Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Cincinnati and Indiana Railroad Company »

Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2009.
Title from screen (viewed on February 1, 2010). Department of History, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Marianne S. Wokeck, Jason M. Kelly, Anita J. Morgan. Includes vitae. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 106-114).

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
In the 1830s, Indiana undertook an ambitious internal improvements program, building the state’s first railroad and multiple canals. To complete the projects, Indiana used Irish immigrant laborers. The Irish laborers developed a reputation for brawling amongst themselves, highlighted by a riot involving 600 laborers working on the Wabash and Erie Canal in 1835. Multiple volumes of Indiana history identify the Wabash and Erie riot as a one-time event inspired by Protestant and Catholic animosity imported from Ireland. A review of the historical record, however, contradicts these long-held assumptions. Inspired by Irish traditions of faction fighting and peasant secret societies, Irish immigrant laborers formed secret societies that used violence against competitors in hopes of securing access to internal improvement jobs for their own membership. The rival secret societies, the Corkonians and the Fardowns, organized based on their provincial origins in Ireland. Examples of Corkonian and Fardown violence occurred throughout the country. In Indiana, a pattern of Corkonian and Fardown conflict resulted in skirmishes on at least three different construction sites between 1835 and 1837. In contrast to the traditional narrative, the Corkonians and Fardowns were both pioneers of the first wave of large-scale Irish Catholic immigration whose rivalry centered on job protection and economic grievances.

Abstract Almost twenty-five years ago Professor Arthur Nussbaum spoke of the ‘Tantalus interpretation’ to which gold clauses had been subjected in earlier days: whenever a bondholder believed he enjoyed the protection of a gold clause, the courts, at the critical moment, were astute in depriving him of it. Yet, beginning with the great decision of the Permanent Court of International Justice in the Case of the Serbian Loans ,2 the judicial tendencies changed in most countries and by 1953 it could be suggested that the fight against the ‘Tantalus interpretation’ had succeeded. The fate which the ‘First Mortgage 4½ per cent Coupon Gold Bonds’ issued by the Kentucky and Indiana Terminal Railroad Company in 1911 in England under English law recently suffered at the hands of American and English courts seems, however, to indicate a revival of that interpretation.

The Midwest railroad network connected almost every major city by 1860, accounting for 36% of the United States (U.S.) railroad network mileage. Indiana became famous for the first Union Station in the world, as well as for one of the most developed and luxurious interurban rail system in the U.S. The twentieth century drastically transformed the picture, endowing the country with well-developed and world class highway and aviation networks, but leaving Indiana with a limited passenger rail network. Today, the Hoosier State line, which operates between Indianapolis, Indiana and Chicago, Illinois, is in danger of elimination. As of October 2013, the State of Indiana, local communities, and Amtrak reached an agreement to support the Hoosier State line, an agreement recently extended through January 2015. Amtrak is hesitant to support the corridor, doubting its economic viability. In response, the Indiana Department of Transportation (DOT) was the first nationally to announce a Request for Proposals (1404s1) under the Passenger Rail Investment and Improvement Act in order to obtain competitive bids for the operation of the Hoosier State line. Recent studies suggest that the improvement and enhancement of the Midwest regional rail system to allow higher speeds has the potential to significantly benefit the area. The route from Chicago to Cincinnati via Indianapolis is a strong candidate among the possible routes in the Midwest, and within the second tier nationwide. Studies also suggest that such an upgrade can return great user benefits, reduce travel times, and bring significant regional economic benefits supporting the creation of new permanent jobs in Indiana. This paper presents the chronicle of passenger rail transportation in the U.S., Midwest, and Indiana in particular, from the early 1830s to the recent attempts of the State of Indiana to sustain the Hoosier line. This paper also investigates the effect of the community’s support on Indiana’s passenger rail evolution, as well as the potential of “higher” speed rail in the state.

