethnic component of their immigrant integration approaches stands in contrast to the “convergence thesis”.

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AYDIN, TUGBA. « Nationalism and European identity in the frame of European citizenship ». Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/201045.

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Bruzelius, Cecilia. « The local governance of European social citizenship ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9a4281f6-3e52-4f48-8b9a-cabb2b5a8231.

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This thesis is a study of EU migrant citizens' substantive social rights. Much research has concerned itself with the expansion of freedom of movement and cross-border social rights in the EU. However, most of this research has analysed only formal rights, overlooking substantive rights. In the multilevel setting that is the EU, social rights are being adjudicated at a supra-national level, but realised at the national and sub-national level. Numerous different regulations, actors and practices thus shape the substantive social rights of EU migrant citizens, making their rights especially prone to distortion in the process of practical implementation. Examining how formal rights translate into substantive ones is important to understand how and where the lines of exclusion and inclusion of European social citizenship are drawn. Specifically, the thesis looks as how formal social rights translate into substantive rights with a focus on the local level. This is where any pressures from internal EU-migration on social provision are felt, where gaps in the social protection of EU migrant citizens make themselves evident, and where many social rights are exercised. The central research question of the thesis is thus: how are EU migrant citizens' social rights governed at the local level? The thesis adopts a qualitative and explorative method. More specifically, it examines barriers that EU migrant citizens face when trying to access social benefits and services. The study also takes a comparative approach, and contrasts localities across two member states that can be seen as critical cases: Germany and Sweden. In two cities in each country (Berlin and Hamburg, Gothenburg and Stockholm), interviews were conducted with local public administrators, welfare providers and advocacy organisations. The interviews were later related to relevant policy documents in a thematic analysis guided by the overarching research question. The main contribution of the thesis lies in identifying certain direct and indirect factors that shape EU migrant citizens' access to social benefits and services - and thus their substantive social rights. Specifically, the thesis argues that (1) certain structures of welfare systems (which become evident through a bottom-up study of supra-national social rights), and (2) the entrepreneurship of local actors, are crucial to understanding how formal rights of EU migrant citizens translate into substantive ones.

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Ay, Ozgur. « The Possibility Of Postnationality In The Case Of European Union Citizenship ». Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12604936/index.pdf.

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Recent developments such as internationalization of labor markets, emergence of multi-level polities and a global discourse on human rights have influenced citizenship practices and challenged conventional definitions of citizenship. While conventional definitions of citizenship often presuppose the relationship between citizenship, nationality and nation-state, as an institution, citizenship is constituted and reconstituted by economic, political, social and legal practices. In this context, European Union citizenship (EU citizenship), which was formally introduced in 1993, has generated a discussion on its nature. As a reflection of its dynamic and ambiguous character, there is a variety of interpretations on EU citizenship that can be evaluated between postnational and national ends. In line with these interpretations, this thesis aims to provide an insight to the possibility of postnationality in the case of the European Union Citizenship. In this sense, the analysis of EU citizenship depends on two significant theoretical bases: the contemporary debates on citizenship and the theories of European integration. It is attempted to combine these theoretical frameworks in a critical analysis in order to consider the postnational potentials and possibilities that the EU citizenship has. In the case study of EU citizenship a socio-historical analysis of the making of EU citizenship is carried out mainly with reference to the official documents of the institutions of European Union. In the light of this analysis, EU citizenship is critically examined according to designated discussion themes. Consequently, in this thesis, it is mainly argued that dynamic and evolving nature of EU citizenship create contradictory notions in its development process. This also reflects that possibilities for postnationality are inherent to the EU citizenship.

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Bradshaw, Julia Elena. « European Union citizenship : the long road to inclusion ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 2012. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/european-union-citizenship-the-long-road-to-inclusion(8d1dd5bb-42cf-49b4-818c-425c83574923).html.

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This thesis considers the development of the concept of citizenship, both historically and in its supranational guise. It addresses the traditional models of citizenship that have arisen in the national arena before turning its focus to supranational citizenship. The development of quasi-citizenship rights at the European level between 1957 and 1992 are discussed whilst asking whether, in fact, these principles amounted to a de facto creation of citizenship as would be formally understood in a national model. Thereafter, post-1992 developments are considered via the activities of the European courts. The courts’ particularly activist role in expanding our understanding of Union citizenship by using existing Union legislation in imaginative ways is highlighted and used as a key factor in determining Union citizenship’s capacity to adapt and develop in the face of new challenges. This thesis plays particular attention to the non-Member State nationals who reside in Union territory and find themselves ostensibly deprived of citizenship rights despite being actively involve in the Union’s activities. Supranational citizenship is viewed through the unusual lens of stateless persons and this thesis suggests that Union citizenship does not live up to its ideals by excluding them from its understanding of the citizenry. It formulates a novel conception of rights-based residence, as opposed to nationality-based, supranational citizenship that is predicated on the Union’s heritage of respect for rights and would include Member State nationals, alongside third-country nationals, the stateless and refugees (who would struggle to gain recognition under a conventional citizenship paradigm), with the aspiration of rendering Union citizenship a more inclusive and rounded conception.

