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1
Esterhues, Jan. « Die Gemeindegebietsreform im Raum Münster von 1975 ein Beitrag zur handlungsorientierten politisch-geographischen Konfliktforschung / ». Münster : Geographische Kommission für Westfalen, 2005. http://books.google.com/books?id=uKCAAAAAMAAJ.
Texte intégral
2
Khan, Taj Moharram. « Central-local government relations in Pakistan since 1979 ». Thesis, University of Leeds, 1996. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/272/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores the pattern of relationship of local government institutions in Pakistan with the higher level of governments, particularly with the provincial governments, under whose jurisdictional purview they fall. Pakistan is a federation where the provinces are empowered to legislate on various aspects of the working of local councils. Despite being a provincial subject, the influence of the central government under both the military and civilian regimes has also been immense. To analyse this, field work was undertaken in two provinces of Pakistan (the Punjab and the N-W. F. P). In each a district was selected (Gujrat and Mardan respectively) and the working of their municipalities and district councils were studied in the context of the impact of party-politics, the administrative control exercised, and the implications of financial decisions taken by the higher levels of government. Part one of the thesis describes the origin and development of local government in the South Asian sub-continent, particularly an analysis of the initiatives taken for their growth by military and civilian regimes during the years preceding independence. Part two consists of the case studies of four local councils and an analysis of the provincial-local government relations under the present Local Government Ordinance of 1979 introduced by General Mohammad Zia-ul Haque. Part three reflects the concerns and recommendations of experts and those involved in the working of local government in Pakistan. The conclusions drawn from the thesis material show that, though local government institutions have been operating in an environment of political expediency and without assistance from the general political cultural background, they have been able to make positive contributions to the development of democracy and to the provision of local services for the general welfare of the people. Local government in Pakistan has suffered from gaps between theory and practice, public statements and practical realities, and a pervasive political context which has neglected the development of services. There has been a tendency to proclaim the virtues of local government in theory and to make promises to support local institutions but in practice to do much less and to continue with practices which do not enable local government and its services to flourish. The clearest exemplification of this is that periods of martial law, where democracy at a national level has been imperilled, have seen the positive encouragement of local government and local democracy as a means of gaining popular support for the regime. In contrast, in periods of democratic central government, local institutions have proved to be obstacles to central authority, and they have been neglected or abused in favour of a more bureaucratic mode of governing. Both military and civilian rulers have manipulated local institutions for their own benefit. The outcome has been that the relationship between centre and provinces and the provinces and the local institutions has never been balanced or fully articulated. At the local level, as illustrated in the case studies, the consequences has been a lower level of civic amenity than is either desirable or what local persons know is practicable with a more stable institutional base. The past record of the cases studied shows that, despite the impact of local and national politics, real progress had been made in services and in developing local democracy
3
Choi, Ho-Taek. « Central-local government fiscal relations in South Korea the impact of central government grants on local authorities' finance / ». Thesis, Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.311609.
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4
Bonte, Achim. « Werbung für Weimar ? » Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2013. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-105392.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Das Werk ist die leicht überarbeitete Fassung der Dissertation, die 1995 mit dem Titel "Kommunalverwaltung und Verfassungswandel. Öffentlichkeitsarbeit von Großstadtverwaltungen in der Weimarer Republik" eingereicht wurde.
Die Studie beschäftigt sich mit der nach der Revolution von 1918/19 erstmals breit institutionalisierten großstädtischen Öffentlichkeitsarbeit. Sie untersucht Umfang, Medieneinsatz und Kommunikationsstile sowie die zentralen Botschaften der Rathausinitiativen. Der Leser erhält Aufschluß über die politischen Auffassungen und Prinzipien der kommunalen Spitzenbeamten und die Haltung der großen Kommunalverwaltungen zur Weimarer Republik. Als konkrete Beispiele werden in erster Linie Düsseldorf und Mannheim herangezogen.
5
Kösecik, Muhammet. « Central-local government relations in the Thatcher years (1979-1990) ». Thesis, University of Leeds, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390968.
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6
Bonte, Achim. « Werbung für Weimar ? : Öffentlichkeitsarbeit von Großstadtverwaltungen in der Weimarer Republik ». Palatium-Verlag, 1997. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A2837.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Das Werk ist die leicht überarbeitete Fassung der Dissertation, die 1995 mit dem Titel 'Kommunalverwaltung und Verfassungswandel. Öffentlichkeitsarbeit von Großstadtverwaltungen in der Weimarer Republik' eingereicht wurde.
