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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « China – Relations – European Union »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

Mis à jour le 11 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "China – Relations – European Union"

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Çenberci, Engin. « The Effects of European Economic Crisis to China-European Union Economic Relations ». Global Journal For Research Analysis 3, n^o 3 (15 juin 2012) : 172–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/22778160/mar2014/60.

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Babic, Blagoje. « China-European union relations : A developing geoeconomic axis ». Medjunarodni problemi 62, n^o 3 (2010) : 418–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1003418b.

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China and the European Union are very interested in developing their mutual relations. They strengthen their positions in the world business by their co-ordinated acting. In their mutual relations, they apply Geoeconomics? methods. They do not regard each other as a military threat but as one of the main economic partners. Their economies are highly complementary. ?The common economic interests? have a decisive role in China EU policy and EU China policy, respectively. EU is China?s largest economic partner. It is its largest export market, the largest source of new technologies and equipment and one of the largest sources for foreign investments. China is the second important source of industrial products import to EU and the fastest growing export market for EU. The EU enlargement to the East both favourably and unfavourably affects China?s interests. The main cause of friction in China-EU relations is a high Chinese surplus in their mutual trade, high competitiveness of Chinese products on the EU market and China?s pursuit of energy sources in the parts of the world that Western countries, including the leading EU member states, regard as traditionally ?forbidden? such as the Middle East and Africa. China and EU have created mechanisms to settle conflicts of interest in their mutual trade through dialogue.

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Jokanovic, Nikola. « Contemporary economic relations between China and European Union ». Medjunarodni problemi 66, n^o 1-2 (2014) : 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1402035j.

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This paper will discuss the economic relations between the European Union and the People?s Republic of China. The introductory part will make an insight into the position of China in the contemporary global economy. The following part of the paper will analyze China-EU trade relations. The topics included will be a general overview of these relations since their establishing in 1975 as well as the European Union?s attitude towards the Chinese WTO membership. The Sino-EU partnership and competition will also be described and it will be followed by an overview of the Sino-EU High Level Economic and Trade Dialogue (HED). The concluding topics in this part of the paper will include Sino-EU trade flows, perceived obstacles to trade and investment as well as recent trade disputes between two trading partners. The third part of the paper will deal with Sino-EU investment flows (with an emphasis on Chinese investments in EU member states). After the introductory remarks concerning the EU investments originating from China, the paper will shed light on particular EU member states which are preferred for Chinese investment as well as the industries in which Chinese companies are willing to invest. The concluding part of this paper will offer possible development of relations between the EU and China in the near future.

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Inotai, András. « Economic relations between the European Union and China ». L'Europe en Formation 370, n^o 4 (2013) : 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/eufor.370.0047.

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Cabestan, Jean-Pierre. « European Union-China Relations and the United States ». Asian Perspective 30, n^o 4 (2006) : 11–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.2006.0002.

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Puslecki, Zdzislaw W. « The Need to Establish a New Format for Trade Political Relations between European Union and China ». Research in Economics and Management 4, n^o 3 (12 juin 2019) : p133. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/rem.v4n3p133.

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In this research work, Author focus on the analysis the need to establish a new format for trade-political relations between European Union and People Republic of China. What indicates the importance and innovativeness of the research is the presentation of the technical progress especially in China, the growth of economic ties with the European Union and the benefits resulting from liberalised of the China foreign trade policy under WTO. Realistic point is important trends in the trade regime between EU and China. Their commercial relations are too important to become hostage to political grandstanding or airy rhetoric by politicians performing for domestic galleries. Europe is China’s largest export market, and China now ranks second on Europe’s list of key trading partners. Trade with China dwarfs any other trade relation Europe has with emerging Asia. Disturbing this relationship would have ramifications for sales, growth and employment. The Chinese government is less concerned today about Western criticisms of China’s autocratic system, but the Chinese people have grown more nationalistic and represent a potentially greater threat to commercial relations. Commercial interests in autocratic regimes cause political dilemmas. The main aim of the paper is the presentation the need to establish a new format for trade political relations between European Union and China.