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Wiener, Antje Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. « Building institutions : the developing practice of European citizenship ». Ottawa, 1995.

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Papazoglou, E. G. « Citizenship and democratic legitimacy in the European Union : Euro-Republicanism and the concept of responsive citizenship ». Thesis, University of Essex, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.426008.

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Hodgson, Naomi. « Educational research subjectivity and the construction of European citizenship ». Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2011. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10019966/.

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Kolsuz, Neval. « European Union Citizenship And Its Impacts On The Formation Of European Political Identity ». Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612509/index.pdf.

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This thesis aims at evaluating the impacts of European Union Citizenship on the development process of European political identity. With the introduction of European Union citizenship upon the ratification of the Treaty of Maastricht, a breath of fresh air has been brought to the ongoing debates and a new form of citizenship has taken its place in the literature. The &ldquo
workers&rsquo
right to free movement &rdquo
which was the core of the push for European citizenship, has played a pioneering role for the rights engendered thereunder. In due course, new rights have been entitled to the citizens and the scope of these rights has been broadened. From the 1950s to the present, EU citizenship has continued its evolution and, rather than being referred to as a common market citizenship, it became a highly political concept during this period. In the context of these developments, this thesis view the historical background and the legal framework of the concept and, in light of these insights, analyze the impacts of European Union citizenship upon the formation of European political identity. In this study, European citizenship has been defined as a form of political identity, whose emergence , in turn , was a consequence of citizens&rsquo
relationships with the political entity-European Union- . On account of the inadequacy of the elements that constitutes the identity under normal conditions , the existence of the political identity has been emphasized as a the key concept in order to attach the citizens to the political entity and the role of the citizenship has been stated as comprising a common basis within the EU in order to constitute a political identity.

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Majewski, Katarzyna M. « Legitimacy, community and citizenship in the EU, building social citizenship through health care in the European Union ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ63335.pdf.

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Fällström, Andreas. « Den liberala demokratins Pyrrhusseger ? : En postkommunistisk studie av förutsättningarna för demokratisk konsolidering ». Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-132752.

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As our world globalizes and grows smaller, there is increasing concern about questions related to the future of liberal democracy. Following the breakdown of communism on the European continent and the ensuing emphasis on the universalization of liberal democratic values as ‘the end of history’, much research has been centered on understanding the crafting of stable democratic systems in East-Central Europe. Recently, the widely observed phenomenon of ‘illiberal backsliding’ has evoked considerable scholarly attention. However, the research community lacks a deeper understanding of the factors determining the prospects of sustainable democratic consolidation in a post-authoritarian environment. This case study therefore relates the problems associated with anchoring democratic governance in the post-communist states of East-Central Europe to a broader framework of democratization theories. It is argued that consolidating democracies is a far more complex task than has earlier been acknowledged, as it depends on a multitude of interrelated socio-cultural and political determinants. As is further proposed, the post-communist countries have largely been entrapped in an unsustainable state of incomplete democratic consolidation, evident specifically in the prevalent lack of civic culture and a deficient process of citizenship formation, entailing a serious risk of authoritarian backlash. A somewhat paradoxical hypothesis is suggested: that periods of illiberal government actually could be instrumental to generate the kind of social community needed for a long-term sustainable democratic society. In a concluding discussion on the prospects of consolidating democracy on a global scale, it is stated that the liberal democratic endeavor may be facing two future trajectories: while the first one is that of a global democratic decline in the face of authoritarian reaction, the opposite trajectory implies that liberal democracy may well have a universal future, although to accelerate to that point, it needs to overcome an initial state of instability requiring some setbacks.

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Reed, Charles William. « Consociationalism and European accommodation : the politics of citizenship and immigration ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.625066.

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MEYER, Camille. « “We are Europeans” : Perspectives of European citizenship and identity in the European Union and Argentina ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-361705.

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The European Union is a supranational structure of its own, created to bring peaceafter years of war on the ground of shared economic interests. In the 1970s, the polity started torealize its need of a European identity to further pursue its integration process efficiently, openinga door on a whole new sphere. This latter shift brought new issues on the table, questioning thefeatures of a common identity bringing the European countries of the Union together andeventually introduced the concept of EU citizenship as a condition of (EU)ropean belonging. Onthe other side of the Atlantic, Argentina has been on the quest of its own identity since theindependence from Spain in 1810. In the twentieth century, the country started to identify withEurope, resulting in the creation of a European identity in a non-geographically Europeancontinent and far from the concept of EU citizenship. This thesis seeks to study the differentunderstandings of a European identity. The leading question is: How are European citizenshipand European identity interwoven in the expression of belonging to Europe in the officialdiscourse in the EU and Argentina? According to a model of the sociologist Delanty, we willdeconstruct the concept of citizenship according to three features and look at citizenship as acommunity of Rights, a participatory behaviour and an identity with means of culturalcohesiveness and historical traditions in both the EU and Argentina’s official discourse. Ourfindings show, neither the study of EU rights and participatory behaviour of Eu citizens inArgentina allow us to understand the identification of Argentina with Europe, in opposition withthe EU. Indeed, being a European in the EU refers to belonging and participating in a politicalsphere and eventually could lead to a political identity. In Argentina being European refers to acultural, if not eugenic identity which can be explained by the history of the country.