Die Studie beschäftigt sich mit der nach der Revolution von 1918/19 erstmals breit institutionalisierten großstädtischen Öffentlichkeitsarbeit. Sie untersucht Umfang, Medieneinsatz und Kommunikationsstile sowie die zentralen Botschaften der Rathausinitiativen. Der Leser erhält Aufschluß über die politischen Auffassungen und Prinzipien der kommunalen Spitzenbeamten und die Haltung der großen Kommunalverwaltungen zur Weimarer Republik. Als konkrete Beispiele werden in erster Linie Düsseldorf und Mannheim herangezogen.:Vorwort S. 7
I Einleitung S. 9
II Die Aufgaben und Ausgangsbedingungen großstädtischer Öffentlichkeitsarbeit in der Weimarer Republik S. 23
III Zeitgenössische Entwürfe und Erscheinungsformen kommunaler Öffentlichkeitsarbeit S. 41
1 Die Entwicklung der materiellen Voraussetzungen S. 41
1.1 Die Institutionen S. 41
1.1.1 Die städtischen Pressestellen (1906-1933) S. 41
1.1.2 Die 'Arbeitsgemeinschaft städtischer Nachrichten und Presseämter' (1921-1932) S. 50
1.1.3 Das Engagement des Deutschen Städtetages (1928-1933) S. 56
1.2 Das Fachpersonal S. 62
1.3 Die Medien S. 67
1.3.1 Wegbereiter und Widerpart: Die Privatpresse S. 67
1.3.2 Bewährungs- und Schlüsselstunden: Öffentliche Rede S. 71
1.3.3 Wirksame 'Sprachrohre'? Kommunale Zeitschriften S. 77
1.3.4 Die neuen Medien als Königsweg? Filme und Hörfunksendungen S. 87
1.3.5 Multimediale Verdichtungen: Städtische Ausstellungen, Fest- und Gedenktage S. 95
2 Die Bewertung der Aufgaben S. 10
2.1 Der Grundkonflikt: 'reine Information' versus politische Meinungsbildung S. 103
2.2 Die Inhalte der Meinungsbildung S. 111
3 Kennzeichen der Kommunikationswege S. 118
3.1 Sprachliche Kommunikation S. 118
3.2 Politische Symbolik und symbolische Politik S. 127
4 Zusammenfassung S. 138
IV Lokale Gesamtansichten - Kommunale Öffentlichkeitsarbeit in Düsseldorf und Mannheim S. 143
1 Die Städteprofile S. 143
2 Die Oberbürgermeister und ihre Mitarbeiter S. 161
3 Organisation, Stellenwert und Zielkonzepte von Öffentlichkeitsarbeit S. 179
4 Grundsignaturen der praktizierten Öffentlichkeitsarbeit S. 201
4.1 'Arbeiten und nicht verzweifeln!': Durchhalteappelle und politische Verwirrung in der Amtszeit Köttgens 1919-1923 S. 201
4.2 Wer bürgt für die Zukunft? Mutlosigkeit und politischer Stillstand in der Ära Kutzer 1918-1928 S. 206
4.3 „Düsseldorf wieder dem Licht entgegen!': Zivilisatorischer Fortschritt und politischer Rückmarsch bei Robert Lehr 1924-1929 S. 219
4.4 Unterwegs zur 'lebendigen Stadt': Aufbruchsstimmung und politischer Neuansatz bei Hermann Heimerich 1928/29 S. 234
4.5 Bankrott der neuen Zeiten: Heimerich und Lehr in der Wirtschafts- und Staatskrise 1930-1933 S. 245
5 Indikatoren und Elemente von Politischer Kultur S. 267
5.1 Die politischen Sprachen und Symbole S. 267
5.2 Alte und neue Kräfte oder die Spannung zwischen Ordnung und Freiheit S. 272
5.2.1 Elite und 'Masse' S. 274
5.2.2 Stadtverwaltung, Parteien und Parteienparlament S. 280
5.3 Geschichtsdeutungen und Zukunftsvisionen S. 283
5.3.1 Der Weltkrieg S. 283
5.3.2 Die deutsch-französischen Beziehungen S. 288
V Schluss S. 295
Abkürzungsverzeichnis S. 301
Verzeichnis der Tabellen und Abbildungen S. 303
Quellen- und Literaturverzeichnis S. 305
Personen- und Ortsregister S. 327
7
Carmichael, Paul. « Central-local government relations in the 1980s : Glasgow and Liverpool compared ». Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.262030.