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PEŠEC, MOJCA. « CHINA, SECURITY CHALLENGE FOR THE EUROPEAN UNION ». KONCEPT KREPITVE ODPORNOSTI DRUŽBE/THE CONCEPT OF STRENGHTENING THE RESILIENCE OF SOCIETY, VOLUME 22/ISSUE 4 (23 octobre 2020) : 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.22.4.1.

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Povzetek Strateško tekmovanje Evropske unije s Kitajsko je postalo povsem resnično. Kitajski vpliv v Evropi je ekonomski in geopolitičen. Kitajska je postala gospodarski tekmec, ki si prizadeva prevzeti vodilno mesto na področju razvoja tehnologij, želi pa tudi uveljavljati svoj model družbene ureditve in vladanja. Močnejša kitajska ekonomska prisotnost, kulturne in medijske aktivnosti ter dejavnosti vojaške diplomacije so orodja, s katerimi Kitajska uveljavlja svoj vpliv v odnosih z državami v Evropski uniji in v tistih na njenem obrobju. Najpomembnejši izzivi v odnosih med Kitajsko in Evropo so neuravnoteženost naložb v korist Kitajske, prevzemanje evropskih podjetij, predvsem tistih, ki upravljajo strateško pomembno infrastrukturo, ter povečana dejavnost kitajskih oboroženih sil v mednarodnem okolju. Ključne besede Evropska unija, Kitajska, strateško tekmovanje, varnostni izzivi. Abstract The European Union's strategic competition with China has become a reality. China's influence in Europe is both economic and geopolitical. China has become an economic competitor striving to take the lead in technology development, but it also wants to assert its model of social order and governance. China's stronger economic presence, cultural and media activities, and military diplomacy activities are tools with which China is asserting its influence in relations with countries in and around the European Union. The most important challenges in China-Europe relations are the imbalance of investment in favour of China, the takeover of European companies, especially those that manage strategically important infrastructure, and the increased activity of the Chinese armed forces in the international environment. Key words European Union, China, strategic competition, security challenges.

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Danilin, I., Y. Kvashnin, S. Kislitsyn, I. Kobrinskaya, A. Lomanov et S. Utkin. « European Union – China in the Changing World Composition ». World Economy and International Relations 66, n^o 1 (2022) : 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-1-68-79.

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By 2021, the nature of the key factors that will determine the dynamics of the EU–China relations in the medium term has become clearer. The pandemic accelerated many ongoing processes in the world, revealed “weak points” in national and regional economies and security, and exposed the true intentions of international actors. The authors proceed from the working hypothesis that an ideologized rigid approach with elements of pragmatism will dominate in the EU–China relations in the post-crisis period. The balance in the formula of these relations “partner, competitor, rival” will significantly depend on the position of the United States, as well as the European Union’s compliance with the “bloc discipline”. Competition in the field of technology will be of key importance, but the struggle for political and ideological leadership in the changing world order will also become more acute. The political response of the EU and China to technological challenges will represent a mix of protectionism and neo-techno-nationalism. Politicians in the European Union feel that toughness toward Beijing is well received by the voters. At the same time, the EU member states diverge in their approaches to China, although the efforts are made to harmonise policies both in the European Union and in the transatlantic community. In its turn, the PRC feels more confident in the technological and political competition. The pace of China catching up with the technological abilities of the EU is impressive, though significant gaps remain. Beijing does not have intentions of de-coupling from the West and keeps a strong interest in being present in the EU markets, but it becomes more selective with regard to foreign investments at home. Meanwhile, the global shift of world politics to Asia will require adjustment on the part of the European Union. A possible approach already tested in expert discussions is further engagement with trading partners and blocs in the region, especially the newly established Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership. The EU–China relations and their influence, in particular, on Russia were the subject of case study organized by the Center for Situational Analysis of IMEMO RAN. For details see: Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, 2021, no. 2. (Available at: https:// www.afjournal.ru/index.php?page_id=464#).

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Kuna-Marszałek, Anetta. « Perspectives of trade relations between the European Union and China ». Equilibrium 2, n^o 1 (30 juin 2009) : 137–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/equil.2009.013.

