Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Church and state – European Union countries »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Church and state – European Union countries"
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Schanda, Balázs. « Church and State In the New Member Countries of the European Union ». Ecclesiastical Law Journal 8, no 37 (juillet 2005) : 186–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00006244.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In May 2004 eight former communist Central and Eastern European countries joined the European Union. Written constitutions in the region now contain guarantees on freedom of religion together with fundamental statements on Church-State relations. Since the fall of communism a net of bilateral agreements has been negotiated with the Holy See. Of the established members of the EU only Austria, Germany, Italy, Portugal and Spain had concordats whilst France and Luxembourg were partly bound by such treaties. Amongst the new member states only the predominantly Orthodox Cyorus has no contractual relationship with the Vatican. A pragmatic reason for this may be that the new members went through a very rapid leagal transition marked by considerable uncertainties after the fall of communism. The Catholic Church did not seek privileges with the agrements, but rather legal certainty. The stadards of religious with the agreements, but rather legal certainty. The standards of religious freedom in the new member states are generally good compared with the resrt of Europe. None of the new member states adopted a state church model, and none of them followed a rigid separation model either. Most new member states to be particularly valued by those who experienced forced secularism during communist rule.
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Verbytskyi, Volodymyr. « Main Vectors of International Activity of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church ». Roczniki Kulturoznawcze 12, no 2 (17 juin 2021) : 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rkult21122-4.
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During the 1950s and 1980s, the Eastern Catholic Church (sharing the Byzantine tradition) was maintained in countries with a Ukrainian migrant diaspora. In the 1960s, this branched and organized church was formed in the Ukrainian diaspora. It was named the Ukrainian Catholic Church (UCC). The Galician Metropolitan Department was headed by Andriy Sheptytskyi until 1944, and after that Sheptytskyi was preceded by Yosyp Slipiy, who headed it until 1984. In addition to the Major Archbishop and Metropolitan Yosyp, this church included two dioceses (in the United States and Canada), a total of 18 bishops. It had about 1 million believers and 900 priests. The largest groups of followers of the union lived in France, Yugoslavia, Great Britain, Brazil, Argentina, and Australia. Today, the number of Greek Catholics in the world is more than 7 million.
The international cooperation of denominations in the field of resolving historical traumas of the past seems to be quite productive. An illustrative example was shared on June 28, 2013. Preliminary commemorations of the victims of the 70th anniversary of the Volyn massacres, representatives of the UGCC and the Roman Catholic Church of Poland signed a joint declaration. The documents condemned the violence and called on Poles and Ukrainians to apologize and spread information about the violence. This is certainly a significant step towards reconciliation between the nations.
The most obvious fact is that the churches of the Kyiv tradition—ОCU and UGCC, as well as Protestant churches (All-Ukrainian Union of Evangelical Churches—Pentecostals, Ukrainian Lutheran Church, German People’s Church)—are in favor of deepening the relations between Ukraine and the European Union. A transformation of Ukrainian community to a united Europe, namely in the European Union, which, in their view, is a guarantee of strengthening state sovereignty and ensuring the democratic development of countries and Ukrainian society.
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HORBACHEVSKYI, Taras. « Ukraine – Vatican : Interstate and inter-church relations (1991–2005) ». Ukraine-Poland : Historical Heritage and Public Consciousness 11 (2018) : 131–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/up.2018-11-131-139.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines the stages of the formation of diplomatic relations between Ukraine and the Vatican in the 1990s. The chronology of official meetings and visits of officials was followed, the causes of difficulties with delaying the opening of the Ukrainian Embassy in the Vatican were identified. The Vatican was interested in a close relationship with Ukraine, where the Catholic Church was granted equal rights alongside other denominations, which served as a basis and example for further in-depth dialogue with the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC). The papal mission in Ukraine aimed to protect the status of the Catholic Church and to ensure religious freedom. The Vatican's policy towards an independent Ukraine, its support in the state's aspirations for European integration are analyzed. The importance of the visit of Pope John Paul II and his dialogue in Ukrainian society for the development of inter-church cooperation, inter-confessional dialogue, Ukrainian-Polish reconciliation in matters of historical memory was established. The disconnection of inter-denominational disputes smoothed out the activities of the All-Ukrainian Council of Churches and Religious Organizations, whose work was judged to be attended by the Pope. In his speech to the audience of the All-Ukrainian Council of Churches and Religious Organizations, the Pope emphasized the multicultural space of Ukraine. The framework of cooperation between Ukraine and the Vatican in humanitarian policy, social and educational programs is traced. Cooperation between the two countries has contributed to the growth of the moral authority of Ukraine, as a European state with Western European values. Countries seeking to join the European Union (among them Ukraine) paid great attention to the spiritual factors of European integration, attending various forums and meetings held by the Vatican. Keywords Ukraine, Vatican, Roman Catholic Church, diplomatic relations, ecumenism.
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Vukoszávlyev, Zorán. « Perception of Latin America’s church architecture in the time of II Vatican Council ». Actas de Arquitectura Religiosa Contemporánea 4 (16 février 2017) : 46–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17979/aarc.2015.4.0.5118.
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Events of World War II resulted in significant social changes from 1945. This is considered to be the main motive behind the attempts for transforming the Catholic sacral space, defining the Christ-centered Church. While in most parts of the Catholic world it was a result of a natural, internal process, these changes didn’t make an effect in the Eastern European countries occupied by the Soviet Union, because religion and religiousness became persecuted under the newly established world order. The political powers professing atheist ideology and communist concepts considered the Church as the main power opponent of their own system. Not only in ideological sense, but also because of the Holy See’s organizational structure that spans state borders. The article interprets the presence of the effects of liturgic reforms, in correspondence with the Eastern politics of the Holy See.
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Rushchenko, Ihor. « Civilizational values of EU countries, Russia, and Ukraine (based on the expert survey) ». Sociology : Theory, Methods, Marketing, Issue Stmm 2020 (2) (15 mai 2020) : 72–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/sociology2020.02.072.