Texte intégral
8
Chow, Sin-yin. « The central-local relationship in Guangdong and Fujian : a comparative approach / ». Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2002. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B25018000.
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9
Hoffman, Barak Daniel. « Political accountability at the local level in Tanzania ». Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3229904.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed October 11, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 223-232).
10
Chow, Sin-yin, et 鄒倩賢. « The central-local relationship in Guangdong and Fujian : a comparative approach ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31953451.
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11
Bradbury, Jonathan Paul. « The 1929 Local Government Act : the formulation and implementation of the Poor Law (health care) and Exchequer Grant reforms for England and Wales (outside London) ». Thesis, University of Bristol, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/0912f869-b9d3-4394-bfd9-59d184518f74.
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Herman, John E. « National integration and regional hegemony : the political and cultural dynamics of Qing State Expansion, 1650-1750 / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10519.
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Haworth, Peter Daniel. « Community and federalism in the American political tradition ». Connect to Electronic Thesis (ProQuest) Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2008. http://worldcat.org/oclc/454044697/viewonline.
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14
Frank, Jonas. « Decentralization in Ecuador actors, institutions, and incentives / ». Baden-Baden [Germany] : Nomos, 2007. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/154685356.html.
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15
BOLLEYER, Nicole. « Internal government dynamics and the nature of intergovernmental relations : constraints and corridors of organizational adaptation in federal systems ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7039.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 7 May 2007Examining Board: Prof. Tanja A. Börzel (Free University of Berlin) ; Prof. Adrienne Héritier (European University Institute) ; Prof. Peter Mair (European University Institute) ; Prof. Alberta Sbragia (University of Pittsburgh)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Over the past decades, governments have increasingly been confronted with problems that transcend their boundaries. A multitude of policy fields are affected, including environment, trade and security. Responding to the challenges triggered by Europeanization and globalization, governments increasingly interact across different spheres of authority. Both theoretically and empirically, the puzzle of institutional choice reflected by the variety of arrangements in which intergovernmental cooperation takes place inside individual countries and across their borders remains surprisingly under-explored. In an attempt to solve this puzzle, the dissertation tackles the following questions: Why are the intergovernmental arrangements governments set up to deal with boundary-crossing problems so different? To what extent do these institutional differences affect the effectiveness of intergovernmental cooperation? To address this gap theoretically and empirically, this book adopts a deductive, rationalist approach to institution-building. It argues that internal politics, the type of executive-legislative relations within the interacting governments, explains the nature of institutions set up to channel intergovernmental processes: while power-sharing governments engage in institution-building, power-concentrating governments avoid it. It also shows that these institutional choices matter for the output of intergovernmental cooperation. The approach is applied to Canada, Switzerland, the United States, and finally the European Union. Disaggregating individual government units, the theoretical approach reveals how intragovernmental micro-incentives drive macro-dynamics and thereby addresses the neglect of horizontal dynamics in multilevel systems. The willingness and capacity of lower-level governments to solve collective problems on their own and to oppose central encroachment are crucial to understand the power distribution in different systems and their long-term evolutions.
16
Kim, Suhee. « Central control and local government performance in the context of fiscal crises : the South Korean experience ». Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/21031.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Rescued from Japanese colonization after 36 years, Korea resumed independence as The Republic of Korea in 1948 grounded on liberal democracy. The democratic institution promised a system of separation of power, democratic rights and freedom for all people. In this context, local autonomy was experimented with but soon ceased due to internal instability and local government was suspended until the 1990s. Institutionally Korean central government undertook a steady shift toward decentralization over the past two decades or so, but that shift has more recently been tempered by the exercise of stronger central controls facing fiscal crises. This thesis argues that centralism is still a predominant ideology in intergovernmental relations despite the implementation of local autonomy. Central controls exhibited democratic change in some cases but the core nature of controlling local government has survived through institutional change appearing in different modes since the introduction of local autonomy. The democratic change in central control is declared to increase local autonomy. From this viewpoint, the democratic change in central control is assumed to improve the performance of local government based on the theory that the growth of local autonomy motivates local government to improve its performance. Financial crises were used to justify the revival of pervasive central controls. So this thesis is concerned with the relationship between central control and local performance in the context of fiscal crisis, whose focus is driven by the experience of fiscal crises over recent years in Korea. An extensive statistical analysis, drawing on a unique data base, reveals that, despite the local autonomy rhetoric, overall current central controls have a negative link with local government performance. Democratic change of central controls has not significantly improved the performance of local government. This evidence supports the view that even after the revival of local autonomy in Korea; central control plays a role of regulator rather than a role of constructive engagement with local government and emphasises institutional stability. Thus central government has not yet developed the creative potential of democratic local government and should more positively make an effort to establish democratic central-local government relations.
