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1
Chernomorova, T. « Regional Innovation Policies in Great Britain ». World Economy and International Relations, no 4 (2012) : 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-4-93-104.
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United Kingdom (along with the United States and France) is among the countries that in their innovation policies focus on the leadership in science, on the implementation of large-scale projects, on covering all stages of the innovation cycle, usually with a significant amount of research and innovative capacity-building in the military field. The article is devoted to the development of science, technology and innovation in the UK, which is one of the main priorities of the economic policy of the British government. According to announced plans, the country should maintain and strengthen its leading position in the field of advanced technologies.
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Podolsky, Vadim. « History of the social policy in the United Kingdom ». Obshchestvennye nauki i sovremennost, no 5 (2021) : 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086904990016102-4.
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In the XVII century Great Britain became the first country in the world with a full-scale system of social support, which was regulated at the state level. The “Old Poor Law” of 1601 and the “New Poor Law” of 1834 are well-studied in both foreign and Russian science, but the solutions that preceded them are less known. The aim of this study is to describe the development of social policy in Great Britain up to 1834, when the system of assistance to people in need was redesigned according to the liberal logic of minimal interference of the state. The article is based on comparative and historic approach and analysis of legal documents. It demonstrates the evolution of institutions and practices of social support in Great Britain. In this country social policy grew from church and private charity and developed at local level under centrally defined rules. Consistent presentation of social policy history in Great Britain is valuable for studies of charity, local self-government and social policy.
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Grafton, Carl. « Government policy for dangerous inventions in the United States and Great Britain ». Policy Sciences 24, no 1 (février 1991) : 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00146463.
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Kitsak, Volodymyr. « The Politics of Great Britain Concerning the Establishment of the Eastern Frontier of Poland in 1944-1945 ». Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no 44 (15 décembre 2021) : 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.105-115.
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The policy of the government of Great Britain concerning the establishment of the eastern frontier of Poland during the final period of World War II has been investigated in an article. The policy priorities of Great Britain concerning the regulation of postwar political status of Poland have been determined. It has been researched that British politics were giving a try to restore diplomatic relations between the exile government of Poland and the government of the USSR that had been cut in April 1943 by Soviets. Unsuccessful attempts of W. Churchill to compel the USSR return the legal government of Poland into the arias that were occupied by the Soviet army are analyzed. After the pro-Soviet Lublin government proclamation British politics negotiated about a coalition cabinet forming. It has been proved that by the end of the World War II the major priority of Great Britain was to restore the prewar government in Poland and to avoid its transformation into the Soviet satellite like Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. It has been established that British politics exchanged the problem of the eastern boundary with the following deportations of population on the return of Polish cabinet from London. Lviv and Vilnius had to belong to Soviets. Churchill considered that the mass migration of Ukrainians and Poles was inevitable and could help to avoid conflicts in future. Western Ukraine and Western Belarus loss was indemnified to Poland with territories on its western frontier and in Prussia. Negotiations of British cabinet with exile Polish government have been analyzed. Churchill and Iden gave a try to force the Prime minister of Poland Mykolaychyk to proclaim renunciation from the established eastern boundary of Poland. During those years Great Britain did not achive the aim. The government of the USSR and Stalin did not keep an agreement made on Tehran and Yalta conferences and in personal correspondence.
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Datskiv, I. « Peculiarities of Ukrainian-British Diplomatic Relations During the Ukrainian Revolution (1917-1921) ». Problems of World History, no 4 (8 juin 2017) : 155–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-11.
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This article analyzes the foreign policy of Great Britain to Ukraine in 1917-1921 years. Features of relations between England and the Ukrainian governments during national liberation movement are shown. The impact of Great Britain on the political formation and the development of Ukrainian statehood is revealed International, political and military background of the Ukrainian-British rapprochement in revolutionary days is clarified . It is indicated that an important factor shifted foreign policy orientation towards the Entente was the participation of the Ukrainian delegation under the leadership of I. Korostovetzin in the conference of Entente states in Iasi in early November 1918. It is established that interest in Ukraine and its struggle for statehood was shown by foreign diplomats accredited to the government of UРR. Consular offices of the Entente (including Great Britain) and neutral states continued their activities in Ukraine. It is shown that Great Britain and other Entente powers ignored the legitimate right of the Ukrainian people for national independence and the unity of its lands.
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Ainscow, Mel. « Promoting Equity Within Education Systems : Lessons from Great Britain ». FORUM 65, no 1 (15 mars 2023) : 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/forum.2023.65.1.11.
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Promoting equity is a policy challenge facing education systems throughout the world, not least in the United Kingdom where there are continuing concerns about the progress of learners from disadvantaged backgrounds. This paper draws on the experience of its author within a series of large-scale government-funded improvement initiatives to address this agenda. These have illustrated how contexts shape the progress of such efforts. In particular, the paper explores how the different national contexts of England, Scotland and Wales have influenced the way that change-strategies proceeded. Reflecting on the implications of these differences, the paper makes a series of suggestions as to how progress towards educational equity can be achieved.
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Yakovleva, N. M. « Argentina vs Great Britain : the trajectory of one conflict ». Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 10, no 3 (19 janvier 2023) : 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-3-123-135.
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40 years ago, on April 2, 1982, Argentina made a failed attempt by military means to establish sovereignty over the archipelago in the South Atlantic, which was under the jurisdiction of Great Britain. The war was the result of a two-century dispute over the ownership of the islands. Upon joining the UN in 1945, Buenos Aires loudly announced its claims to the Falkland Islands (Malvinas) and began to seek from the international community to recognize its claims as legitimate. Since then, the problem has been a red thread through the history of the country. The policy of the Argentine authorities on the issue of disputed territories developed with a pendulum dynamic. Periods of de-escalation of the conflict and the development of cooperation with Great Britain, coupled with a friendly attitude towards the islanders, were replaced by phases of the dominance of irreconcilable discourse with a strong demand for the “termination of the colonization policy” by the British authorities. Relations between Argentina and Great Britain after the end of hostilities can be divided into several stages. Regardless of the direction of the course of the next government, the issue of sovereignty over disputed territories has never been removed from the agenda. The Argentine side certainly used the “Malvinas question” as an instrument of domestic policy. Currently, the conflict is in a latent phase with no prospect of an early resolution.
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Vietrynskyi, I. « Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II ». Problems of World History, no 18 (8 novembre 2022) : 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.
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The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.
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Wujastyk, Dominik. « Policy Formation and Debate Concerning the Government Regulation of Āyurveda in Great Britain in the Twenty-First Century ». Asian Medicine 1, no 1 (16 janvier 2005) : 162–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157342105777996719.
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Since 2000, the British House of Lords and the Government have been working towards a regulatory scheme for Complementary and Alternative Medicine (CAM) in Britain, a scheme that will include āyurveda. The present paper discusses these regulatory moves by the Government, and suggests that shortcomings in the range and type of evidence taken into account by the various Government agencies will leave a legacy of difficulties for CAM practitioners and their patients.
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Grant, M. « Controlling Local Government Expenditure in Britain : The Experience of Rate Capping ». Environment and Planning C : Government and Policy 4, no 2 (juin 1986) : 165–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c040165.