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The article discusses the differences between societal values in the European Union, the Russian Federation and Ukraine. According to the author's hypothesis, the current Russian-Ukrainian hybrid war is triggered not by interests but by the idea of imposing and maintaining the dominance of certain values. The empirical basis of the research is derived from a poll of experts conducted by the author during the II Kharkiv International Security Forum on November 29–30, 2019. As a part of survey methodology, a group of experts (50 respondents) was asked to assess the importance of societal values from the list (which consisted of 30 positions) in accordance with three locations — the EU countries, the Russian Federation, and Ukraine. A seven-digit ordinal scale (0 to 6) was used for evaluation. The list includes social values that are (or are not) essential for building a certain type of a social system. The findings of the study demonstrate that the top-10 social values in the EU and the Russian Federation are completely different. The EU countries: 1) Rule of Law, 2) Human Rights, 3) Private Property, 4) Democracy, 5) Person as Such, 6) Peaceful Existence, 7) Economic Efficiency, 8) Self-Identity (Me), 9) Liberty, 10) Civil Society. RF: 1) Victory in World War II, 2) National leader, 3) Army, 4) State, 5) Vodka, 6) Social Hierarchy, 7) Ideology, 8) Money, 9) Church, 10) Violence. The Ukrainian society occupies an intermediate position between the European and Russian civilization systems. The top-10 values in Ukraine are: 1) Money, 2) Freedom, 3) Army, 4) Children, 5) Peaceful existence, 6) Family, 7) Land, 8) Democracy, 9) Church, 10) State. The Ukrainian value system has not been fully developed, and the survey revealed that there is a shift of the value system towards the values of the united Europe. The dominant values in the EU countries are humanistic in their principles and create the foundation for the development of civil society. Meanwhile the principal Russian values are focused on strengthening the militarized state and rejection of European tradition by Russian society.
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Shimanskaya, Olga. « SPECIFICS OF WORK OF ORTHODOX CHURCHES OF THE EU WITH UKRAINIAN REFUGEES ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 28, no 4 (31 août 2022) : 152–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran42022152163.
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The article analyzes the role of the Orthodox Churches of the border countries of the European Union in resolving the humanitarian crisis associated with the movement in the shortest possible time (February – April 2022) of large masses of refugees from the territory of Ukraine to nearby Western countries as a result of the special military operation by the Russian Federation to liberate Donbass. The purpose of the article is to show the effectiveness, methods of work and target groups of non-state actors in world politics, which are religious organizations, in this case Orthodox, and non-governmental organizations interconnected with it, in the context of the humanitarian crisis unfolding in 2022. The research methodology involves an event-based chronological analysis based on the content analysis of an array of news coming from national Orthodox churches: the Autocephalous Polish Orthodox Church, the Orthodox Autocephalous Church of the Czech Lands and Slovakia, the Budapest-Hungarian Diocese of the Russian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate, the Romanian Orthodox Church. It is shown that the Orthodox Churches, their social and charitable departments and non-governmental organizations affiliated with them acted as reliable partners of the central and local executive authorities in the reception of refugees and the settlement of issues of their livelihood, information, transportation and adaptation in the host country. They called for a healing of the conflict, appealing to the warring parties, a mission of compassion and consolation for the refugees. With their authority, they helped the horizontal complex interaction of local Orthodox communities to receive refugees and collect humanitarian aid, distribute it and send it to Ukraine.
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Shlapentokh, Dmitry. « The Anti-Semitism of History : The Case of the Russian Neo-Pagans ». European Review 20, no 2 (30 mars 2012) : 264–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798711000482.
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Almost a generation has gone by since the end of the Cold War, a time that has brought many changes. It has become steadily clearer that not the affirmation of the centrality of the democratic West – as asserted by Francis Fukuyama in his famous essay – but the opposite has occurred. There has been continuous erosion of the power of the West. First, the economic and geopolitical balance has increasingly shifted to Southeast Asia, where quite a few states have authoritarian, even totalitarian, socioeconomic arrangements. China is, of course, the best-known example. Second, the demographic and cultural tides have changed. In the past, Europe sent waves of émigrés all over the world. Now the West has become the destination of millions from non-European countries. The pattern of cultural adaptation has also undergone dramatic changes. A considerable number of non-Europeans have no desire to assimilate, or at least they wish to preserve their heritage. All these processes – especially as they relate to the fact that the West is losing its economic competitiveness – cause a response that often leads to racism and neo-fascism. Those who study European neo-fascists almost instinctively compare them with pre-Second World War fascists and Nazis. This temptation is reinforced by the fact that these neo-fascists often use Nazi symbols and trappings. However, a close look at these European neo-fascists/neo-Nazis and their prewar counterparts indicates that their similarities are usually deceptive and they actually belong to quite different species. Present-day neo-fascists/neo-Nazis are not imperialists, as were the German Nazis who dreamed about a worldwide empire. Current European right-wingers are parochial isolationists. They want not an empire but the cleansing of their state from newcomers, especially those of non-European origin. Many are even suspicious of European unity; they see the European Union as the key that opens the gates of their countries, not just to Asians/Africans but to East Europeans, seen as almost an alien race. Second, their view of Jews is different from that of the Nazis. They may be anti-Semitic, but their dislike of Jews is hardly the central element of their worldview. Moreover, they are similar to many of the general public who differentiate between ‘their’ native Jews – against whom they have no grudges – and newcomers from, say, Eastern Europe, whom they consider parasitic aliens. Furthermore, they have problems with the church. Some may be neo-pagans; in this they are also quite different from the Nazis, who had a tense relationship with the church but did not openly oppose it. Russian rightists in many ways follow the model of the European far right. This is due not only to direct ideological borrowing but also to similar conditions. Russia's heartland, for example, is also a major destination for non-European migrants. Still, the Russian far right's views unquestionably have elements arising from the country's specific conditions. As a result, they have developed several peculiar ideological characteristics. They are often pagan and quite hostile to the Orthodox Church. They also see Jews as part of an unholy cabal of Asiatics set on Russia's destruction.
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Jovanovic, Milos. « Homosexuality and the Serbian orthodox church : Transformations of relations in the last 20 years ». Sociologija 64, no 3 (2022) : 428–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc2203428j.