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Over the last two decades, ties between China and the EU have developed into one of the most dynamic bilateral relationships in the global economy. The EU is China’s important trading partner and growing amounts of European investment are pouring into the booming Chinese economy. European companies believe that more open, democratic and law-abiding China will be a better partner. On the other hand, China wants to learn from the European experience and is keen to have access to the EU’s wide market. Those are reasons why both partners try to find better ways to communicate on the global stage. The goal of the article is to identify directions of future cooperation between the EU and China and to explain their aims for the relationships. The Author also gives an impression of how they see each other policy and provides an overview of what is still the main part of bilateral relations.

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Kamiñski, Tomasz. « The Sub-state Dimension of the European Union Relations with China ». European Foreign Affairs Review 24, Issue 3 (1 octobre 2019) : 367–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2019030.

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Regional governments across the world actively participate in international relations. They open trade and cultural missions abroad, join international networks of cooperation, and sign treaties and agreements with their partners from other countries. Relationships at regional and local levels have moderated rising tensions between states that might otherwise paralyse global governance. Fast growing networks of sub-state contacts in Sino-European affairs create new opportunities for the European Union (EU) to advance European interests, norms and values. Unfortunately, acknowledgement, by Brussels, of such potential political instruments is limited. The main goal of this article is to show how the EU could benefit from growing substate connections with China. This article begins with an explanation, based upon a survey conducted among regional authorities from the five EU Member States, of the phenomenon of fast-growing cooperation on the sub-state level between Europe and China (Germany, France, Italy, Poland, and Spain). Next, this study identifies, through interviews with the European External Action service (EEAS), the European Commission (EC) officials and the regional authorities, EU activities that promote collaborations on ‘the third level’ of its relations with China. The research concludes with suggestions of possible ways Europe could benefit from further development of sub-state contacts with China.

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Thèses sur le sujet "China – Relations – European Union"

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Peng, Dan Ni. « The EU-China trade relations in the context of economic globalization ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555591.

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Yang, Zi Wei. « Economic integration in Greater China : drawing lessons from European Union ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555596.

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Gu, Hong Fei. « Analysis of creating a new type of great power relations between China and the European Union ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335207.

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Apelgren, Elin. « The Mediatization of EU-China Relations ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-437865.

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Previous research has described EU foreign policy as becoming mediatized, referring to a process where the communication of politics is being adjusted to changes in the media landscape. When more information is available to the citizens through a variety of media, political actors have to compete for the citizens' attention. Political actors are then using 'media logic', using tactics such as storytelling, simplifying and emphasising conflicts and differences, at the expense of 'political logic'. Political logic represents the use of traditional political values, institutions and consensus-building. The EU's communications about China can be seen as a disputed case, as a use of media logic could be helpful in uniting the member states in a common strategy towards China, as this has been a challenge for the EU. It could also, however, be avoided by the EU, as it could lead to the EU harming their relationship with China, as well as the economic interests of the member states. The results show that between the years 2016-2020, media logic is increasingly used, as well as becoming more polarising and visualising with time. This could be a result of the EU-China relationship becoming strained by conflicts with China on human rights issues, but also be a part of a communication strategy where the EU attempts to unite the member states, as well as gain legitimacy for its foreign policy.

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De, Matteis Pietro. « Sino-European energy, environmental and climate change diplomacy ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610458.

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Trouille, Jean-Marc. « EU-Africa Relations, China, and the African Challenge ». Elipsa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17824.

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The African continent is a sleeping giant which will increasingly be a player to be reckoned with on the global stage. At the same time, its migration potential will be multiplied by Africa’s forthcoming demographic explosion. Consequently, the EU and Africa have a shared interest in working together towards making African development sustainable. African integration will be key towards speeding up this process. This paper first evaluates the stakes of the African challenge for the European Union. It considers the economic potential that can be unleashed by speeding up integration processes in Africa. Second, it argues that Africa will be ‘the China of the 21st Century’, and that any development, positive or negative, taking place there will have large repercussions in Europe, and that therefore the EU and Africa are communities of destiny in need of a joint approach towards African industrialisation. Finally, it provides a roadmap of important steps that Europe needs to consider in its endeavour to support African development.

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Zhong, Xiao Fei. « China and the EU : competition and cooperation in the Caspian region ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555549.

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Tan, Bo. « Impact of EU enlargement on EU-China trade ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554733.