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Rate capping was introduced by the British Conservative Government in 1984 to impose a legally enforceable ceiling on the rating power of local authorities. It is a discriminatory measure. High-spending authorities, as assessed in accordance with current and historic data, are given annual rate limits by central government, with rights of appeal and negotiation. The process has generated great controversy, with some local authorities threatening municipal bankruptcy and all showing great reluctance to operate within the system. But the financial impact has so far been marginal: The government moved gingerly, and creative accounting has helped postpone financial difficulties.
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Dudaiti, Аlbert K. « Problems of Iran’s relations with the leading world Powers in the initial period of the Second World War (1939–1941) ». Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no 3(2021) (25 septembre 2021) : 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-3-12-19.
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The article examines the complex relations between Iran and the leading world powers at the initial stage of the Second World War. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that Iran’s foreign policy is considered in the context of active diplomatic maneuvers of the Reza Shah government aimed at distancing itself from the belligerent powers and preserving Iran’s neutrality. The novelty of the research consists in studying the features of the foreign policy actions of the government of the Ira, which allow us to reveal the reasons for the formation of conflict relations with Great Britain and the USSR in the initial period of the war. It is established that despite the predominant military-political rivalry at the beginning of the war between Germany and Great Britain, the Iranian authorities were afraid of an invasion of the country by Anglo-Soviet troops. At the same time, it is emphasized that such a danger was real, given the active underground activities of Nazi agents in this country directed against the USSR, as well as the growth of pro-German sentiments in the Iranian government. These circumstances caused the desire of the USSR leadership to secure the southern borders of the country; In turn, the government of Great Britain set a goal to prevent Nazi Germany from implementing its long-term plans to invade the territories of the Near and Middle East controlled by the British, as well as British India. As a result of the conducted research, it is concluded that the entry of Anglo-Soviet troops into the territory of Iran was the logical consequence of the failed foreign policy actions of the Shah’s government aimed at further rapprochement with Nazi Germany, with the expectation that after its victory over the Soviet Union, Iran will be able to expand its borders at the expense of the border territories of the Soviet Transcaucasia.
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PIACHAUD, DAVID, et HOLLY SUTHERLAND. « Child Poverty in Britain and the New Labour Government ». Journal of Social Policy 30, no 1 (janvier 2001) : 95–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004727940000619x.
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The new Labour government in Britain has made the reduction of child poverty one of its central objectives. This article analyses the circumstances of children in poverty and describes the specific initiatives involved in Labour's approach and weighs them up in terms of their potential impact. The impact on child poverty of policies designed to raise incomes directly is analysed using micro-simulation modelling. A major emphasis of current policy is on the promotion of paid work, and we explore the potential for poverty reduction of increasing the employment of parents. The policies that address long-term disadvantage are also discussed and finally the whole programme is assessed and future strategy is considered.
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Trofymenko, Mykola. « British Council as an Instrument of Public Diplomacy of Great Britain ». Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no 35-36 (20 décembre 2017) : 305–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2017.35-36.305-312.
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Public diplomacy of Great Britain is one of the most developed in the EU and in the world. The United Kingdom has developed an extremely efficient public diplomacy mechanism which includes BBC World Service (which due to its popularity boosts the reputation and the image of Great Britain), Chevening Scholarships (provides outstanding foreign students with opportunity to study in Great Britain and thus establishes long-lasting relations with public opinion leaders and foreign countries elite) and the British Council, which deals with international diplomatic ties in the field of culture. The British Council is a unique organization. Being technically independent, it actively and efficiently works on consolidating Great Britain’s interests in the world and contributes to the development of public diplomacy in Great Britain.
The author studies the efforts of the British Council as a unique public diplomacy tool of the United Kingdom. Special attention is paid to the role of British Council, which is independent of the governing board and at the same time finds itself under the influence of the latter due to the peculiarities of the appointment of Board’s officials, financing etc.
The author concludes that the British Council is a unique organization established in 1934, which is a non-departmental state body, charitable organization and public corporation, technically independent of the government. The British Council, thanks to its commercial activities covers the lack of public funding caused by the policy of economy conducted by the government. It has good practices in this field worth paying attention by other countries. It is also worth mentioning that the increment in profit was getting higher last year, however the issue of increasing the influence of the government on the activities of British Council is still disputable. Although the Foreign Minister officially reports to the parliament on the activities of the British Council, approves the appointment of the leaders of organizations, the British Council preserves its independence of the government, which makes it more popular abroad, and makes positive influence on the world image of Great Britain. The efficiency of the British Council efforts on fulfillment of targets of the United Kingdom public diplomacy is unquestionable, no matter how it calls its activities: whether it is a cultural relations establishment or a cultural diplomacy implementation.
Keywords: The British Council, public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, cultural relations, Foreign Office, Her Majesty’s Government, official assistance for development
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SUONPÄÄ, MIKA. « FINANCIAL SPECULATION, POLITICAL RISKS, AND LEGAL COMPLICATIONS : BRITISH COMMERCIAL DIPLOMACY IN THE BALKANS, c. 1906–1914 ». Historical Journal 55, no 1 (10 février 2012) : 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000537.
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ABSTRACTBefore 1914, a more intimate relationship started to develop between overseas commercial activity and foreign policy. This occurred as a consequence of the politicization of international business relations that came about when other great powers began increasingly to challenge Britain's global commercial, political, and imperial supremacy. Britain had traditionally followed alaissez-faireline when it came to supporting or protecting British overseas business enterprise. In the mid-1880s, Britain was compelled to review its policy. After this, the British government was prepared to offer limited assistance to British firms, but this often took place only in regions which were significant in terms of overall policy interest, including Turkey, Iran, and China. This article examines British commercial diplomacy in the Balkans, a region which has not received much attention from historians in this framework. British commercial diplomacy there followed the general line of limited intervention and support was offered mostly on legal grounds. Local political troubles and great power politics also played a role in diplomatic decision-making as did negative cultural perceptions, but to a considerably lesser degree. In most cases, the British government refrained from supporting British business enterprise in the Balkans on account of fears about financial speculation.
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Puacz-Olszewska, Jolanta. « Financial security of enterprises from Poland, Germany, and Great Britain ». VUZF Review 6, no 4 (27 décembre 2021) : 103–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.38188/2534-9228.21.4.12.
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Pandemics are caused by the negative impact of global threats, we put you at risk in one global world. An effective and efficient mortality tool, bringing also economic and economic successes. The world is currently struggling with the coronavirus (COVID-19) caused by SARS-CoV-2, which unfortunately already has pandemic status. Blow it off on yourself, concerned about how it will affect the global recession
The aim of the article is to present and compare how governments of countries such as Poland, Germany, and the United Kingdom provide entrepreneurs with financial security in connection with the negative effects caused by COVID-19. At the beginning of the article, it is briefly presented what financial security is, and several measures are distinguished to measure the financial security of enterprises. Then, the financial assistance for entrepreneurs selected to the countries is described. Countries such as Poland, Germany, and Great Britain were selected for the analysis. The most attention was devoted to describing the aid for Polish entrepreneurs. The information used in the article was obtained from the Polish and British GOV portal and from the German ministry responsible for economic policy (BMWi). In the end, support from the government in the analysed countries was compared, and the country is indicated, where entrepreneurs would cope best in the current situation and have the best chance for development. It is also indicated what impact the financial aid of the government has on the development of enterprises.