17
Chow, Hang, et 周恆. « Central-local relations, land development, and local public finance in China : a case study of Guangdong province ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/199861.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since the late 1990s, local governments in China have been relying heavily on land, which is a state-owned asset in urban area, to generate a significant amount of extra-budgetary revenue. Whilst this striking phenomenon has attracted numerous academic attentions, not many literatures shed the light on the process of central-local interactions. Adopting the procedural approach, this study examines the central-local fiscal and policy relations in the context of land finance.
Taking the evidence from Guangdong province, this study understands the central-local relations as a process of policy interactions. After the central’s attempt to recentralize the fiscal resources of local governments in the mid-1990s, localities have been facing fiscal stress, which led them to rely heavily on land conveyance income, an extra-budgetary revenue in order to complement the fiscal shortage in budgetary account. However, a series of socioeconomic consequences of local fervent land development have attracted frequent central interventions. The most noticeable example is the housing macro-regulations introduced in light of the soaring housing prices.
The example of the housing macro-regulations rejected the classic centrist model of the central-local relations in China, which implies a zero-sum game. On the contrary, in face of an issue influencing the conflicting core interests of both actors, both the powers of central and local governments were intensified to the extent that no one single actor will totally win over another. The powers of the central and local governments were also mutually transformed in the course of the game. It is argued that local governments display a sense of resistance against the central interventions as they have strong interests in land and real estate industry after tax sharing reform. On the other hand, it is unlikely for the central government to give concession to local governments as the failure to alleviate the consequences of land finance may cause public discontent and even political crises.
The possible outcome is either a “win-win” situation or loss for both actors. To avoid a negative-sum outcome, collaboration and compromise are recommended. The centre is urged to address the root problem of misalignment of revenue and expenditure and to institutionalize the relationship between the centre and subnational governments.published_or_final_version
China Development Studies
Master
Master of Arts in China Development Studies
18
Johnson, Kevin. « Subnational economic development in federal systems : the case of Western Australia ». University of Western Australia. School of Earth and Geographical Sciences, 2006. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0014.
Texte intégralRésumé :
[Truncated abstract] The objectives of this study are threefold: Firstly, to consider the relevance (to subnational state development) and adaptability (to globalisation) of federalism from a Western Australian perspective. Secondly, to consider the way in which various State Governments in Western Australia have implemented economic development policies to benefit from the global political economy. Finally, it proposes alternative mechanisms for guiding long-term economic development policy decision-making in Western Australia. This final objective is addressed in light of the findings of the first two. It is recognised that incremental changes are possible in full knowledge of the embedded nature of the policy-making process in Western Australia . . . In the case of Western Australia, subnational autonomy does not herald the end of the nationstate so much as a new stage in globalisation. In terms of how the Western Australian State Government attracts capital and labour investment, its history as an independent colony and its physical isolation from the other colonies have created the initial conditions that frame the policy-making process, which includes a set of drivers influencing the decisions that are made by State agents. Overall, the State Government continues to reinforce the State’s role as a peripheral resource supplier to the national and global political economy. Within this context, however, alternative strategies can be proposed that may contribute to the long-term sustainable development of the State’s economy.
19
Krantz, Tobias. « Makten över regionen en idékritisk studie av svensk regiondebatt, 1963-1996 / ». Uppsala : [Distribution, Uppsala University Library], 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/50192677.html.
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Ehn, Wolter. « Mötet mellan centralt och lokalt studier i uppländska byordningar / ». Uppsala : Dialekt- och folkminnesarkivet, 1991. http://books.google.com/books?id=LJAZAAAAIAAJ.