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The paper deals with the change of attitudes of the Serbian Orthodox Church towards homosexuality in the period from 2001 to 2021. Since, according to research, the Church ranks high (sometimes the highest) on the scale of trust that Serbian citizens have in institutions, it is reasonable to assume that it has a significant impact on shaping public opinion. The dominant attitude of the church officials about same-sex attraction has varied over time. Before the first attempt at the Pride Parade in Belgrade in 2001, there was absolute silence in the Church on the topic of same-sex affection, that is, a conspicuous disregard of it. After that, the ?politics of silence? gradually gave way to a strong moralistic condemnation, which reached its peak in 2010, when the first successful Pride was held in the Serbian capital. It should be mentioned that, in addition to the condemnation, there were ambivalent attitudes of the church officials and prominent believers towards homosexuality / homosexuals. Ambivalence was expressed through the maxim: ?we hate the sin, we love the sinners.? The views of the Church were particularly visible during the public debate on the adoption of the Law on Prohibition of Discrimination in 2009. The discourse of religious condemnation of homosexuality is usually imbued with pronounced anti-Westernism and disparagement of liberal values and practices, traditionally marked, i.e. branded, as ?European? and ?those that are not in accordance with the tradition of the Serbian people.? The position of the Serbian Orthodox Church, in the most general terms, follows the general dynamics of political changes in Serbia. In the last few years, the political elite in Serbia has been instrumentalizing the rights and freedoms of sexual and gender minorities in order to gain international support (above all, from EU countries) for remaining in power through ?tactical Europeanization.? The state administration proclaims its alleged adherence to the principles of the European Union, without any genuine interest in improving the social position of non-heterosexuals and gender non-conformists. In the context of a ?captured society? (where social actors are caught in a network of corrupt exchanges in order to reproduce the rule of political oligarchies and fabricate the legitimacy of their rule), the Church has agreed to demonstrate a more moderate stance towards homosexuality, as a symbolically and materially more profitable one.
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PANCHENKO, Svitlana, Olena KAROLOP, Oleksandr CHUCHALIN, Tеtiana KOLISNYCHENKO, Kateryna SEFIKHANOVA et Ievgeniia DRAGOMIROVA. « Topical Issues in the Field of Religious Tourism. Current Challenges ». Journal of Environmental Management and Tourism 13, no 2 (31 mars 2022) : 507. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505/jemt.v13.2(58).20.
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The number of political and cultural shifts in Ukraine during the last years have caused the rise of the interest in Ukraine as a place of attraction for religious tourists. As a result of Ukraine's rapid withdrawal from the religious and ideological milieu of the Moscow Patriarchate, getting a Tomos and the creation of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine, the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula (where a fairly high percentage of Muslim believers (Tatars) live and are persecuted), the gradual integration of (mostly) Orthodox Ukraine into the European Union (where most countries profess Catholicism and Protestantism) attract the attention of the European community to Ukraine more than ever in the religious sphere. Today this can become a favorable environment for the world’s getting acquainted with the Ukrainian religious culture, with the promotion of its spiritual heritage, which has been created for thousands of years, for creating a general image of the country as a tourist one. According to the World Tourism Organization, at least 200 million people go pilgrimage annually. Pilgrimage is also gaining popularity in Ukraine every year. The specificity of pilgrimage is determined by the features of the religious consciousness of believers, which in turn is associated with the nature of religious doctrine and cult practices of specific regional destinations. Thus, in the context of the development of modern state tourism policy, once lost traditions of pilgrimage are gaining significant growth in the country.
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Macuka, Jekaterina. « THE MODEL OF RELATIONS BETWEEN THE STATE AND RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS AND ITS IMPLEMENTATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF LATVIA ». Via Latgalica, no 2 (31 décembre 2009) : 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/latg2009.2.1608.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Models of relations between the state and religious organizations and the basic principles of their implementation are analyzed with the aim to determine which model of relations is being realized in the Republic of Latvia as well as to establish whether a model of relations, secured by a normative act, corresponds to the one implemented in practice. Within this work, the method of analysis has been used when considering the models of relations between the state and religious organizations, as well as the comparative method in the comparison of application of the basic principles of these models in the Republic of Latvia. The relations between the State and religious organizations are examined from the administratively legal and constitutionally legal aspect. The normative acts of the Republic of Latvia are discussed, as well as their mutual interaction and the collisions having sprung up between them. Laws and regulations of the Republic of Latvia are evaluated in connection with the norms of other European Union Member States, which regulate the relations between the state and religious organizations, and their experience. Evaluating the practice of other countries and the implemented models of relations between the state and religious organizations monographs and scientific papers by the scientists of the respective countries have been used. The content of international legal norms regulating freedom of religion have been analyzed as well as the requirements of the normative acts of the Republic of Latvia and their interaction. As grounds for conclusions, rulings by the court are chosen in cases where the application of legal norms is adjudicated concerning the realization of the right to the freedom of religion. Three fundamental principles are pointed out in the research basing on which the relations between the state and religious organizations are formed: association between the state and religious organizations, cooperation between the state and religious organizations and segregation between the state and religious organizations. Basing on the abovementioned principles, all models of relations between the state and religious organizations are formed. The model being implemented in a state can be determined by the regulation of the activity of religious organizations ensured with normative acts, by the range of rights of religious organizations, by peculiar features of preconditions, by the range of privileges, and by the burden of responsibilities imposed on religious organizations. To a large extent, the model of relations between the state and religious organizations depends on state traditions, historical development, distribution and impact of the definite religion within the state territory. The principle of unity between the state and religious organizations indicate the unity between them, institutions of religious organizations are identified as state institutions. Implementation of the abovementioned principle can manifest as an absolute unity between the state and church when state laws are based on definite religious norms and, in case of collisions, the principles of religious doctrine are applied. Or, within the abovementioned principle, two models of relations can be distinguished: a model of religious state and a model of state religion (church). The principle of cooperation between the state and religious organizations provides for separation of the state and religious organizations, they are functioning as autonomous subjects, religious organizations form their own structure and define their inner administration, the state on its part does not interfere in the inner affairs of religious organizations. Nevertheless, the state and religious organizations cooperate in order to achieve definite aims. Such a model of cooperation can be called the model of cooperation. In countries where the principle of separation of the state and religious organizations is in force and the model of segregation is functioning, the autonomy of religious organizations and the state are strictly separated. Each of these subjects is functioning in its own sphere, in parallel to one another. Religious organizations are not vested the rights to perform the functions of the state, and they do not receive financial support. Registration of a religious organization is the starting point where the activities of the state and of religious organizations come into contact. Registration of a religious organization is a basis for the model of relations between the state and religious organizations to be implemented in the given country. In the Republic of Latvia, the process of registration of religious organizations is regulated by the Law on Religious Organizations which provides for the order of registration of religious organizations as