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Bolshakov, A. « Regulatory Autonomy of Great Britain : Problems and Perspectives ». World Economy and International Relations 65, no 7 (2021) : 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-7-71-79.
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Sovereignty does not imply regulatory autonomy. After Brexit, the UK should align its regulatory policy with European norms, if it is interested in close partnership with the EU. Compromises must be made by both sides in order to ensure stability of the partnership. The EU will have to acknowledge the UK’s right to diverge from European rules. Britain will have to partly accept the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice. The structure of dispute settlement mechanism which will be created under the partnership agreement should be a product of a compromise. The present study shows that optimal structure of dispute settlement mechanism must include two different procedures: one for political issues and the other for commercial issues. The central role for the European Court of Justice must be envisaged as a part of politically oriented procedure. There must be no role for the European Court of Justice or any Union to set the pace of political communication. The latter reflects the interest of Great Britain to simplify economic relations, which means that, firstly, disputes are resolved by independent arbiters; secondly, the EU acknowledges the UK’s right to diverge from European regulations; and thirdly, the UK accepts the EU’s right to impose countervailing duties to compensate for adverse effects of divergence on competition. This article also examines the main problems of future British regulatory policy, especially in the field of state aid. Boris Johnson’s government has decided not to form a full-fledged regulatory regime in the area of state aid. Its stance is politically appropriate since Conservative party manifesto for the 2019 general election promised to support local industries without limitations. But that decision created a great deal of economic risk. Firstly, the absence of a domestic subsidy control regulator can cause chaos within regulation system because workable norms and rules can only be sustained by a tight enforcement mechanism. Secondly, the EU can cite lack of subsidy control as an obstacle for British business to have unrestricted access to the European market.
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KREKHIVSKYI, Oleh. « PROTECTIONISM AS DETERMINANT OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF AUTOMOBILE MANUFACTURING IN GREAT BRITAIN ». Economy of Ukraine 2023, no 10 (29 octobre 2023) : 58–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/economyukr.2023.10.058.
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The tariff policy on imports, which was introduced in Great Britain at the beginning of the World War I and was in force for about 60 years, is considered. Based on historical facts and figures, it is substantiated on the example of the automotive industry that the so-called McKenna duties in the long term had an impact on the growth of production, employment, and budget revenues; led to a decrease in prices on the domestic market, a reduction in imports and an increase in exports, promoted foreign investments, the transfer of advanced technologies, and the wider engagement of local potential in business processes. It is demonstrated that the protective duties currently launched by the Indian government to regulate the import of goods, the production of which has been defined by the government as a priority (in particular, electric cars production is concerned), are a reflection of the measures implemented by Great Britain at the beginning of the 20th century. It is emphasized that protective tariffs for these goods in Ukraine are significantly lower. It is shown that the USA also uses import duties for national security purposes. Taking into account the provisions of the GATT/WTO and the EU–Ukraine Association Agreement, as well as modern examples of their application, it is quite obvious that Ukraine, under the current conditions of external and internal challenges and institutional restrictions, can take advantage of the protectionist policy for the development of industry in the post-war recovery period, based on its right to determine "the most important exceptions for security reasons" in order to ensure the socio-economic and financial stability of the country and the welfare of the nation. In view of this, it is necessary to rethink the current Ukraine’s policy on automobile manufacturing, in particular as regards the foreign trade regulation, and to create a new policy based on effective protectionism theory and effective protection rate calculations, assessment of the current state and prospects of enterprises, the results of a professional discussion on the priorities of the industry: whether it should remain at semi knocked-down kit stage or aim for full-cycle production with a high level of localization.
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Racine, Karen. « “The Childhood Shows the Man” : Latin American Children in Great Britain, 1790–1830 ». Americas 72, no 2 (avril 2015) : 279–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2015.4.
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In his epic poemParadise Regained(1671), John Milton has Satan observe that “The childhood shows the man/As morning shows the day/ Be famous then/ By wisdom. As the empire must extend/ So let extend thy mind o’er all the world.” As parents and as patriots, the leaders of Latin America's revolutions for independence wanted bright futures for both their children and their young nations. In many ways, the goals they set for each were the same: enhanced commercial opportunities, a political arena marked by greater freedom of speech and open debate, the rule of law, government with a strong moral center in which the privileged members of society had a responsibility to set a good example, and, perhaps most cherished of all, access to modern scientific and secular education. As figurative parents of emerging nations, and as biological parents of impressionable youth, these creole founding fathers wished to instill useful patriotic values in their national and personal families alike. Bridging the Enlightenment and Romantic eras, Latin American independence rhetoric blurred the distinction between nation-building and paternity, indicating that its leaders saw themselves as parents in more than one sense.
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Jacobson, Charles D., et Joel A. Tarr. « Patterns and Policy Choices in Infrastructure History : The United States, France, and Great Britain ». Public Works Management & ; Policy 1, no 1 (juillet 1996) : 60–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1087724x9600100107.
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The United States, England, and France have used a variety of forms to deliver urban services and infrastructures over time. Historically, government has been the dominant factor in the delivery of infrastructures for which no user fee is charged, whereas a variety of forms have been followed when there are user fees. This article examines changing forms of service delivery systems in the areas of water supply, mass transportation, and electrical supply in the three nations. Alterations in the form of delivery have been shaped by institutional and cultural factors and unique national styles. All three nations have moved in the direction of privatization of service delivery, but their experience shows that although privatization can reduce government's role in areas where it is poorly suited, proper oversight and maintenance of competition are vital functions.
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Hrubinko, Andrii. « Great Britain in European External and Security Policy : Review of Western Historiography ». European Historical Studies, no 8 (2017) : 8–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.08.8-38.
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The article analyzes the achievements of Western historical science in research of the problem of Britain’s participation in the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy. The author classified scientific publications into three groups: 1) general works on the history of formation the EU’s CFSP; 2) publications on the history of participation the United Kingdom in European integration as a direction of European foreign policy of the state; 3) works, which devoted specifically to the topic of British participation in European foreign and security policy. The results of monitoring the leading foreign scientific publications, the most frequently published materials on European integration and European policy of the United Kingdom are presented. A list of leading scientific centers for the research of the identified issues is also presented. The historical experience of British involvement in the formation and implementation of the EU’s CFSP in Western historiography is mainly covered in general context of the British government’s position on European integration. It was stated that the United Kingdom’s participation in the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union was included in the list topics of research of European (including British) and American scientists, but remains poorly developed. Major scientific developments by European continental and British researchers are presented. Instead, in American historiography, these issues, especially Britain’s role in the CFSP, haven’t been adequately researched. In British historiography, there is a marked opposition between the “Euro-skeptic” and “Euro-optimistic” (pro-European) paradigms. In the published works the analysis of theoretical and conceptual principles, strategic approaches of British governments to the foreign policy component of European integration prevails at different stages of its development. In all three historiographic groups preference is given to research the history of military-political cooperation within the EU, development of ESDP / CSDP. The issues of British participation in the EU CFSP in the period of D. Cameron’s government (2010-2016), practical foreign policy activities of the Community remain insufficiently researched. The topics of the role of British governments in shaping and developing the Eastern European policy of the EU and the Neighborhood policy remain though basically unexplored.