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Vasilevskaya, Marina. « The phenomenon of federalism division of authorities, intrastate stability, and international behavior / ». Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2008.
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22
Koti, Francis Tama. « Production of urban space in Kenya central-local government power relations in mediating space in Athi River town / ». Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2000. http://etd.wvu.edu/templates/showETD.cfm?recnum=1319.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A.)--West Virginia University, 2000.Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains x, 90 p. : ill., maps (some col.). Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 82-90).
23
Lidström, Anders. « Discretion : an art of the possible : education committees in the Swedish system of government ». Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 1991. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-62936.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Discretion is commonly analyzed as the scope for choice set by formal superiors. This study aims at developing an alternative theory of discretion which also takes into account the assumptions of the actors in implementing positions. The theory is constructed with the purpose of being an empirical tool for analyzing discretion on a nation-wide basis and in a central-local government context. It concerns two main questions: to what extent does discretion vary and how can this variation be explained? The theory section concludes with a number of empirically testable hypotheses. The concept of discretion is defined as the scope for choice available to actors, in formally subordinate positions, vis-à-vis their superiors. It is seen as a special case of autonomy, as it is attributed to subordinates and primarily concerns one dimension of autonomy, namely freedom of action. In the second half of the study, the theory is applied empirically to the discretion available to Swedish local government Education Committees. A questionnaire study of all Education Committee Chairpersons and Chief Education Officers and in-depth interviews of a selected sample of these have been undertaken. The empirical study clearly indicates that there is variation in discretion. In spite of the uniformity of the system of governing local education, it is found that the limits for discretion are set differently by different Education Committee representatives. The variation follows a pattern which has been, at least partly, reconstructed. Variables which appear as important in explaining variation include: the extent to which the control system is regarded as efficient; the size and population density of the local authority; and individual traits such as length of experience and gender. However, our analysis also shows that these explanations are more valid in certain contexts than in others, which points the way for further research.digitalisering@umu
24
Ryynänen, Aimo. « Kunnan tehtävien lakisääteistäminen tutkimus lakisääteistämisen vaikutuksista kunnan toimintaan, hallinto-organisaatioon ja valtionvalvontaan / ». Tampere : Tampereen yliopisto, 1986. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/22006812.html.
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Li, Jing. « Policy coordination in China the cases of infectious disease and food safety policy / ». Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2010. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B43703823.
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Issa, Abdul-hakim Ameir. « Decentralisation in SADC countries :transformation and challenges of decentralisation ». Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2004. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study focussed on the transformation of the institutions of local government from deconcentration, delegation to devolution. This transformation can be looked at starting with the institutions inherited from the colonial era, which started after the Berlin Conference of 1884, which divided Africa among the western powers. Then the transformation, which took place immediately after independencethat is the period of 1960s, the changes made in the 1980s and finally the transformation taking place following the multiparty democracy in the 1990s. The study looked at decentralisation during the colonial period
decentralisation after independence, with a particular focus on the institutions under a single party system
transformation of local government under multiparty system. It also examined the challenges facing decentralisation in the SADC region.
27
Littler, S. M. « The centralising paradigm in central-local government relations : The case of the State housing policy implementation in Wales 1974-1983 ». Thesis, Cardiff University, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.373882.