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Ou, Wei Qiang. « Assessing the strategic partnership between China and the European Union (2003-2010) ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554719.

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Tian, Han Bo. « The conflict between bilateralism and multilateralism in complicated EU-China relations ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555573.

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Livres sur le sujet "China – Relations – European Union"

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European Commission. Directorate-General I--External Relations : Commercial Policy and Relations with North America, the Far East, Australia, and New Zealand., dir. European Union relations : China. Luxembourg : Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1999.

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Kirchner, Emil J., Thomas Christiansen et Han Dorussen, dir. Security Relations between China and the European Union. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9781316563243.

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China, the European Union and global governance. Cheltenham, UK : Edward Elgar, 2012.

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China and the European Union in Africa : Partners or competitors ? Farnham, Surrey, England : Ashgate Pub. Co., 2010.

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Zhang, Li. News media and EU-China relations. New York, NY : Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.

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China, the European Union and the developing world : A triangular relationship. Cheltenham, UK : Edward Elgar Publishing, 2015.

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Men, Jing. Prospects and challenges for EU-China relations in the 21st century : The partnership and cooperation agreement. Bruxelles : P.I.E. Peter Lang, 2010.

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R, Kunzmann Klaus, Schmid Willy A et Koll-Schretzenmayr Martina 1967-, dir. China and Europe : The implications of the rise of China for European space. London : Routledge, 2010.

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The European Union and China, 1949-2008 : Basic documents and commentary. Oxford : Hart, 2009.

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Yikang, Wu, Cao Ziheng et Ye Yuming, dir. Ou Zhou yi ti hua de zou xiang he Zhong Ou guan xi : Orientation of the European integration and China-EU relations. Beijing Shi : Shi shi chu ban she, 2008.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "China – Relations – European Union"

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Theodore, John. « The EU, China and Their Changing Relations ». Dans Survival of the European (Dis) Union, 103–24. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-31214-5_6.

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Esteban, Mario, et Ugo Armanini. « COVID-19 and EU-China relations ». Dans The European Union and China's Belt and Road, 133–50. London : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367853235-9-12.

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Freire, Maria Raquel. « Russia, China and the EU : Power Relations in a Complex International System ». Dans The European Union and the BRICS, 79–93. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-19099-0_6.

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Li, Mingjiang. « China-Eu Relations : Rivalry Impedes Strategic Partnership ». Dans China, the European Union, and the International Politics of Global Governance, 13–28. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137514004_2.

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Jørgensen, Knud Erik, et Reuben Wong. « Social Constructivist Perspectives on China-Eu Relations ». Dans China, the European Union, and the International Politics of Global Governance, 51–74. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137514004_4.

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Falkowski, Krzysztof. « Central Asian countries and their trade relations with the European Union and China ». Dans The European Union, China and Central Asia, 142–60. London : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003022336-10.

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Gottwald, Joern-Carsten, et Niall Duggan. « Diversity, Pragmatism and Convergence : China, the European Union and the Issue of Sovereignty ». Dans Conceptual Gaps in China-EU Relations, 35–49. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137027443_3.

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Michalski, Anna, et Zhongqi Pan. « Relations Between the European Union and China in a Future Perspective ». Dans Governing China in the 21st Century, 165–76. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-3141-0_7.

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Qoraboyev, Ikboljon, et Kairat Moldashev. « EU–China relations in Central Asia in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative ». Dans The European Union, China and Central Asia, 257–73. London : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003022336-17.

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Christiansen, Thomas. « A Liberal Institutionalist Perspective on China-EU Relations ». Dans China, the European Union, and the International Politics of Global Governance, 29–50. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137514004_3.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "China – Relations – European Union"

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Gözkaman, Armağan. « The (No-)Impact of the Arms Embargo on the Relations between the European Union and China ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01076.

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The present study focuses on the relations between China and the European Union by taking into consideration a specific matter of discord: The arms embargo, which is effective since 1987 and which has political and economic repercussions. Chinese authorities have frequently asked for the removal of the embargo, but the European authorities declined despite internal divisions. Nevertheless, commercial relations between Brussels and Beijing grow bigger and no deterioration is expected in the foreseeable future. The objective of the study is to find the reasons why the embargo may still remain in place. The reason why European authorities stick to the ban is threefold. First, their arms sales to China can lead to a shift in the balance of power with undesired consequences. Second, the European Union is backed by major powers (especially Japan and the USA) on the issue. Third, the current stalemate has not impeded the development of political and economic relations between Beijing and Brussels so far.