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Akimova, Olga, et Olena Shamanska. « APPLYING OF INNOVATION TECHNOLOGIES IN ADULT EDUCATION IN MODERN TERMS OF UKRAINE DEVELOPMENT ». Academic Notes Series Pedagogical Science 1, no 204 (juin 2022) : 12–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.36550/2415-7988-2022-1-204-12-16.
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The article determines the features of adult education in Great Britain including the historical aspect of development. In general the adult education is the important part of continuous education. Among European countries Great Britain and Denmark are the leaders in distribution of professional studies and adult educations. There have been created new programs and projects of international educational processes supporting in these countries. In such projects considerable attention is paid to planning and training of adult individuals. At the same time, the adult education in Great Britain is one of priorities of public policy and bases on old historical traditions, high-quality indexes, sound scientifically-pedagogical researches, and practice of realization led to the effectiveness. The analysis of scientific literature showed that there have been used plenty of terms of continuous education conception in Great Britain, among them continuing education, andragogy, andragogics, andragology, recurrent education, adult education, permanent education, adult pedagogy, lifelong learning, оpen learning, and further education. The Open University became one of main universities of Great Britain that developed the idea of adult education. The author also admitted, that at the end of 70th the mechanism of government control of adult education system in Great Britain changed enough. These changes touched the part of scientific and technical progress of general economic crisis on a background passing of the country to the system of free market relations. At the same time, in majority universities of Great Britain there were founded centers of adult education. Such centers proposed the academic courses of different forms of studies and offered the ideas of forming knowledge in a counterbalance classic and called as transferring of knowledge from a teacher to the student. The introduction of innovative technologies in the system of adult education will change the reproductive nature of the acquisition of knowledge, skills and abilities of an adult.
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Karužaitė, Daiva. « Higher Education Changes in Great Britain in XX–XXI centuries ». Pedagogika 117, no 1 (5 mars 2015) : 16–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15823/p.2015.064.
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The article reveals development and essential changes of higher education in Great Britain in XX–XXI centuries.
During last century Great Britain higher education system has changed dramatically – from elite higher education in the beginning of XX century, which was available for very small part of society, to mass higher education with variety of institutions and education programs. Nowadays there is almost half of Great Britain population (of certain age group) obtaining higher education certificate or diploma.
The junction of XX and XXI centuries was signed with significant shift in the gender structure of higher education students: more women obtained fist university degree than men. Ten years later the same was recorded in higher degrees.
The intense change of Great Britain higher education from elite to mass inevitably influenced the higher education finance sector. Great Britain used to cover all expenses of higher education from the budget. However, the financial crises occurred in the last decade of XX century, and the government was forced to seek for new financing models of higher education. First time in Great Britain higher education history the tuition fee was introduced. Striving to ensure the higher education accessibility for all social groups in Great Britain, the tuition fees were complemented with the grants and loans with special repayment (or without) conditions. Nevertheless, the financial reform, started in 1998, already was changed several times and has raised lots of critics.
Along with the financial reform Great Britain deals with the higher education quality issues. There was no essential discussions about higher education quality in the beginning of the XX century as it was elite higher education. Moving to the mass higher education with variety of institutions and dramatically growing student number, the quality question becomes relevant. Despite the owning the largest number of worldwide level elite universities in Europe, Great Britain seeks to ensure the quality in all higher education institutions in the country. Therefore the Quality Assurance Agency for Higher Education was established. The Agency puts students and the public interest at the center of everything they do. Great Britain higher education quality policy is implemented basing on the Quality Code for Higher Education.
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Rosner, Anna M. « Kindertransporty – brytyjskie akcje ratowania żydowskich dzieci w latach 1938–1939 ». Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, no 12 (30 novembre 2016) : 141–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.412.
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The article talks about Kindertransports – the major rescue action organized by British-Jewish organizations, and run from the territory of Great Britain between 1938 and 1939. The Kindertransports aimed at gathering and sending to Great Britain Jewish children under the age of seventeen, in order to prevent them from witnessing, or being victims of the acts of violence in Nazi controlled Europe. Once in Great Britain, the children were supposed to spend several weeks with British families willing to give them shelter and support. Those for whom foster parents would not be found, were to be sent to boarding schools or temporary shelters. In the action’s planning phase the institutions involved considered the Kindertransports to be a temporary solution. As the situation of the Jewish population in Nazi controlled Europe worsened, it became clear that the character of the action needed to be revised, and the families were expected to guest the children for a longer and unspecified time. In the end approximately 10.000 Jewish children, who travelled to the Isles, were allowed to stay throughout the times of war. In 1945 it became clear that vast majority of them had no place or family to get back to. They stayed in Great Britain becoming an important and vital part of the British society, with British citizenships granted shortly after the end of the war. The article discusses the organization of the Kindertransport and talks about other solutions taken under consideration both by the program organizers, and the British government. It elaborates on the experiences the children shared, that is being separated from their families, feeling homesick, or finding oneself in the new environment. It explains the question of the lost identity of the participants of the program and speaks on how the subjects dealt with it. It also shows how the British legislature and laws connected to the Enemy Alien status together with the Defence Regulation 18B influenced lives of the underage survivors. The article ends with an attempt of estimation of what happened to the Kindertransport children after the war. How many of them remained in Great Britain and considered themselves British, how many shown high level of mobility and spend their lives changing their place of residence. In the end how many of them kept their self-identification as Jews, and how many converted.
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Ridley, Frederick F. « Le personnel des collectivités locales en Grande-Bretagne ». Revue française d'administration publique 47, no 1 (1988) : 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1988.2083.
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Local Government Personnel in Great Britain. Local Government Service, employing the majority of local government personnel, is very distinct from the Civil Service. LGS has far more staff, which the extent of its duties readily explains. Further, it employs substantial numbers of unskilled, and a wide spectrum of skilled labourers. However, the greatest difference is that of legal status. Local authorities are independent to hire on a contract basis. However, the Local Government Act, other legislation as well as general agreements with unions and professional bodies place certain restrictions on their independence. These agreements cover hiring policy, working conditions and remuneration. LGS is currently experiencing graduai staff cuts and becoming politicised.
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Lu, Yizhi. « Study of Chiang Kai-shek's Foreign Policy during the Anti-Japanese War ». Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 7 (13 janvier 2023) : 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v7i.4001.
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Around 1903' s, China faced the huge threat of Japan's full-scale invasion of China and the serious struggle against Japanese aggression. The "two-pronged" policy of unremitting struggle against Japan and seeking international assistance has become the focus of Nanjing National Government headed by Chiang Kai-shek. The Soviet Union had made great efforts to aid China, but because of Chiang Kai-shek's anti-Soviet policy and Britain and France's war in Europe, Chiang Kai-shek only hoped for the support of the United States. In 1938, after the negotiation between China and Britain on the British loan to China failed, Chiang Kai-shek decisively adjusted his wartime foreign policy, recalled Wang Zhengting, who was not very popular with the United States, reused pro-American people, and appointed Hu Shi, a famous international scholar with high prestige, as ambassador to the United States. As the only legitimate government in China at that time, the Chinese Kuomintang government, in addition to establishing the national anti-Japanese national united front on the basis of Kuomintang Communist cooperation in politics, cooperated militarily with the front battlefield of the Kuomintang and the battlefield behind the enemy opened and led by our party to jointly resist the enemy and fight against the Japanese aggressors. In terms of diplomacy, the Kuomintang government also actively carried out diplomatic activities and sought assistance from the international community to support China's cause of anti-Japanese war.