well as the legal status of the religious organizations to be registered; registration has a multi-stage structure. Initially, a congregation is registered as reregistrable, but later it acquires a regular status and after uniting the congregations can form a religious union (church). Religious unions (churches) have the right to establish dioceses and institutions. The next step in the mentioned chain includes religious organizations whose relations with the Republic of Latvia can be regulated by special laws. The State has established special relations with Evangelical Lutheran, Roman Catholic, Orthodox, Old Believer, Methodist, Baptist, Seventh-day Adventist and Moses faith (Judaist) denominations. These denominations have a peculiar status in the Republic of Latvia, the range of their rights differs from the rights of other congregations. Relations between the religious unions (churches) of these denominations and the State are regulated by special laws that define their rights and status. The Latvian Constitution (Satversme) contains a reference to the model of relations between the Republic of Latvia and religious organizations providing that the State is separated from the church. Evaluation of the features of a model of separation and its application to the relations between the Republic of Latvia and religious organizations allows to determine whether the implemented model is a model of separation or whether the relations between the State and religious organizations realized in practice belong to quite another model. The requirement for autonomy of religious organizations and the State can be regarded as satisfied, since the demand for non-interference by the State in the inner activities of religious organizations (except for the cases of violating laws) is included in the Law on Religious Organizations. Separation of religious organizations from the public rights sector presently is not being implemented. In state schools there are religious instruction lessons, religious organizations carry out religious activity in medical institutions and prisons, a service of chaplains has been established whose activity is funded from the state budget. Equality of the forms of activity of religious organizations is not guaranteed, since there exists a multi-stage registration system. A state function of performing marriage ceremonies is delegated to religious organizations. Thus, state functions are delegated to religious organizations. Besides the religious organizations are offered direct and indirect financial support which manifests in allotting tax relief as well as allocating direct grants from the state budget. The model having been established in the Republic of Latvia is a model of cooperation between the State and religious organizations. In the Constitution no state religion is provided but also no segregation of the State and religious organizations is realized. The State acknowledges the autonomy of religious organizations, however, the religious organizations receive financial support, definite functions are delegated to them, and religious organizations are operating in the public sector. Satversme lacks provisions that would truly provide that no state church exists in Latvia, but at the same time definite procedures and operations are being delegated to the church as stated by the law. The idea of amending the Satversme of the Republic of Latvia ought to be considered that would contain the provision about the model of cooperation between the State and religious organizations being realized in practice.
Thèses sur le sujet "Church and state – European Union countries"
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FERNANDES, Daniel. « Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 21 November 2022Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.
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ANDERSEN, Stine. « The Commission's role in ensuring Member State compliance with community law ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7017.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 6 July 2007Examination Board: Prof. Grainne de Burca, (Fordham Law School); Prof. Christian Joerges, (European University Institute); Prof. Deirdre Curtin (Utrecht University); Prof. Joanne Scott (University College London)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
no abstract available
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Binfield, Julian Westhoff Patrick C. « The changing policy environment for agriculture in the European Union ». Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri--Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/6140.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Title from PDF of title page (University of Missouri--Columbia, viewed on Feb 11. 2010). The entire thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file; a non-technical public abstract appears in the public.pdf file. Dissertation advisor: Dr Patrick Westhoff. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
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RUBIO, BARCELÓ Eulàlia. « Regional governments, territorial political restructuring and vocational education and training policies : a comparison of four cases : Catalonia, Lombardy, Valencia and Veneto ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7037.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 16 March 2007Examining Board: Prof. Michael Keating (EUI); Prof. Virginie Guiraudon (EUI); Prof. Marino Regini, (Università di Milano) ; Prof. Jacint Jordana Casajuana (Pompeu Fabra University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
no abstract available
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MAC, AMHLAIGH Cormac Seamus. « L'État, c'est quoi ? : the concept of the state on trial in the European constitutional polity ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13173.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 12 November 2007Examining board: Prof. Neil Walker, EUI (Supervisor) ; Prof. Martin Loughlin, London School of Economics ; Advocate General Miguel Poiares Maduro, European Court of Justice ; Prof. Wojciech Sadurski, EUI
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
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Lu, Chien-yi. « Harmonization of migration policies in the European Union : a state-centric or institutionalist explanation ? / ». Digital version accessible at:, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
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Huang, Zhi Feng. « Study of European Union Common Agricultural Policy : France agricultural policy anaysis ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2008. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555543.
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Cochrane, Brandy Marie. « Drowning In It : State Crime and Refugee Deaths in the Borderlands ». PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/772.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper examines the current state of border hardening against refugees in the European Union and Australia through the lens of state crime. Border hardening strategies are described for both of these areas and a theoretical basis of state crime victimology is used to examine the refugees who encounter this border hardening. The present study analyzes two data sets on border deaths, one for the European Union and one for Australia, to examine the demographics of the refugees who perish while attempting to transgress the border. Results indicated that there remains a significant amount of missing data, suggesting that official methods of record-keeping are necessary to determine the most basic demographics, such as gender and age, so analyses can be run to determine significance in this area. One clear finding was that migrants most frequently die from drowning (EU: 83.6%; AU: 93%) compared to any other cause. Also, there is indication that those from disadvantaged areas of origin (such as the Middle East and Africa) are more likely to die in the borderlands than others in the dataset. Practical implications of the findings are discussed along with suggestions for future research.
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Smith, Jason Matthew. « Extreme Politics : An Analysis of the State Level Conditions Favoring Far Right Parties in the European Union ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2003. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4177/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Three models are developed to analyze the state level conditions fostering the rise of far right parties in the European Union in the last two decades. The political background of these parties is examined. This study offers a definition for far right parties, which combines several previous attempts. The research has focused on the effects of the number of the parties, immigration, and unemployment on support for the far right in Europe. Empirical tests, using a random effects model of fifty elections in eight nations, suggest that there are political, social, and economic conditions that are conducive to electoral success. Specifically, increases in the number of "effective" parties favor the far right, while electoral thresholds serve to dampen support. Immigration proves to be a significant variable. Surprisingly, changes in crime and unemployment rates have a negative effect on support for the far right. Suggestions for future research are offered.
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Wang, Yan Chao. « EU's agricultural support policy and its revelation on China's agricultural policy ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555588.