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Sözen, İlyas, Fatih Çam et Volkan Öngel. « European Union Migration Relations : An Analysis Focused on Macedonia ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01033.

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In the research, the process of the European Union, a candidate, a new member and a negotiating country’s migration experiences are compared (Macedonia, Bulgaria and Turkey). The results of this study are thought to be very important for Macedonia, which is not already negotiating for EU membership, in that it presents the difficulties Macedonia is facing on the way to EU membership. As for the methodology, after the theoretical descriptions which define the borders of the subject are done, economic, politic-legality and social dimensions of international migration are examined. Looked from this point of view, in this study, it is foreseen that becoming an EU member can be a solution to primarily migration “issues” and ethnic conflicts. In the evaluation of the findings which seem to support this hypothesis, the changes seen in the immigration and emigration dynamics of Bulgaria after it was admitted to EU are accepted as valuable data which determine the motivation of this study.

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Başeğmez, Nergiz, et Kerem Toker. « A Crossroad For Turkey : European Union Or Eurasian Economic Union ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01668.

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With a long and complicated history with Turkey's EU relations began in 1963 with Ankara Agreement. Turkey has been engaged the full membership since 2005 but nevertheless it could not have achieved results during the negotiations. Behind the slow pace of Turkey's membership, many political and cultural barriers can be shown. The events showed that reveals Turkey cannot be an EU member as soon as possible. This case may cause the Turkey have different pursuits in the political world arena. Turkey moved away from the EU, it can be motivated to participate in different political and economic union at the same time. Because, the world is constantly changing in terms of economic and political conditions and Turkey is hard to question the position in these new conditions. Founded in 2015 Eurasian Union has similar cultural and historical heritage alongside the geographical closely EAEU with Turkey. This common history may create opportunities for both sides. In this study, economic, social and political relations between Turkey and the EAEU countries are briefly discussed. Datas about this issue were gathered by Eurostat, europa.eu, wto.org and eurasiancommission.org etc. official data sources. The findings were compared with similar indicators between Turkey and the EU. So the EAEU is evaluated likely to be an alternative political and economic union to Turkey. Such a vision changes in Turkey will revise its economic and political stability of the region. This paper may contribute to further studies by providing a solid base.

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Ogneva, V. V. « Problems Of Relations Between Russia And European Union Under Conditions Of Sanctions ». Dans RPTSS 2017 International Conference on Research Paradigms Transformation in Social Sciences. Cognitive-Crcs, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2018.02.119.

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Lin, Wang. « Comparison of Innovation Ability Evaluation Systems between China and European Union ». Dans AMME 2019 : 2019 Annual Meeting on Management Engineering. New York, NY, USA : ACM, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3377672.3378051.

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Abramović, Borna, et Kristijan Šugić. « Challenges for organisation of container trains between China and European Union ». Dans 7th International Conference on Road and Rail Infrastructure. University of Zagreb Faculty of Civil Engineering, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5592/co/cetra.2022.1400.

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In the last few years, maritime transport between China and European Union has experienced huge capacity limitations and enormous delays. An alternative has emerged in railway transport. Currently, railway transport is less time consuming but is more expensive. So, there are optimisation challenges in organising transport of goods between China and European Union. Naturally, only goods in containers are transferred to railway transport as they will probably be able to bear the more expensive transport costs considering the reduction in transport time. Since 2013, China has been implementing the Belt and Road Initiative strategic plan to create a single market. One part of the plan also refers to establishing land connections, mainly by railway, between China and the European Union. There are currently four main corridors: (1) Northern, (2) Mongolian, (3) Southern, and (4) the New Silk Road. The most significant challenges can be divided into technical and organisational. The main technical challenge is the different track gauges that cause loading limits and loading gauge issues. The main organisational challenge is different customs procedures, operational rules, and administration tasks. This paper analyses the corridors used for railway transport of containers between Asia and European Union. We tackle issues regarding the technical and organisational obstacles. We have analysed container equipment, transloading equipment, railway vehicles, and terminals on the technical side. After that, we collected and analysed statistical data regarding traffic flows. We made a detailed analysis of the organisational process. According to our analysis, we have proposed organisational improvements that facilitate the overall transport of containers between China and European Union.