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Samoilova, Evgenia Verfasser], Steffen [Akademischer Betreuer] [Mau, Ansgar [Gutachter] Weymann et Margrit [Gutachter] Schreier. « The Worth of Citizenship : Experiences of Citizenship Acquisition among Russian Speakers in Latvia and Lithuania / Evgenia Samoilova ; Gutachter : Ansgar Weymann, Margrit Schreier ; Betreuer : Steffen Mau ». Bremen : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Bremen, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1128793423/34.

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Williams, Simon J. « The impact of European integration on the development of modern citizenship ». Thesis, University of Central Lancashire, 2007. http://clok.uclan.ac.uk/7765/.

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Interlinking vital aspects of the legal, economic, political and social competencies of its participating member states the European Union as it is presently constituted represents a unique experiment in the development of a new type of supranational political system. Driven by the accelerating processes of globalisation and actioned through a variety of formal and informal mechanisms European integration is slowly shifting the centre of political authority to a new supranational European level. The challenge for the European Union is to reconcile these developments and create an institutional framework that provides democratic legitimacy promotes equality, social inclusion and social justice and creates a political system that can recognise and accommodate the differences inherent in an increasingly multi-cultural society. Recognising the close inter-relationship between the effects of integration and the exercise of meaningful political participation, the European Commission has explicitly identified European citizenship as the mechanism to legitimise continued integration. The purpose of this research is to analyse the implications of this decision and to explore whether over time European citizenship has the potential to create and foster a distinct European identity which can promote a genuine and meaningful form of participatory post-national citizenship based outside the nation state. Drawing together both integration and citizenship theory into a new synthesis, the research is seeking to develop a new syncretic model of integration that can satisfactorily explain both the complexity and sophistication of the European Union and explain the forces which are currently driving forward the momentum of integration towards an "ever closer" political Union.

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Hutchinson, Nichola Jayne. « Ties that bind ? : religion, solidarity and citizenship in the European context ». Thesis, University of Leeds, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.545694.

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Cutler, Rachel Christine. « Theorizing European citizenship : discursive democracy and the work of JuÌˆrgen Habermas ». Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.400296.

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Palash, Polina. « Organizing transnational social protection in times of crisis : Ecuadorian families in between Ecuador, Spain and England ». Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019AIXM0601.

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Cette thèse porte sur les arrangements transnationaux de protection sociale à l’échelle des familles, c'est-à-dire les stratégies développées par leurs membres dispersés pour faire face aux risques et couvrir leurs besoins, par delà les frontières nationales. Le terrain concerne les familles transnationales équatoriennes qui organisent leur protection sociale entre l’Europe et leur pays d’origine, et s’appuie sur une étude ethnographique multi-localisée et avec un échantillon partiellement combiné, conduite en Espagne, en Angleterre et en Équateur. Les familles ont été affectées par deux crises financières majeures : en Équateur à la fin des années 90 et en Europe en 2008. Ces crises ont généré des reconfigurations spatiales des mobilités, en particulier une deuxième migration récente de citoyens de l'UE bénéficiant de la double nationalité (équatorienne et espagnole), depuis l’Espagne vers Angleterre, où des Equatoriens étaient déjà installés depuis les années 1980. Ces recompositions affectent les formes de protection sociale au sein des familles, générant notamment des flux économiques inversés en provenance d'Équateur, qui assurent les besoins des migrants en Europe. Dans leurs multiples adaptations, les migrants accumulent des vulnérabilités, tout en faisant face aux insuffisances des systèmes de protection sociale nationaux pour couvrir les besoins de leurs familles transnationales. Les risques relatifs à la gestion des questions de protection sociale sont en partie compensés par une circulation diffuse du soutien au sein des réseaux familiaux, qui génère des flux de ressources multidirectionnels
This thesis addresses the transnational social protection arrangements deployed as strategies developed and sustained by people living across different countries to cope with risks and cover their needs. The thesis focuses on Ecuadorian transnational families managing social protection concerns between Europe and their country of origin, drawing on a multi-sited, partly matched-sample ethnographic study conducted across Spain, England and Ecuador. Families in this study have had to deal with two financial crises – at the end of 1990s in Ecuador and the global 2008 recession, which again destabilized the life of Ecuadorian migrants abroad. This implied various spatial reconfigurations, such as the onward move of dual EU (Ecuadorian-Spanish) citizens from Spain to England, where there has been a small Ecuadorian community since the 1980s. The 2008 recession also prompted readjustments of protective arrangements for Ecuadorian migrants, including reverse economic flows from Ecuador aimed at providing for their daily needs in Europe. In their multiple adaptations migrants accumulate vulnerabilities, while dealing with inadequacies of the different welfare systems with respect to the needs of their transnational families. The predominant risks of the management of social protection concerns across several countries is partly compensated by a diffuse circulation of support in family networks, entailing multidirectional flows of resources

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Thèses sur le sujet « Citizenship in Europe »

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