Texte intégralLivres sur le sujet "Church and state – European Union countries"
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Jan, Grosfeld, et Instytut Spraw Publicznych (Warsaw, Poland). Centrum Stosunków Międzynarodowych., dir. Kościół wobec integracji europejskiej. Warszawa : Societas, 1996.
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1978-, Aimilianidēs Achilleus K., et European Consortium for Church-State Research, dir. Religious freedom in the European Union : The application of the European Convention on Human rights in the European Union : proceedings of the 19th meeting of the European Consortium for Church and State Research, Nicosia (Cyprus), 15-18 November 2007. Leuven : Peeters, 2011.
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kultury, Czech Republic Ministerstvo, dir. Náboženství a veřejná moc v zemích Evropské unie : Sborník textů z konference = Religion and public authority in European Union Countries : conference proceedings. Praha : Ministerstvo kultury České republiky (Ministry of Culture of the Czech Republic), 2009.
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Gerhard, Robbers, et European Consortium for State and Church Research., dir. State and church in the European Union. Baden-Baden : Nomos Verl.-Ges., 1996.
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Shalom, Hayward Jack Ernest, Menon Anand 1965- et Wright Vincent, dir. From the nation state to Europe : Essays in honour of Jack Hayward. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2001.
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1942-, Fitoussi Jean-Paul, et Padoa-Schioppa Fiorella 1945-, dir. Report on the state of the European Union. Houndmills [England] : Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.
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Harm, Schepel, dir. State and market in European Union law. New York : Cambridge University Press, 2009.
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1951-, Weiler Joseph, et Wind Marlene 1963-, dir. European constitutionalism beyond the state. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2003.
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A European welfare state ? : European Union social policy in context. Basingstoke : Palgrave, 2002.
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Andrea, Biondi, Eeckhout Piet et Flynn James 1956-, dir. The law of state aid in the European Union. Oxford [England] : Oxford University Press, 2004.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Church and state – European Union countries"
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Le Cacheux, Jacques, et Eloi Laurent. « Inequality between Countries : An Ever More Heterogeneous Union ? » Dans Report on the State of the European Union, 105–22. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137451088_8.
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Kratochvíl, Petr, et Tomáš Doležal. « The Study of Religion and European Integration : The State of the Art ». Dans The European Union and the Catholic Church, 13–36. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137453785_2.
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Darmuzey, Philippe. « Meeting the Challenge of State Building : EU Development Policy and Cooperation in Postconflict Countries ». Dans The European Union and Peacebuilding, 461–74. The Hague : T.M.C. Asser Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-691-6_21.
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Murray, Fiona. « Article 299(3) : Overseas Countries and Territories ». Dans The European Union and Member State Territories : A New Legal Framework Under the EU Treaties, 91–119. The Hague, The Netherlands : T. M. C. Asser Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-826-2_10.
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Murray, Fiona. « Article 227(3) : Overseas Countries and Territories (OCTs) ». Dans The European Union and Member State Territories : A New Legal Framework Under the EU Treaties, 29–36. The Hague, The Netherlands : T. M. C. Asser Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-826-2_5.
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García Portilla, Jason. « Summary Overview of the Four Case Studies ». Dans “Ye Shall Know Them by Their Fruits”, 329–32. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78498-0_22.
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AbstractThis chapter presents a brief comparative summary overview of the four cases.In Switzerland, most conservative Catholics escaped modernisation and centralism by relocating to the mountains, while Liberals and Protestants mostly remained in flat areas that became industrialised (Obinger, 2009). The federal government has been mainly liberal (anti-clerical) and close to Protestantism. Likewise, the Protestant population was in the majority until the 1970s. Currently, the Protestant cantons are the most competitive, while the mountainous Roman Catholic cantons are the least competitive.Uruguay exhibits the highest levels of social progress in Latin America (Sect. 10.1007/978-3-030-78498-0_4#Sec2) as well as high safety. Along with Chile, it is the only country in Latin America with low perceptions of corruption. Further, Uruguay is by far Latin America’s most secular country with the lowest religiosity and lowest proportion of Roman Catholics on the continent. The Roman Catholic Church-State did not significantly establish itself in Uruguay, unlike in most Latin American countries. After gaining independence in 1828, Uruguay continued a secular direction with the recognition of civil unions in 1837. In 1917, the Uruguayan constitution completely separated church and state.Cuba ranks in the middle of world distribution on the transparency index. Compared to the cases studied (Europe and the Americas), the countries clustering with Cuba exhibit moderate to high corruption due to their Socialist Legal Origin.Colombia is one of the most inequitable and dangerous countries in the world. A “Catholic and conservative hegemony” has existed in Colombia until 1991, when the Constitution of Rights was promulgated and religious pluralism became legally recognised. However, as a result of centuries of hegemony, the Roman Catholic Church-State still enjoys ample privileges with the Colombian state.
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Tomini, Luca, et Seda Gürkan. « Contesting the EU, Contesting Democracy and Rule of Law in Europe. Conceptual Suggestions for Future Research ». Dans Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 285–300. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_12.
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Abstract In ECE countries, democratisation and Europeanisation seemed to exist in a mutually reinforcing relationship and both concepts provided the main analytical lenses for studying these states. In the light of recent illiberal and anti-EU politics, two different concepts have started to receive increasing scholarly attention, namely the concepts of de-Europeanisation and autocratisation. Their exact meaning, however, remains unclear and the causal link between these specific processes and the rule of law has largely remained understudied. Against this backdrop, this chapter first summarises the state-of-the-art research on autocratisation and de-Europeanisation, and then examines the interaction and causal link between these two phenomena in times of declining democracies in Europe and rule of law problems.
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Polzunova, Natalia, Igor Savelev, Svetlana Nikiforova et Sergey Ushakov. « State Support for Small Enterprises in the Countries of the European Union and the Russian Federation ». Dans Digital Economy : Complexity and Variety vs. Rationality, 261–69. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-29586-8_31.
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Signoretta, Paola E., Veerle Buffel et Piet Bracke. « Mental Well-Being and the Eco-State : A Classification of Regions and Countries of the European Union ». Dans Climate Change Management, 29–48. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-24660-4_3.
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Acs, Zoltan J. « The Digital Platform Economy and the Entrepreneurial State : A European Dilemma ». Dans International Studies in Entrepreneurship, 317–44. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-94273-1_17.