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Li, Jiawen. « Comparison of Foreign Investment Reviews Between China and the European Union ». Dans 2022 7th International Conference on Financial Innovation and Economic Development (ICFIED 2022). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.220307.435.

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Grosse, Ingrid. « Trade Union Representativeness in Vietnam, China and Sweden How different are trade unions in communist and liberal-democratic countries ? » Dans Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations. Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir15.23.

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Petrishchev, Vyacheslav. « ETHNO-CULTURAL ASPECTS OF GLOBALIZATION : EXPERIENCE OF EUROPEAN COUNTRIES ». Dans Globalistics-2020 : Global issues and the future of humankind. Interregional Social Organization for Assistance of Studying and Promotion the Scientific Heritage of N.D. Kondratieff / ISOASPSH of N.D. Kondratieff, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.46865/978-5-901640-33-3-2020-340-349.

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The article deals with the ethno-cultural aspects of globalization on the example of European countries, members of the European Union. The influence of the ethno-cultural factor on political, economic and cultural relations within the EU member-states, between the EU member-states and relations with immigrants from Africa, Asia and the Middle East is shown. The forecast for the further development of the European Union as a major factor of globalization is given.

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Dovgal, Olena, Georgiy Dovgal et Tetyana Miroshnichenko. « RISKS AND UNCERTAINTIES IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF FOREIGN TRADE RELATIONS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION ». Dans DÉBATS SCIENTIFIQUES ET ORIENTATIONS PROSPECTIVES DU DÉVELOPPEMENT SCIENTIFIQUE. European Scientific Platform, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36074/logos-05.02.2021.v2.09.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "China – Relations – European Union"

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Kramer, Steven P., et Irene Kyriakopoulos. US - European Union Relations : Economic Change and Political Transition. Fort Belvoir, VA : Defense Technical Information Center, juillet 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada386024.

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Romero, Antonio. The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement and relations between European Union and Cuba. Fundación Carolina, février 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff01en.

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This document makes an assessment of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between Cuba and the European Union (EU) in its four years of validity, and of the evolution of political and economic relations between both parties. The analysis is structured in five headings that address the background, determinants and significance of the PDCA between Cuba and the EU; the main elements discussed in the political dialogue —and in thematic dialogue— between the two parties since 2018, and the central aspects of trade, investment and cooperation relations between Cuba and the EU. The report concludes that, unlike the United States, the EU is able to support the complex process of economic and institutional transformations underway in Cuba, in four fundamental areas: i) technical assistance and advice for the design and implementation of public policies, macroeconomic management, decentralisation and local development; ii) cooperation to fight climate change and transform Cuba’s productive and technological structure; iii) the promotion and encouragement of foreign investment flows from Europe, targeting key productive sectors; and iv) the exploration of financial opportunities for Cuba through the European Investment Bank (EIB) under the current PDCA.

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Saalman, Lora, Fei Su et Larisa Saveleva Dovgal. Cyber Posture Trends in China, Russia, the United States and the European Union. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, décembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/elwl8053.

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Current understanding of the cyber postures of China, Russia, the USA and the EU merits re-evaluation. It is often assumed that China and Russia are aligned, yet this is not always the case. Unlike Russia, which has an ongoing focus on information security, China’s official documents incorporate both information security and cybersecurity concerns that are similar to the USA and the EU. Moreover, while often paired, the USA and the EU have differing regulatory structures in cyberspace. Further, both actors increasingly mirror Russian and Chinese concerns about the impact of information warfare on domestic stability. By examining key trends in each actor’s cyber posture, this report identifies points of convergence and divergence. Its conclusions will inform a broader SIPRI project that maps cyber posture trajectories and explores trilateral cyber dynamics among China, Russia and the USA to assist the EU in navigating future cyber escalation and enhancing global cyber stability.