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Lisenkov, Oleg. « Modern Age empires : colony management principles on the example of Great Britain and France ». Genesis : исторические исследования, no 6 (juin 2020) : 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.6.33316.
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The object of this research is the colonial policy of the two largest European empires of the Modern Age: France and Great Britain. In the course of conquering new lands, these countries faced the problem of managing vast territories and diverse indigenous population. The solution consisted in establishment of effective colonial management systems. The peculiarities of functionality of such systems became the subject of this research. The goal lies in determination of specificity of organization and operation of the systems of colonial management in the British and French Empires from the perspective of their interrelation with cultural factors. The conclusion is made that the British Empire retained the traditional government system on the conquered territories – indirect management. The French Empire either replaced the traditional government institutions with European analogues or included traditional system into their system of management as a lower administrative link – direct management. Comparing the described management system, the author notes the French approach was more resource-intensive and did not allow gaining a large profit. This lead to an assumption that the colonial management policy was affected by both, cultural and economic factors. The scientific novelty consists in examination of the systems of colonial management from the perspective of their interrelation with the imperial strategies that are based on the policy of recognition of population differences. Such strategies could be implemented within the framework of two paradigms: unification (formation of the unified imperial culture and institutions in all subordinated territories), and diversity (preservation on the conquered territories of the local cultural and political institutions). Further on, the examples of India, Africa and other regions would demonstrate that there is a direct link between the indicated British and French imperial strategies and systems of colonial management.
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Chisholm, Michael. « The Cost of Local Government Structural Reorganisation in Great Britain during the 1990s ». Environment and Planning C : Government and Policy 20, no 2 (avril 2002) : 251–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c0063.
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When the structure of local government in Great Britain was reorganised during the 1990s, considerable emphasis was placed by the government on the financial savings which would accrue to offset the costs incurred in making the changes. Previous work examined these expectations and found clear evidence that the ex ante estimates of transition costs given to the Westminster parliament were serious underestimates, and that the expected savings had not, at that time, materialised. This work was done at a time when it was known that some of the official data on transition costs would not be complete until after the close of the 2000/01 financial year. The author's primary purpose is to place on record what may be regarded as the final estimates of the transition costs in England, Scotland, and Wales. In addition, comparisons between the ex ante estimates of the costs of structural change and the ex post evidence concerning actual costs are updated. The discrepancy between these is such as to confirm the need for some form of independent scrutiny of new legislation at the time when it is being considered in parliament, to ensure that decisions are taken in the light of realistic assessments of the costs and benefits of proposed enactments.
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Marsh, Alex, et Randall Smith. « Policy & ; Politics : a perspective on the first half century ». Policy & ; Politics 50, no 1 (1 janvier 2022) : 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557321x16341248594520.
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For 50 years Policy & Politics, under the stewardship of some 19 editors, has engaged with key issues at the interface between public policy, social policy and politics. The journal has published scholarship that has shaped a broad range of debates across disciplines and has built a valued and vibrant community of authors and readers who are integral to what the journal is today. This brief editorial provides a perspective on the journal’s evolution from its origins focusing on local government in Great Britain to its current engagement with an inclusive, pluralist and global policy agenda.
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Gasanov, Kamran N. « Influence of Great Britain on Turkish Policy in the Transcaucasia and the Middle East ». Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, no 1 (30 mars 2023) : 168–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-1-168-190.
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The study explores the Turkish-British partnership. The author verifies the thesis, which gained popularity after the beginning of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war in the Russian expert and journalistic community, that the United Kingdom had a significant impact on Türkiye’s foreign policy in order to destabilize the South Caucasus and oust Russia from the region. Some experts hypothesize that London is trying to implement the “Great Turan” project in the post-Soviet space through the hands of Ankara to the detriment of Russian interests. One of the main arguments that Türkiye’s foreign policy is managed from London is the appointment of former ambassador R. Moore, who has close contacts with Turkish President R.T. Erdogan, to the post of head of British Foreign Intelligence, MI6. To test this hypothesis, the author of the article analyzes the trade, financial, political relations between Great Britain and Türkiye, as well as the degree of similarity in their positions regarding the conflicts in Syria, Libya and Nagorno-Karabakh. The author comes to the conclusion that Great Britain and Türkiye are indeed close allies. This is confirmed by the fact that the British government lobbied Türkiye to join the EU, refrained from interfering in internal affairs, supported R.T. Erdogan during the coup attempt in 2016, and did not criticize Ankara’s pro-Azerbaijani position during the Karabakh conflict. At the same time, the lack of a high level of financial and economic interdependence, Türkiye’s desire to play an independent role in the Middle East and Transcaucasia bypassing NATO, Ankara’s close cooperation with London’s geopolitical adversary Moscow, as well as differences in approaches to the Syrian conflict allow the author to refute the thesis that that Türkiye acts as a “conduit for the interests of Great Britain.”
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Savelyev, Mikhail, Mikhail Kozyrev, Andrey Savchenko, Vladimir Koretsky et Rail Galiakhmetov. « Macroeconomic signs of an innovative economy by the case of Great Britain ». SHS Web of Conferences 116 (2021) : 00072. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202111600072.
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By the case of the economic development of Great Britain, the hypothesis was verified that innovations at the macroeconomic level should accelerate economic growth and at the same time reduce development risks, stabilizing this growth, reducing its fluctuations under the influence of market factors. The economic development of Great Britain is investigated in 25 economic cycles for the period from 1830-2020. Economic development was investigated according to the parameters of economic growth and development risk in each of the considered cycles. Four types of economic development policy are theoretically described in terms of the dynamics of changes in growth and risk between the previous and subsequent cycles including progressive, regressive, aggressive and conservative. In relation to the identified periods of progressive development policy in Great Britain, the institutional innovations that led to this type of development were investigated. Among them was the great economic reform of the early Victorian era, the course of social or new liberalism and the popular budget before the First World War, the activities of the first Labor government immediately after this war, economic recovery after World War II in combination with the Marshall plan and nationalization, the era of the Conservatives and the politics of New Labor at the end of the 20th century. The study showed that the implementation of authentic national culture and institutions complementary to the existing authentic culture institutions of institutional innovations leads to a simultaneous decrease in the risk of development and acceleration of economic growth, which can be considered the most favorable policy of macroeconomic management of entrepreneurial activity in order to accelerate the application of technical and commercial innovations.