In the mid-1980s, the impact of three decades of uranium processing near rural Fernald, Ohio, 18 miles northwest of Cincinnati, became the centre of national public controversy. When a series of incidents at the uranium foundry brought to light the years of contamination to the environment and surrounding farmland communities, local citizens’ groups united and demanded a role in determining the plans for cleaning up the site. One citizens’ group, Fernald Residents for Environmental Safety and Health (FRESH), formed in 1984 following reports that nearly 300 pounds of enriched uranium oxide had been released from a dust-collector system, and three off-property wells south of the site were contaminated with uranium. For 22 years, FRESH monitored activities at Fernald and participated in the decision-making process with management and regulators. The job of FRESH ended on 19 January this year when the U.S. Secretary of Energy Samuel Bodman and U.S. Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Stephen Johnson — flanked by local, state, and national elected officials, and citizen-led environmental watchdog groups including FRESH — officially declared the Fernald Site clean of all nuclear contamination and open to public access. It marked the end of a remarkable turnaround in public confidence and trust that had attracted critical reports from around the world: the Cincinnati Enquirer; U.S. national news programs 60 Minutes, 20/20, Nightline, and 48 Hours; worldwide media outlets from the British Broadcasting Company and Canadian Broadcasting Company; Japanese newspapers; and German reporters. When personnel from Fluor arrived in 1992, the management team thought it understood the issues and concerns of each stakeholder group, and was determined to implement the decommissioning scope of work aggressively, confident that stakeholders would agree with its plans. This approach resulted in strained relationships with opinion leaders during the early months of Fluor’s contract. To forge better relationships, the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) who owns the site, and Fluor embarked on three new strategies based on engaging citizens and interested stakeholder groups in the decision-making process. The first strategy was opening communication channels with site leadership, technical staff, and regulators. This strategy combined a strong public-information program with two-way communications between management and the community, soliciting and encouraging stakeholder participation early in the decision-making process. Fluor’s public-participation strategy exceeded the “check-the-box” approach common within the nuclear-weapons complex, and set a national standard that stands alone today. The second stakeholder-engagement strategy sprang from mending fences with the regulators and the community. The approach for dispositioning low-level waste was a 25-year plan to ship it off the site. Working with stakeholders, DOE and Fluor were able to convince the community to accept a plan to safely store waste permanently on site, which would save 15 years of cleanup and millions of dollars in cost. The third strategy addressed the potentially long delays in finalizing remedial action plans due to formal public comment periods and State and Federal regulatory approvals. Working closely with the U.S. and Ohio Environmental Protection Agencies (EPA) and other stakeholders, DOE and Fluor were able to secure approvals of five Records of Decision on time – a first for the DOE complex. Developing open and honest relationships with union leaders, the workforce, regulators and community groups played a major role in DOE and Fluor cleaning up and closing the site. Using lessons learned at Fernald, DOE was able to resolve challenges at other sites, including worker transition, labour disputes, and damaged relationships with regulators and the community. It took significant time early in the project to convince the workforce that their future lay in cleanup, not in holding out hope for production to resume. It took more time to repair relationships with Ohio regulators and the local community. Developing these relationships over the years required constant, open communications between site decision makers and stakeholders to identify issues and to overcome potential barriers. Fluor’s open public-participation strategy resulted in stakeholder consensus of five remedial-action plans that directed Fernald cleanup. This strategy included establishing a public-participation program that emphasized a shared-decision making process and abandoned the government’s traditional, non-participatory “Decide, Announce, Defend” approach. Fernald’s program became a model within the DOE complex for effective public participation. Fluor led the formation of the first DOE site-specific advisory board dedicated to remediation and closure. The board was successful at building consensus on critical issues affecting long-term site remediation, such as cleanup levels, waste disposal and final land use. Fluor created innovative public outreach tools, such as “Cleanopoly,” based on the Monopoly game, to help illustrate complex concepts, including risk levels, remediation techniques, and associated costs. These innovative tools helped DOE and Fluor gain stakeholder consensus on all cleanup plans. To commemorate the outstanding commitment of Fernald stakeholders to this massive environmental-restoration project, Fluor donated $20,000 to build the Weapons to Wetlands Grove overlooking the former 136-acre production area. The grove contains 24 trees, each dedicated to “[a] leader(s) behind the Fernald cleanup.” Over the years, Fluor, through the Fluor Foundation, also invested in educational and humanitarian projects, contributing nearly $2 million to communities in southwestern Ohio, Kentucky and Indiana. Further, to help offset the economic impact of the site’s closing to the community, DOE and Fluor promoted economic development in the region by donating excess equipment and property to local schools and townships. This paper discusses the details of the public-involvement program — from inception through maturity — and presents some lessons learned that can be applied to other similar projects.