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AbstractThe application of big data, new algorithms, and cloud computing is creating a digital platform economy (DPE) built around platform organizations and their platform-based ecosystem. We use the DPE Index to examine Europe’s digital efficiency across countries and explain its global position by analyzing Brexit and the electric vehicle industry. We argue that the United Kingdom left the European Union because E.U. regulations were holding back the U.K.’s strong DPE and that a weak DPE is holding German back from being a leader in the electric vehicle industry. The problem for Europe’s DPE is that the entrepreneurial state is strong and the private sector is weak.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Church and state – European Union countries"
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PODSIADLO, Piotr. « State aid for employment and competitiveness of the European Union countries - a legal and finance approach ». Dans Current Trends in Public Sector Research. Brno : Masaryk University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9646-2020-11.
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Due to the imperfect functioning of labour markets in certain cases, State aid may be an appropriate instrument for creating new jobs and preserving existing ones. Legal regulation of the issue of State aid is an element of the competition mechanism protection, which was recognized in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). This paper discusses guidelines for implementation of art. 107–109 of the TFEU, from the point of view of State aid for employment. Statistical analysis was carried out on State aid granted by EU Member States in the period 2001–2018 – from the perspective of its impact on competitiveness of these countries. This should lead to verify the thesis that the amount of State aid granted by EU Member States for employment should be positively correlated with the size of the GDP per capita of these countries.
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Kichurchak, M. V. « EVALUATION OF THE STATE OF CREATIVE INDUSTRIES DEVELOPMENT IN THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES : EXPERIENCE FOR UKRAINE ». Dans Modern transformations in economics and management. Publishing House “Baltija Publishing”, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-064-3-18.
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BANU, Constantin, Lile RAMONA, Tiberiu IANCU, Mihaela MOATĂR, Dora ORBOI, Carolina ȘTEFAN et Sorin STANCIU. « COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE ROMANIAN AND THE MAIN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES’ NATIONAL FOREST SYSTEMS ». Dans Rural Development 2015. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2015.039.
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In the European Union, forests and other wooded areas cover a total of 177.8 million hectares, which represents approximately 40% of the EU total area and an area similar to that used for agricultural purposes (183.9 million hectares). Germany, Spain, France, Finland and Sweden make up over three-fifths of the area covered by forests in the EU. Our paper shows the distribution of forested areas in the EU and their importance in comparison with the agricultural area of each Member State. In 2014, the EU represents about 12 % of global timber volume harvested timber from forests and woodlands on its surfaces rising to 392.9 million m3. Forestry, logging and related services covering timber production and extraction and harvesting of forest products that grow in the wild. In addition to industrial round wood, forests produce firewood, too. In some regions, non-timber forest products are also an important source of local income. In the research approach, we considered necessary and appropriate to perform a comparative analysis of the situation of Romanian forest similar to that of the main European Union countries, to identify measures that some of them have tried, and even managed to increase a rational exploitation of afforested areas forest resources. The results conducted to a comparative analysis of the National Forest and the main EU countries’ Systems, to identify possible starting points for grounding new sustainable development strategies, given their similar experience.
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Gündoğdu Odabaşıoğlu, Fatma. « An Assessment on Financial Markets : European Union Member Country Hungary and Candidate Country Turkey ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01700.
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With the end of cold war, Central and Eastern European countries who had not participated in the integration of Europe, have applied to become members of European Union. Hungary, a Central European country; applied for membership on December 16, 1991, started full membership negotiations in 1998 and joined the Union on May 1, 2004. Turkey on the other hand, was granted candidacy status during Helsinki European Council Summit Meeting of December 1999, after a 40 years long relationship that started with Turkey’s application to join European Economic Community on July 31, 1959. Negotiations for full membership of Turkey were finally started on October 3, 2005 and country entered a new era to adapt EU Acquis.
Within this context, this study aims to compare financial markets of EU member state Hungary and candidate state Turkey for the period of 1998 - 2015; to evaluate risks and fragilities related to financial development levels and stability of banking sectors for both countries based on generally accepted financial indicators.
In conclusion; Hungary was observed to have significantly less developed capital market compared Turkey over the years, despite having similar ratios in financial deepening during recent years. Findings of this assessment point out an increasing credit risk for banking sector of Hungary, enhanced by the economic crisis of 2008. In comparison, credit risk in banking sector of Turkey has been decreasing over the years. High credit/deposit ratio, is a sign of degradation and can be observed in Hungary's balance sheets, raised for Turkey as well.
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ÖZTÜRK, YUSUF KEMAL, et Selami Sedat Akgöz. « European Union’s Expansion and Globalization Strategies : A Special Investigation on Poland ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00503.
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During the development process, particularly Middle and Eastern European Countries have increasingly integrated into the Union economy while parliaments, governments, public and private sectors have put forth significant effort to prepare for membership to European Union. European Union, on the other hand, prepared a financial framework in 1989 to actively support such efforts. Thus the Union financial and institutional regulations were realized to finance the process of transition to market economy. In this regard, Poland has quickly completed the necessary steps for harmonization and accelerated its efforts towards this goal. Following the radical change Poland experienced after 1989, the process of democratization and transition to open market economy. In our study we compared and investigated Poland economic and political situation before joining European Union, with the developments during the harmonization process and its economic structure today. In this process, it will be appropriate to take a look at Poland recent political and economic life as well as the reasons as to why Poland is an important state for Europe.
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Stepina, Mairita, et Modrite Pelse. « European Union funding support to Latvian municipalities for degraded areas revitalization ». Dans Research for Rural Development 2022 : annual 28th international scientific conference proceedings. Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/rrd.28.2022.033.
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The formation and existence of degraded areas is one of the consequences of civilization, which has a negative impact on both the environment and economic development in the municipality. The problem of degraded areas has been faced by all countries worldwide, including Latvia, when as a result of the change of the state political system in the 1990s after the collapse of the Soviet system, a large number of inactive production companies appeared, resulting in a significant number of polluted / degraded areas. To solve the existing problem, local governments in Latvia use European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) funding under the Operational Program ‘Growth and Employment’ 5.6.2, specific support objective ‘Revitalization of territories by regenerating degraded areas in accordance with local government integrated development programs’ (SSO 5.6.2) to ensure the sustainable development of the territory by revitalizing degraded areas. In the implementation of projects, local governments must ensure the fulfilment of the indicators planned in the projects in the following groups of indicators: the area of degraded areas has been renewed, adapted for the location of new businesses or expansion of existing businesses in order to promote employment and economic activity in local governments; new jobs created in supported areas; non-financial investments made by businesses located in the supported territory in their own intangible investments and fixed assets. Therefore, it is necessary to evaluate the indicators of the implemented projects in order to be able to draw conclusions about the financial aspects of the project implementation and the progress of the project implementation.