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Devereux, David R. « State Versus Private Ownership : The Conservative Governments and British Civil Aviation 1951–62 ». Albion 27, no 1 (1995) : 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000018536.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Studies of post-1945 Britain have often concentrated upon political and foreign policy history and are only just now beginning to address the question of the restructuring of the British economy and domestic policy. Civil aviation, a subject of considerable interest to historians of interwar Britain, has not been given a similar degree of attention in the post-1945 era. Civil aviation policy was, however, given a very high priority by both the 1945-51 Labour government and its Conservative successors. Civil aviation represented part of the effort to return Britain to a peacetime economy by transferring resources from the military into the civil aircraft industry, while at the same time holding for Britain a position of pre-eminence in the postwar expansion of civil flying. As such, aviation was a matter of great interest to reconstruction planners during World War Two, and was an important part of the Attlee government's plans for nationalization.Civil aviation was expected to grow rapidly into a major global economic force, which accounted for the great attention paid it in the 1940s and 1950s. Its importance to Britain in the postwar era lay in the value of air connections to North America, Europe, and the Empire and Commonwealth, and also in the economic importance of Britain's aircraft industry. In a period when the United States was by far the largest producer of commercial aircraft, the task of Labour and Conservative governments was to maintain a viable British position against strong American competition. What is particularly interesting is the wide degree of consensus that existed in both parties on the role the state should play in the maintenance and enhancement of this position.
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Lunev, S. M. « The Image of Great Britain in the Soviet Press in the Context of the Spanish Civil War (1936‒1939) ». Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 13, no 1 (7 avril 2021) : 196–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2021-13-1-196-222.
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The developments of the Spanish Civil War in 1936–1939, including its international aspects, have been thoroughly studied both in foreign and in Russian historiography. However, the introduction of new research approaches, in this case imagology, allows us to revisit even the well-established views. The paper examines the сreation and subsequent development of the image of Great Britain in the Soviet press in the context of the Spanish Civil War. The research draws on publications in the Soviet ‘Pravda’ and ‘Izvestiya’ newspapers, as well as in the ‘Ogoniok’, ‘Za rubezhom’ and ‘Agitator’s Sputnik’ magazines. The study reveales a rather ambiguous position of the Soviet press in relation to the British policy in Spain. Several topics played a key role in creating the image of the ‘Foggy Albion’ in the Soviet press. The leitmotif of publications of the Soviet journalists was the image of the empire in decline. In this regard, the Soviet press emphasized the acquiescence of the British government faced with aggressive actions from Francoists backed by Germany and Italy, as well as its inability to protect national interests of its own state. Parallel to this, the image of Great Britain as a split society was created. The Soviet journalists stressed that passivity of the government caused mounting criticism from both political left and right. At the same time, they praised the work of the civil society and volunteers in support of the republic. Finally, the Soviet media bashed London for its gradual drift from non-intervention towards appeasement and even direct inducement of aggressors. The author concludes that the image of Great Britain created in the Soviet press was intended to convince the Soviet public opinion in the fallacy of the British policy. In the face of an impending global war, London was portrayed as an unreliable ally, prone to concessions to aggressors.
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Kotov, Alexander, et Denis Lesnoy. « Global Britain in the Arctic : balancing the hard and soft power ». Analytical papers of the Institute of Europe RAS, no 2 (2023) : 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/analytics2820231117.
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This paper analyses the new Arctic strategy of the United Kingdom. The Document was published one year after the start of Russia’s special military operation in Ukraine, which has contributed to the changes present in the new Arctic policy, and the revitalization of its role in the European circumpolar region. The authors consider the dynamics of changes within the document compared to previous versions, and the new design of a now holistic UK government approach to the Arctic. Special attention is paid to the increased importance of security in the document, strengthening of the military presence of the United Kingdom in the region, and conditions of the end of low-tension history and "Arctic exceptionalism". Integration of the Arctic strategy with key international and defense strategies of Great Britain is noted. The conclusion is made about the design of a new holistic UK government approach to the Arctic.
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Labutina, Tatiana L. « “Two-Faced Janus” : Was Chancellor Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin in the Service of the British ? » Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no 3 (19 juillet 2024) : 28–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0130386424030035.
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Reviewing the policy pursued by a prominent Russian statesman, head of the foreign policy department during the reign of Empress Elizaveta Petrovna, Chancellor Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin, the author assesses his relations with the British ambassadors in the period between 1746 and 1756 somewhat differently compared to other historians. Great Britain, which was actively participating at that time in the War of the Austrian Succession (1740–1748), and then, preparing for the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763), negotiated the lease of the Russian auxiliary military corps in exchange for the payment of cash subsidies. Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin played an active role in the negotiation process. However, whose interests was he protecting and was his service in a high public office entirely selfless? From the analysis of diplomatic correspondence between British ambassadors and the Secretary of State, the author concludes that Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin supported the British more often than not, as he was in the secret service of the British government. This is confirmed by the actions of the Chancellor, aimed at accelerating negotiations on subsidies in the interests of Great Britain, seeking to reduce their size, supporting the privileges of English merchants to the detriment of Russian interests, as well as supplying ambassadors with secret information about the armed forces of the country. The biography of the Chancellor, containing a number of dubious facts, such as documents forged by his father to prove the English ancestry of his family, an unusual acquaintance with the future King George I of Great Britain and service under him, receiving a permanent pension and expensive gifts from the British, suggests that Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin was recruited by the British while in the service of King George I, and therefore frequently acted in the interests of Great Britain.
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Lagneau-Ymonet, Paul, et Bénédicte Reynaud. « The making of a category of economic understanding in Great Britain (1880–1931) : ‘the unemployed’ ». Cambridge Journal of Economics 44, no 6 (13 juillet 2020) : 1181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cje/beaa018.
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Abstract Evidence-based policy relies on measurement to trigger actions and to manage and evaluate programmes. Yet measurement requires classification: the making of categories of understanding that approximate or represent collective phenomena. In 1931, two decades after implementing the first compulsory unemployment benefits in 1911, the British Government began to carry out a census of out-of-work individuals. Why such an inversion, at odds with the exercise of rational-legal authority, and unlike to its French or German counterparts? To solve this puzzle, we document the making of ‘the unemployed’ as a category of scientific analysis and of public policy in nineteenth-century Great Britain. Our circumscribed contribution to the history of economic thought and methodology informs today’s controversies on the future of work, the weakening of wage labour through the rise in the number of part-time contracts and self-employed workers, as well as the rivalry between the welfare state and private charities with regard to providing impoverished people with some kind of relief.
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Kochegarov, S. A., et V. V. Mikhailov. « REACTION IN GOVERNMENT AND PARLIAMENT OF GREAT BRITAIN ON SOVIET-ESTONIAN PEACE NEGOTIATIONS IN 1919-1920 ». Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), no 3 (2021) : 58–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-3-58-71.
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The article focuses on the contradictions in the British regarding the continuation of military operations against the Soviet Republic at the end of 1919 and the participation of Estonia in the White struggle. Documents of British archives, and transcripts of proceedings of Parliament shows that after a series of military setbacks of the White forces, and the failure of formation with the direct pressure from the British military advisers of the government of the North-West Russia to create anti-Bolshevik coalition under the political control of the British commissioners in the Baltic countries, the mood in Parliament and the War Cabinet of Britain has changed. Speeches of liberal members of Parliament at the meetings of 1919-1920, note that the issue of concluding a Bolshevik-Estonian peace Treaty has become positively evaluated in wide circles of British society. Criticism of the «militarism» of the government became particularly acute after the peace of Tartu in January 1920, and the firmness of the Estonian government, which had making peace, was welcomed by a number of deputies. Minutes of meetings of the British Imperial War Cabinet and documents of the War Council also shows a shift from the policy of active involvement of the Baltic countries in the anti-Bolshevik struggle to recognition of the failure of this struggle and the impossibility of its revival by spending the financial and material resources, which were strongly necessary to solve other problems that arose in the British government after the end of the First world war.