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Fairlie, Alan. New challenges for the European Union's Multiparty Trade Agreement with Peru, Colombia and Ecuador. Fundación Carolina, février 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff02en.

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This document analyses the trade and cooperation relations between the European Union and the Andean countries with which the Multiparty Trade Agreement was signed (Peru, Ecuador and Colombia). It also examines the progress and challenges in terms of the sustainable development agenda, political dialogue and cooperation within the framework of the agreement. From there, it explores the different technical difficulties that have arisen in the implementation of the agreement and the role of the monitoring bodies. The aim is to study the strategic importance of the agreement in relations between the European Union and Peru, Ecuador and Colombia, and its contribution to the post-pandemic economic recovery and the promotion of new development models.

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Gnutzmann-Mkrtchyan, Arevik, et Jules Hugot. Gravity-Based Tools for Assessing the Impact of Tariff Changes. Asian Development Bank, février 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/wps220053-2.

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The first tool estimates the impact on bilateral trade for 5,020 products in a partial equilibrium framework. The second quantifies the general equilibrium impact on bilateral aggregate trade, allowing estimates of trade reallocation and welfare changes. The paper uses these to estimate the impact for Armenia of tariff changes including (i) alignment with the external tariff of the Eurasian Economic Union, (ii) free trade agreements between the Eurasian Economic Union and other economies—Iran and the People’s Republic of China, and (iii) loss of beneficiary status for the European Union’s Generalised Scheme of Preferences.

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Stelmakh, Marta. HISTORICAL CONTEXT IN THE COLLECTION OF ARTICLES BY TIMOTHY SNYDER «UKRAINIAN HISTORY, RUSSIAN POLITICS, EUROPEAN FUTURE». Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, mars 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11098.

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The article examines the problem of the image formation of Ukraine in the international arena in the historical journalism of Timothy Snyder. The subject of the research is the historical context in the journalistic collection «Ukrainian History, Russian Politics, European Future». It identifies the main considerations of the author on the past of Russian-Ukrainian relations and the need to develop historical consciousness in the fight against Russian manipulation. Methodology: the comparative, historical, system analysis and other methods are used in the process of scientific research. The results of the study were obtained by analysing the author’s journalistic works and by considering the main historical themes raised by Timothy Snyder. Main results: The historical context in Timothy Snyder’s journalism is often focused on the Holodomor and the events of World War II. After all, these events are connected with the beginning of the image formation of the Ukrainian people as supporters of Nazism by the Russian authorities and the devaluation of the Ukrainians’ contribution to the establishment of peace during the Second World War. It is determined that the non-reflective attitude to history, the inability to draw parallels between the events of the past and the future leads to an ineffective response to manipulation and propaganda, which can threaten world peace. Conclusions: the realization that Russian aggression against Ukraine has its own history is a necessary aspect in the elucidation of this issue. The Eurasian Union and cooperation with the European far-right are Russian propaganda tools that discredit the Ukrainian state in the world community. Publicist Timothy Snyder points out that Europe’s future interconnects with the past, so he emphasizes the need to study and rethink history, which today has become the object of propaganda and manipulation. Significance: The results of our study will help journalists who study the historical aspect of journalistic materials and research foreign materials on Ukrainian issues. In addition, our research is necessary for Ukraine, because Russia’s aggression continues, as well as the aggressor’s propaganda, which is based on the distortion and falsification of historical events.

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Torres-Mancera, Rocio, Carlos de las Heras-Pedrosa, Carmen Jambrino-Maldonado et Patricia P. Iglesias-Sanchez. Public Relations and the Fundraising professional in the Cultural Heritage Industry : a study of Spain and Mexico / Las relaciones públicas y el profesional de la captación de fondos en la industria del patrimonio cultural : un estudio de España y México. Revista Internacional de Relaciones Públicas, juin 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5783/rirp-21-2021-03-27-48.

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The present research aims to understand the current situation of strategic communication and public relations applied in the professional field of fundraising in the cultural heritage environment. It observes the current patterns used in the sector to obtain and generate long-term sustainable funding, through the stimulation of investors and International Cooperation projects from the European Union in line with UNESCO. Two international case studies are compared: Spain and Mexico, through the selection of territorial samples in Malaga and San Luis Potosi. The methodology used is based on a combination of in-depth interviews with key informants and content analysis. In the first instance, the degree of application of communication and public relations tools for strategic purposes to directly attract economic resources to the management of cultural heritage (tangible and intangible) in the region is studied. In line with the results obtained, the current parameters and key indicators of the profile of the fundraising professional in public and private cultural management are presented.