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Bakar, Ismail H. « Fiscal federalism : the study of federal-state fiscal relations in Malaysia ». Thesis, University of Hull, 2004. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:5603.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The subject of fiscal federalism has been associated for many years with economics, in particular with the study of public finance. However, its political dimension is often neglected. This is the case in the conventional study of fiscal federalism in Malaysia, which focuses on the economic perspective. The aim of this thesis is to examine the design, implementation and problem of fiscal federalism in Malaysia as a political process in promoting national integration and the unity of the federation. This research is based on an intrinsic case study approach as the subject of fiscal federalism attracts strong public interest, which requires an in-depth study of the case. In doing this research, a combination of narrative report, statistical analysis and interview has been used. One of the significant findings of this research is that the design of fiscal federalism in Malaysia is essentially based not on the federal spirit, but on the strong central government theme imposed by the colonial authority concomitant to the historical and political background to the formation of the federation. As a result, today, fiscal federalism displays a federal bias and mounting centripetal forces, even to the extent of coercion on the states, making the federal government grow bigger and more dominant, financially and politically. Thus, the working of fiscal federalism depends not on what is enshrined in the Constitution and federal spirit but on centre-state political interactions. If states' politics are not affiliated with the ruling political party that control the federal government, federal-state fiscal relations will be strained. The effects are felt in petroleum royalties payments, disbursement of grants, borrowing and other form of fiscal 'sanction' imposed by federal executive supremacy. On the other hand, if the states are ruled by the same political party, they become financially complacent. To all intents and purposes, the exclusive control of revenue sources by the centre has enabled the federal government to prevent most states from falling to the opposition party, thus ensuring a majority in parliament. The outcome is that the states are subordinated and subservient to the centre and hence the futures of the states are subject to the federal government's 'unilateral action'. In the long run, Malaysia is moving towards becoming a unitary state. This is the antithesis of the federal spirit, and thus becomes a threat to the federation. Therefore, fiscal federalism is a crucial acid test of the viability of any federation. Fortunately, thus far, Malaysian federalism had passed the test, though the states find more pain than gain. In the final analysis, this thesis suggests that structural reform of the federal-states' financial arrangements should be undertaken in order to strengthen the states' finances and subsequently reduce the states' dependence on the largesse of the federal government for funds.
29
Puwani, Linda Eric. « The role of inter-governmental relations in the local economic development processes of the Cacadu District Municipality ». Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1006264.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The primary aim of this study was to examine the role of inter-governmental relations in the local economic development processes of the Cacadu district municipality. The sample for the study was selected from Cacadu District Municipality, with five respondents participating in the survey. A qualitative methodology was used in the data collection and item analysis. This showed that the research instrument had good reliability. The literature review reveals that municipal local economic development in South Africa does not rely exclusively on competition. The Cacadu district municipality developed an inter-governmental relations policy that outlines the inter-governmental system and structures that need to be established in the district. In terms of this policy, a number of inter-governmental structures were established, ranging from the Cacadu District Mayor’s forum through Communications and AIDS structures to the Integrated Development Planning and LED Forums. Apart from the Local Economic Development (LED) forum, the findings of this study reveal that there are two further LED-related structures in the Cacadu District Municipality (CDM), namely: an operational District Support Team and a Rural Economic Development Initiative. The co-ordination takes place at the IDP forum, during the IDP processes, and at the Mayor’s and Municipal Managers’ forum. During the time of the research, the CDM was reviewing its economic growth and development strategy. The findings of the study suggest that the district is moving away from planning for isolated local economic development projects. The case study of Camdeboo Satellite Aquaculture Project (CSAP) illustrates the impact of inter-governmental relations and co-ordination in the Cacadu District Municipality. The design of the Project took place between November 2007 and June 2008.A detailed Business Plan for both farming and factory operations over a ten-year period has been compiled and subjected to a thorough evaluation by the CSAP Project Steering Committee, which includes the Industrial Development Corporation, the Development Bank of South Africa, the Eastern Cape Development Corporation and Department of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries – with financial support from Thina Sinako (a joint venture between the European Union and the Eastern Cape provincial Treasury).
30
Daly, G. « Housing politics and pressure groups : The impacts of central-local government relations and reformers on American public housing policy, 1933-1953 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.372649.
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Barlow, John Robert. « Central-local government relations : the role of finance in influencing local policy-making in education and housing in England, with special reference to the period 1974-1982 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.360510.
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Bünte, Marco. « Regionale Autonomie in Indonesien : Wege zur erfolgreichen Dezentralisierung / ». Hamburg : Inst. für Asienkunde, 2003. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/379551268.pdf.
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Yao, Ming-Hung. « Fiscal Decentralization and Public Sector Employment : A Cross-Country Analysis ». unrestricted, 2007. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07282007-171452/.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2007.Title from title screen. Jorge L. Martinez-Vazquez, committee chair; Michael B. Binford, Neven T. Valev, Sally Wallace, Yongsheng Xu, committee members. Electronic text (134 p. : ill.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Oct. 4, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 125-133).
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Xi, Jinrui. « The King Arrives : Chinese Government Inspections and Their Effects ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1011819/.