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Nikitin, Dmitrii. « Indian National Congress in the Years of the Lansdowne’s Government (1888–1894) : Problems of Development ». Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no 4 (août 2023) : 156–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.4.12.
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Introduction. The article is devoted to the study of the main activities of the Indian National Congress (INC) during the reign of Viceroy Lansdowne. During this period, the main objects of the Congress were official recognition by the colonial administration and the expansion of propaganda work in Britain. But Congress also had several internal problems, such as an undeveloped organizational structure and controversies over unresolved social problems in India. Methods and materials. Based on reports on the annual sessions of the INC and the Indian and British press, the article examines the main problems of the development of the INC in 1888– 1894, the reasons for the increased activity of the Congress in England and the process of the emergence of the Congress’ branches in London and the Indian Parliamentary Committee, and the peculiarities of the relationship between Congress and the colonial administration. Analysis. The Viceroy’s views on Congress and their differences from the previous course of the Indian government are analyzed. The specifics of the activities of the INC in Great Britain are revealed. Particular attention is paid to the parliamentary work of the Congress. The reasons for the intensification of internal contradictions in the INC in the early 1890s are investigated. Results. It is concluded that Viceroy Lansdowne’s refusal to abandon the repressive policy towards the Congress contributed to the progressive development of the Congress, which manifested itself in the revitalization of its activities in Great Britain. However, the development was accompanied by the strengthening of internal organizational contradictions and the beginning of the formation of a Congress’ radical wing.
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Toft, Christian. « CONSTITUTIONAL CHOICE, MULTI-LEVEL GOVERNMENT AND SOCIAL SECURITY SYSTEMS IN GREAT BRITAIN, GERMANY, AND DENMARK ». Policy & ; Politics 24, no 3 (1 juillet 1996) : 247–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557396782148516.
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Wujastyk, Dominik. « Policy Formation and Debate Concerning the Government Regulation of Āyurveda in Great Britain in the Twenty-First Century ». Asian Medicine 1, no 1 (16 octobre 2018) : 162–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15734218-00101009.
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Scharpf, Fritz W. « A Game-Theoretical Interpretation of Inflation and Unemployment in Western Europe ». Journal of Public Policy 7, no 3 (juillet 1987) : 227–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00004438.
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ABSTRACTThe paper aims at a more complete, yet still parsimonious, explanation of macro-economic policy failure and success during the ‘stagflation’ period of the 1970s. Focusing on four countries, Austria, Great Britain, Sweden and West Germany, it is shown that both runaway inflation and rising unemployment could be avoided whenever it was possible to achieve a Keynesian concertation between fiscal and monetary expansion on the one hand and union wage restraint on the other. The actual policy experiences of the four countries are then explained in terms of the linkage between a ‘coordination game’ played between the government and the unions in which macro-economic outcomes are determined, and a politics game in which the government tries to anticipate the electoral responses of different voter strata to these outcomes.
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Beeken, Rebecca J., et Jane Wardle. « Public beliefs about the causes of obesity and attitudes towards policy initiatives in Great Britain ». Public Health Nutrition 16, no 12 (18 juillet 2013) : 2132–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980013001821.
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AbstractObjectiveTo assess attributions for overweight and the level of support for policy initiatives in Great Britain.DesignCross-sectional. Respondents indicated their agreement (5-point scales: strongly disagree to strongly agree) to three potential causes of overweight (environment, genes, willpower) and five policies (free weight-loss treatment, taxing unhealthy foods, healthy lifestyle campaigns, food labelling, advertising restrictions).SettingData were collected as part of a computer-assisted, face-to-face Omnibus survey of adults (aged >15 years) from across Great Britain in April 2012 carried out by a market research company.SubjectsA population-representative sample of British adults (n 1986).ResultsMore people attributed overweight to the food environment (61 %) and lack of willpower (57 %) than to genes (45 %). Policy support was highest for healthy lifestyle campaigns (71 %) and food labelling (66 %), and lowest for taxing unhealthy foods (32 %). Food environment attributions were associated with higher support for all policies (P < 0·001). Genetic attributions were associated with higher support for free weight-loss treatments and healthy lifestyle campaigns (P < 0·001), but not other policies. Attributions to lack of willpower were not associated differentially with support for any policies (P > 0·01).ConclusionsBelief that overweight is caused by the food environment or genes – both seen as outside individual control – was associated with greater support for government policies to prevent and treat obesity. Improving awareness of the multiple causes of obesity could facilitate acceptance of policy action to reduce obesity prevalence.
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VAN DRENTH, ANNEMIEKE, TRUDIE KNIJN et JANE LEWIS. « Sources of Income for Lone Mother Families : Policy Changes in Britain and The Netherlands and the Experiences of Divorced Women ». Journal of Social Policy 28, no 4 (octobre 1999) : 619–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279499005735.
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The Netherlands and Britain have treated lone mother families in similar ways in the post-war period. Until very recently they have been alone among countries of the EU in allowing lone mothers to draw benefits without making themselves available for work so long as they have dependent children. At the beginning of the 1990s, both countries attempted (unsuccessfully) to enforce the obligation of ‘absent fathers’ to maintain. In 1996, the Dutch government took decisive steps towards treating lone mothers as workers rather than mothers. In Britain, the last Conservative government began to move in the same direction, something that has been confirmed by the new Labour government. This article reviews the structure and characteristics of lone motherhood in the two countries and the nature of the recent policy changes. It then reports the findings of an exploratory qualitative study of divorced mothers in both countries. The evidence from the interviews reveals the strength of the primary commitment that women in both countries make to care. It also shows the difficulties divorced women face in combining paid and unpaid work, which, we suggest make the pendulum swing from treating lone mothers as mothers, to treating them as workers unrealistic.
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Asadova, Nurana Rovshan. « English and its language policy in different countries ». Technium Social Sciences Journal 51 (8 novembre 2023) : 303–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v49i1.9735.
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In the modern world, English has become widespread only in the “inner circle” countries (Great Britain, Ireland, USA, Canada, Australia and New Zealand) where English is the native language of the population. English is also actively used in outer circle countries. Countries in this circle include India, Nigeria, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Malaysia, Kenya, South Africa, etc. In the “Outer Circle” countries, English is not the native language of a significant part of the population, but it plays an important role in government actions and daily communication. There are also “expanding circle” countries (Russia, China, Japan, Korea, Egypt, Germany, France, etc.) where English is not the native language of the majority of the population and is not used in public administration. In these countries, English is used in some fields of activity such as education, business, science, culture and tourism.
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Prokopov, A. Y. « Communist International in 1920-s : British direction of activity ». MGIMO Review of International Relations, no 6(9) (28 décembre 2009) : 54–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2009-6-9-54-64.