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González Rozada, Martín, et Hernán Ruffo. Do Trade Agreements Contribute to the Decline in Labor Share ? Evidence from Latin American Countries. Inter-American Development Bank, novembre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003790.

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In this paper, we explore the role of trade in the evolution of labor share in Latin American countries. We use trade agreements with large economies (the United States, the European Union, and China) to capture the effect of sharp changes in trade. In the last two decades, labor share has displayed a negative trend among those countries that signed trade agreements, while in other countries labor share increased, widening the gap by 7 percentage points. We apply synthetic control methods to estimate the average causal impact of trade agreements on labor share. While effects are heterogeneous in our eight case studies, the average impact is negative between 2 to 4 percentage points of GDP four years after the entry into force of the trade agreements. This result is robust to the specification used and to the set of countries in the donor pool. We also find that, after trade agreements, exports of manufactured goods and the share of industry in GDP increase on average, most notably in the case studies where negative effects on labor share are significant. A decomposition shows that all the reduction in labor share is explained by a negative impact on real wages.

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Saalman, Lora. Navigating Chinese–Russian Nuclear and Space Convergence and Divergence. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/rxgl6272.

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Following the release of a China–Russia joint statement in February 2022, analysts have argued that the two countries have become strategically aligned. While both share security concerns and even use similar terminology on ‘active defence’, the manner in which they address these concerns and operationalize these concepts is not the same—at least not yet. When applied to nuclear deterrence, the Chinese version of active defence suggests retaliatory action against a nuclear attack while the Russian version indicates pre-emption in the face of either non-nuclear or nuclear aggression. In terms of space, while both are jointly pursuing a treaty on non-weaponization, China’s defence white papers tend towards a brief and vague mention of challenges, as opposed to Russia’s pervasive concerns over an attack in its military doctrines. Thus, while there is similarity between the two countries, there remain notable differences. This paper explores China’s and Russia’s most recent official documents and statements on their respective nuclear and space postures, combined with some corresponding technological advances. It then makes recommendations to European Union member states on topics that could be addressed in future strategic stability talks that include either one or both countries.

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Jones, Emily, Beatriz Kira, Anna Sands et Danilo B. Garrido Alves. The UK and Digital Trade : Which way forward ? Blavatnik School of Government, février 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-wp-2021/038.

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The internet and digital technologies are upending global trade. Industries and supply chains are being transformed, and the movement of data across borders is now central to the operation of the global economy. Provisions in trade agreements address many aspects of the digital economy – from cross-border data flows, to the protection of citizens’ personal data, and the regulation of the internet and new technologies like artificial intelligence and algorithmic decision-making. The UK government has identified digital trade as a priority in its Global Britain strategy and one of the main sources of economic growth to recover from the pandemic. It wants the UK to play a leading role in setting the international standards and regulations that govern the global digital economy. The regulation of digital trade is a fast-evolving and contentious issue, and the US, European Union (EU), and China have adopted different approaches. Now that the UK has left the EU, it will need to navigate across multiple and often conflicting digital realms. The UK needs to decide which policy objectives it will prioritise, how to regulate the digital economy domestically, and how best to achieve its priorities when negotiating international trade agreements. There is an urgent need to develop a robust, evidence-based approach to the UK’s digital trade strategy that takes into account the perspectives of businesses, workers, and citizens, as well as the approaches of other countries in the global economy. This working paper aims to inform UK policy debates by assessing the state of play in digital trade globally. The authors present a detailed analysis of five policy areas that are central to discussions on digital trade for the UK: cross-border data flows and privacy; internet access and content regulation; intellectual property and innovation; e-commerce (including trade facilitation and consumer protection); and taxation (customs duties on e-commerce and digital services taxes). In each of these areas the authors compare and contrast the approaches taken by the US, EU and China, discuss the public policy implications, and examine the choices facing the UK.

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