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Boharu (Mircea), Raluca Mihaela, et Andreea Cristina Savu. « The Need for European Norms and Measures to Prevent Social Dumping ». Dans 3rd International Conference Global Ethics -Key of Sustainability (GEKoS). Lumen Publishing House, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/gekos2022/14.
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Combating the phenomenon of social dumping is a permanent concern of the European Union in the context of the creation of the internal market. Has the risk of social dumping become a permanent problem within the European Union meant that the European legislator has provided answers to the question: has European legislation taken sufficient, effective, and concrete measures to enable the European legal mechanism to combat this phenomenon? The article aims to analyze how the European space integrates into the global economic environment. The secondary purpose is also to identify how it can protect itself from the risk of social competition posed by trade with the rest of the world. Social dumping is the result of differences in the levels of development of the Member States of the European Union. In addition, the social variable would not have been as important if the working conditions in those countries had been the same. Given that the notion of social dumping has received many interpretations over time, currently, the notion does not have a clear definition, namely that of economic dumping, we can say that based on exploring the literature the term social dumping is viewed through a paradox. To explain this paradox, we can start from the finding that a state even if it has a lower level of social protection does not necessarily mean that it can develop the risk of social dumping.
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Urbane, Marta. « The Future of the Employee’s Right to Disconnect in the European Union and Latvia ». Dans 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002285.
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The right to disconnect refers to a worker's right to be able to disconnect from work and refrain from engaging in work-related electronic communication, like emails and other messages, during non-work hours and holidays. The Latvian Labor Law does not directly determine the right to disconnect from digital devices, however, such rights arise from certain legal norms. Examples of the provisions of the Labor Law relate to the general rules on rest periods and breaks in work. The recent research results of remote work during Covid-19 pandemic conducted by the author show that for 69.3% of respondents working remotely possibility to disconnect from digital devices outside working hours (when the assigned work tasks have been completed) is extremely crucial. If the rights to disconnect are not explicitly regulated, the risk of disbalance between work and private life is at stake. The increase in workload during the emergency caused by COVID-19 was indicated by 42.7% of respondents in Latvia. That shows that another problem of lack of regulation of rights to disconnect could be unpaid overtime. The research shows that 14.7% of respondents were not paid for overtime work when working from home. The practice shows a critical need for sustainable and predictable changes in the legal system to protect employees’ rights and thus ensure stable employment in general in Latvia. It was also recently decided by Employment Committee MEPs that EU countries must ensure that workers are able to exercise the right to disconnect effectively. Some of the member states in the European Union have recently implemented the right into their legal system (Portugal, Spain, France), but each member state takes a different approach. That means that discussion is no longer if there is a need to implement the “right to disconnect” in national legal acts, but how to implement the right efficiently not only at a national level but at the EU level as well.The goal of the research is to provide an in-depth analysis of the legal status of the “right to disconnect” in the legal system of the European Union and Latvia. In order to reach the goal, the author is using various scientific research methods. The paper is based on a quantitative research method and analytical, comparative, case law analysis method to provide valid conclusions on the current role of the “right to disconnect” in Latvia and the European Union. The author also offers recommendations on how to implement the “right to disconnect” efficiently to avoid violation of employees’ rights and ensure a sustainable work environment.In the result, the author has concluded that the biggest impediment of the employee's right to disconnect is the lack of clear legislative preconditions that would encourage businesses to preserve employees' freedom to disconnect, resulting in a more sustainable working environment - both in the office and remotely.Finally, the author concludes that there is a need to adjust regulation in Latvia to meet the needs of widespread use of remote work. The author also concludes that a significant role to protect employees’ right to disconnect is for governmental authorities to explain the right to disconnect to employees and employers.
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Tucak, Ivana, et Anita Blagojević. « COVID- 19 PANDEMIC AND THE PROTECTION OF THE RIGHT TO ABORTION ». Dans EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18355.
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The COVID - 19 pandemic that swept the world in 2020 and the reactions of state authorities to it are unparalleled events in modern history. In order to protect public health, states have limited a number of fundamental human rights that individuals have in accordance with national constitutions and international conventions. The focus of this paper is the right of access to abortion in the Member States of the European Union. In Europe, the situation with regard to the recognition of women's right to abortion is quite clear. All member states of the European Union, with the exception of Poland and Malta, recognize the rather liberal right of a woman to have an abortion in a certain period of time after conception. However, Malta and Poland, as members of the European Union, since abortion is seen as a service, must not hinder the travel of women abroad to have an abortion, nor restrict information on the provision of abortion services in other countries. In 2020, a pandemic highlighted all the weaknesses of this regime by preventing women from traveling to more liberal countries to perform abortions, thus calling into question their right to choose and protect their sexual and reproductive rights. This is not only the case in Poland and Malta, but also in countries that recognize the right to abortion but make it conditional on certain non-medical conditions, such as compulsory counselling; and the mandatory time period between applying for and performing an abortion; in situations present in certain countries where the problem of a woman exercising the right to abortion is a large number of doctors who do not provide this service based on their right to conscience. The paper is divided into three parts. The aim of the first part of the paper is to consider all the legal difficulties that women face in accessing abortion during the COVID -19 pandemic, restrictions that affect the protection of their dignity, right to life, privacy and right to equality. In the second part of the paper particular attention will be paid to the illiberal tendencies present in this period in some countries of Central and Eastern Europe, especially Poland. In the third part of the paper, emphasis will be put on the situation in Malta where there is a complete ban on abortion even in the case when the life of a pregnant woman is in danger.
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Nuhanović, Amra, et Jasmila Pašić. « United Europe – Yes, or no ? » Dans 7th International e-Conference on Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences. Center for Open Access in Science, Belgrade, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.e-conf.07.05043n.