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In this article the main attention of the author is devoted to the problem of the decisive influence of the Communist International and its tactic “the united workers front” (1921—1928) on the policy of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) towards the Labour Party, the British Congress of Trade-Unions and the first Labour Government (1924). The author also examines the influence of Comintern on the activity of the CPGB before parliament elections of 1922, 1923, 1924 and during the General Strike of 1926.
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Redvaldsen, David. « The Role of Britain in Late Modern Norwegian History : A Longitudinal Study ». Britain and the World 9, no 1 (mars 2016) : 10–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2016.0212.
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Concentrating on the strength of the mutual relationship, this article examines crucial periods in Anglo-Norwegian history since 1814. In the November Treaty (1855) Britain and France guaranteed the Swedish-Norwegian union's territory against Russian encroachment. Britain was not supportive of Norwegian independence in 1905, though she had wanted better terms for Norway within the union. From a Norwegian perspective, Britain was the most important signatory to the Integrity Treaty (1907) whereby the great powers guaranteed her territory. Due to her neutrality Norway could not openly support Britain, but many events prior to 1940 showed that she oriented her foreign policy primarily towards London. The German invasion and Norway's subsequent entry into the Second World War on the side of the Allies, fostered much warmer Anglo-Norwegian relations. These were cemented by the creation of NATO in 1949, in which both nations participated. In the 1950s even British officials occasionally described the ties as a ‘special relationship’. In that decade and in the 1960s, Britain preferred to work with the Scandinavian nations in multilateral organizations such as UNISCAN and EFTA. In 1973, however, Britain entered the EEC, whereas the Norwegian people had voted to reject the membership their government was recommending. The great power's interests shifted away from Scandinavia towards mainland Europe. Consequently, relations with Norway became more distant. Norway's second stalled bid to enter the EU in 1994 underlined that the two countries have drifted apart. The article nevertheless argues that Britain was Norway's lodestar between 1905 and 1973.
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Kolmakov, M. A. « BRITISH PRIME MINISTER FIGHT ROBERT WALPOLE WITH THE OPPOSITION IN THE 20S OF THE XVIII CENTURY. » Vestnik Bryanskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta 07, no 02 (30 juin 2023) : 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.22281/2413-9912-2023-07-02-79-90.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Robert Walpole was first elected to Parliament in 1701. At the beginning of his political career he worked in many parliamentary committees. In 1721 Walpole becomes the first Prime Minister of Great Britain. During the remainder of George I's reign, Walpole's influence steadily increased in the upper echelons of power. At this time, the principles of Walpole's interaction with the British crown, parliament and government were laid as part of the internal political struggle. The politician gradually consolidates his power at the government level, developing a new internal model of the state structure, which consisted in strengthening the power of the Whig group through a system of political control over the opposition in parliament and the ministry. The main goal of Walpole's domestic policy was to have MPs and ministers work in the interests of the Hanoverian dynasty, thereby distributing finances among their opponents in the Whig faction. In such realities, the political power of the opposition gradually decreased, and Walpole's influence over the king, parliament and ministries gradually increased. As a result, Walpole kept Parliament and the ministry on his side by supporting the Hanoverian dynasty, including through the introduction of low export duties and a reduction in the public debt. The activity of Robert Walpole was a reflection of the domestic policy of Great Britain in the 20s of the XVIII century, which showed the trends and moods that existed in the country.
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Wollmann, Hellmut. « Local Government Systems : From Historic Divergence towards Convergence ? Great Britain, France, and Germany as Comparative Cases in Point ». Environment and Planning C : Government and Policy 18, no 1 (février 2000) : 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c9867.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The author aims at a comparative analysis of the development of local government systems in Britain, France, and Germany. First, he makes the point that, during the historical evolution of the local government systems of the three countries over the last century, their institutional profiles have exhibited an almost classical divergence. Against this historical background the author pursues answers to the questions of whether, to what degree, and why the local government systems of the three countries have, in their more recent development, shown institutional convergence. Among the factors possibly fostering such convergence, the following are highlighted in the paper: the internationalisation (‘globalisation’) of socioeconomic and political challenges and institutional responses to them.
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TOURNEMAINE, FREDERIC, et CHRISTOPHER TSOUKIS. « STATUS, FERTILITY, GROWTH AND THE GREAT TRANSITION ». Singapore Economic Review 55, no 03 (septembre 2010) : 553–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0217590810003894.
Texte intégralRésumé :
We develop an overlapping generation model to examine how the relationship between status concerns, fertility and education affect growth performances. Results are threefold. First, we show that stronger status motives heighten the desire of parents to have fewer but better educated children, which may foster economic development. Second, the government should sometimes postpone the introduction of an economic policy in order to maintain the process of economic development, although such a policy aims to implement the social optimum. Third, status can alter the dynamic path of the economy and help to explain the facts about fertility during the great transition.
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Gorfin, Vladislav L., et Alexander M. Rybakov. « RUSSIA’S ROLE IN THE STRUGGLE FOR THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES ». Historical Search 2, no 2 (25 juin 2021) : 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2021-2-2-5-12.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the article the authors show the place of Russia in the struggle for the independence of the United States. They reveal the concept of «military neutrality», its essence and content. They define the basic principles of the world colonial system in the XVIII century, the foundations of interrelation between world powers and their colonies. They identify the priorities and interests for the development of foreign policy relations. They establish causal links between the war of the North American colonies of Great Britain for their independence and the policies of a number of European powers (Russia, Great Britain, France), as well as the consequences to which it led.
The article considers the history of the struggle for independence and the formation of a new state of the United States of America, the development of foreign policy relations. The authors focus on the history of Russian-American relations in the second half of the XVIII century in the political aspect, and emphasize the increasing penetration of Russia’s influence in the scientific and cultural spheres which directly influenced and enriched the two countries. The relations between Russia and the United States and their history are studied. The history of relations between Russia and Great Britain is shown. The authors analyze the history of attempts to involve the Russian Empire in the war on the side of Great Britain, the position of the Russian government and Catherine II, as well as their attitude to these attempts.
The authors give prominence to a number of world political figures and note their personal contribution to the process of struggle for independence and the further development of the United States of America. Unknown moments of their biographies are revealed.
Conclusions are drawn about the role and the place of the leading countries of the period under study in the struggle for freedom and independence of the future superpower.
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هاني زامل مهنا العبدلي, هاني زامل مهنا العبدلي. « Diplomatic Relations between Yemen and the united kingdom in the reign of Imam Ahmad Hamidualdin (1948-1962) ». journal of King Abdulaziz University Arts And Humanities 28, no 14 (15 mai 2020) : 187–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.4197/art.28-14.5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
this paper deals with the Anglo Yemeni diplomatic relations in the time of Imam Ahmed Hami dualdin. This relation was governed by tow deferent contradicted aspects: 1- the desperate need of Imam Ahmed to the British support 2- the claim of the Yemen government over Aden and the British protectorate. A descriptive and analytical historical method was used to reach a fair understanding to such relations. The study concluded that the political circumstances which Prevailed in Yemen at that time forces Imam Ahmed to use that kind of policy toward Great Britain.