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In recent years, the European Union has been facing a number of challenges that it is finding it increasingly difficult to overcome. Most EU member states are facing a crisis of confidence in Europe and its institutions, and at the same time nationalist political parties and ideas are developing more and more, leading to a weakening of European solidarity. Eastern European countries weakened awareness of the collective interest. The common values that existed until then have become “diluted”, because different understandings of the nature of the state have emerged, as well as different views on international politics. At the same time, support for European integration among citizens has been declining, and fewer and fewer have seen membership as good and can bring significant benefits. Today, the idea of a united EU is in crisis and that is precisely the cause of the crisis the Union is facing.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Church and state – European Union countries"
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Bourrier, Mathilde, Michael Deml et Farnaz Mahdavian. Comparative report of the COVID-19 Pandemic Responses in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. University of Stavanger, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.254.
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The purpose of this report is to compare the risk communication strategies and public health mitigation measures implemented by Germany, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom (UK) in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic based on publicly available documents. The report compares the country responses both in relation to one another and to the recommendations and guidance of the World Health Organization where available. The comparative report is an output of Work Package 1 from the research project PAN-FIGHT (Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak), which is financially supported by the Norwegian Research Council's extraordinary programme for corona research. PAN-FIGHT adopts a comparative approach which follows a “most different systems” variation as a logic of comparison guiding the research (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The countries in this study include two EU member States (Sweden, Germany), one which was engaged in an exit process from the EU membership (the UK), and two non-European Union states, but both members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): Norway and Switzerland. Furthermore, Germany and Switzerland govern by the Continental European Federal administrative model, with a relatively weak central bureaucracy and strong subnational, decentralised institutions. Norway and Sweden adhere to the Scandinavian model—a unitary but fairly decentralised system with power bestowed to the local authorities. The United Kingdom applies the Anglo-Saxon model, characterized by New Public Management (NPM) and decentralised managerial practices (Einhorn & Logue, 2003; Kuhlmann & Wollmann, 2014; Petridou et al., 2019). In total, PAN-FIGHT is comprised of 5 Work Packages (WPs), which are research-, recommendation-, and practice-oriented. The WPs seek to respond to the following research questions and accomplish the following: WP1: What are the characteristics of governmental and public health authorities’ risk communication strategies in five European countries, both in comparison to each other and in relation to the official strategies proposed by WHO? WP2: To what extent and how does the general public’s understanding, induced by national risk communication, vary across five countries, in relation to factors such as social capital, age, gender, socio-economic status and household composition? WP3: Based on data generated in WP1 and WP2, what is the significance of being male or female in terms of individual susceptibility to risk communication and subsequent vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak? WP4: Based on insight and knowledge generated in WPs 1 and 2, what recommendations can we offer national and local governments and health institutions on enhancing their risk communication strategies to curb pandemic outbreaks? WP5: Enhance health risk communication strategies across five European countries based upon the knowledge and recommendations generated by WPs 1-4. Pre-pandemic preparedness characteristics All five countries had pandemic plans developed prior to 2020, which generally were specific to influenza pandemics but not to coronaviruses. All plans had been updated following the H1N1 pandemic (2009-2010). During the SARS (2003) and MERS (2012) outbreaks, both of which are coronaviruses, all five countries experienced few cases, with notably smaller impacts than the H1N1 epidemic (2009-2010). The UK had conducted several exercises (Exercise Cygnet in 2016, Exercise Cygnus in 2016, and Exercise Iris in 2018) to check their preparedness plans; the reports from these exercises concluded that there were gaps in preparedness for epidemic outbreaks. Germany also simulated an influenza pandemic exercise in 2007 called LÜKEX 07, to train cross-state and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007). In 2017 within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with WHO and World Bank representatives to prepare for potential future pandemics (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). Prior to COVID-19, only the UK had expert groups, notably the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE), that was tasked with providing advice during emergencies. It had been used in previous emergency events (not exclusively limited to health). In contrast, none of the other countries had a similar expert advisory group in place prior to the pandemic. COVID-19 waves in 2020 All five countries experienced two waves of infection in 2020. The first wave occurred during the first half of the year and peaked after March 2020. The second wave arrived during the final quarter. Norway consistently had the lowest number of SARS-CoV-2 infections per million. Germany’s counts were neither the lowest nor the highest. Sweden, Switzerland and the UK alternated in having the highest numbers per million throughout 2020. Implementation of measures to control the spread of infection In Germany, Switzerland and the UK, health policy is the responsibility of regional states, (Länders, cantons and nations, respectively). However, there was a strong initial centralized response in all five countries to mitigate the spread of infection. Later on, country responses varied in the degree to which they were centralized or decentralized. Risk communication In all countries, a large variety of communication channels were used (press briefings, websites, social media, interviews). Digital communication channels were used extensively. Artificial intelligence was used, for example chatbots and decision support systems. Dashboards were used to provide access to and communicate data.
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Jones, Emily, Beatriz Kira, Anna Sands et Danilo B. Garrido Alves. The UK and Digital Trade : Which way forward ? Blavatnik School of Government, février 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-wp-2021/038.
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The internet and digital technologies are upending global trade. Industries and supply chains are being transformed, and the movement of data across borders is now central to the operation of the global economy. Provisions in trade agreements address many aspects of the digital economy – from cross-border data flows, to the protection of citizens’ personal data, and the regulation of the internet and new technologies like artificial intelligence and algorithmic decision-making. The UK government has identified digital trade as a priority in its Global Britain strategy and one of the main sources of economic growth to recover from the pandemic. It wants the UK to play a leading role in setting the international standards and regulations that govern the global digital economy. The regulation of digital trade is a fast-evolving and contentious issue, and the US, European Union (EU), and China have adopted different approaches. Now that the UK has left the EU, it will need to navigate across multiple and often conflicting digital realms. The UK needs to decide which policy objectives it will prioritise, how to regulate the digital economy domestically, and how best to achieve its priorities when negotiating international trade agreements. There is an urgent need to develop a robust, evidence-based approach to the UK’s digital trade strategy that takes into account the perspectives of businesses, workers, and citizens, as well as the approaches of other countries in the global economy. This working paper aims to inform UK policy debates by assessing the state of play in digital trade globally. The authors present a detailed analysis of five policy areas that are central to discussions on digital trade for the UK: cross-border data flows and privacy; internet access and content regulation; intellectual property and innovation; e-commerce (including trade facilitation and consumer protection); and taxation (customs duties on e-commerce and digital services taxes). In each of these areas the authors compare and contrast the approaches taken by the US, EU and China, discuss the public policy implications, and examine the choices facing the UK.