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This dissertation studies a critical facet of Chinese politics, inspections by higher Chinese government to villages. Principally, it looks at how village economic development determines government inspection decisions and how inspections, once conducted, impact village politics. Specifically, I argue that villages perceived as destabilizing to the Chinese regime, villages with higher levels of economic inequality and villages located at the two extremes of economic development, should see more inspections. In addition, I argue that inspections, in return, drive village politics: they increase village leaders' governing efficacy and raise villagers' political awareness. This theory has received strong support from both field work and quantitative empirical tests using the Chinese Household Income Project (2002) dataset.
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Li, Jing, et 李靜. « Policy coordination in China : the cases of infectious disease and food safety policy ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2010. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B43703823.
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張逸峯 et Yat-fung Cheung. « Modernization and rural politics in Hong Kong ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2004. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B27772718.
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Dang, Thi an lien. « L'amélioration des relations entre l'administration et les citoyens au Vietnam ». Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30073.
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Pour être reconnu « citoyens », les Vietnamiens ont dû subir de longues années de guerre. Une République socialiste indépendante est créée et s’est développée mais la vie des citoyens est toujours difficile en raison notamment de la gestion de l’État à l’égard d’une économie planifiée suivant le modèle bureaucratique. Surmonter ces difficultés et améliorer la vie des citoyens deviennent des tâches urgentes pour l’État vietnamien. Cela a conduit à l’ouverture de Đổi mới (Renouveau) en 1986. Cette réforme économique en faveur du développement de l’économie de marché exige celle de l’administration, notamment en matière des formalités administratives. Cependant, il faut attendre jusqu’en 2001 pour avoir un premier programme de réforme administrative qui est appliqué dans tout ensemble du pays.L’exécution de ces réformes a apporté plusieurs changements dans tous les domaines pour le Vietnam, l’économie s’est développée et le niveau de vie des citoyens est de plus en plus important. Cependant, les inconvénients et les obstacles demeurent. Les citoyens sont toujours mécontents de la lenteur, de la lourdeur et de l’inefficacité de l’administration. De plus, l’adhésion du Vietnam à l’Organisation mondiale du Commerce (OMC), son intégration économique sur le plan national et international, l’élargissement des nouvelles technologies de l’information et de la communication constituent des enjeux forts et nouveaux pour un pays en voie de développement. Ainsi, l’administration doit être plus démocratique, simplifiée, transparente, puissante, professionnelle, moderne et efficace, et favorisant la participation des citoyens à son action afin de mieux répondre à leur nouvelles attentesTo be recognized as « citizens », Vietnamese people have had to under through years of war against foreign invaders. A socialist republic were created and developped, however its citizens have been always bearing difficulties caused the bureaucratic administration and a planned economy.Overcoming and improving citizen’s life standards become uttermost missions of the Government. These led to the Đổi mới (Renovation) in 1986 in Vietnam. The economic reform toward market economy required a similar reform in administrative mechanism, especially in administrative procedures. However, the first administrative reforms on national scale had not been started until 2001.These reforms have resulted in changes in all sectors in Vietnam, the economy develops and citizens’ life standard improved. Nevertheless, burdens and shortcomings are still there. Vietnam citizens are still dispointed by the slowness, heaviness and ineffectiveness of the administrative apparatus. Moreover, Vietnam’s accession to WTO, national and international economic integration, enhanced application of information technology are actually factors for development. Similarly, administration apparatus should be stronger, more democratic, simplified, transparent, professional, effective and modernized, so that it could promote citizen participation in its activities to meet their expectation
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Lawrence, Timothy James. « Devolution and collaboration in the development of environmental regulations ». Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1117560009.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xiv, 186 p.; also includes graphics. Includes bibliographical references (p. 133-139). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center
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Kolam, Kerstin. « Lokala organ i Norden 1968-1986 : från idé till verklighet ». Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 1987. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-67657.
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Neighbourhood councils are sub-municipal committees which operate within a geographically delimited area of a municipality or a municipal department. Their activities cover a single established policy area such as social services (single functioned committee) or several areas such as education, leisure, and social issues (multi-functioned committee). The thesis includes a comparative analysis of the origin, occurance, and performance of multi-functioned neighbourhood councils in Finland, Norway, and Sweden during the period 1968-1986. In the case of Denmark, the debate is analyzed and the question posed as to why neighbourhood councils were not introduced during this period.It is the interplay between a number of factors which determines how and why neighbourhood councils occur and in some cases endure and are developed further. The countries' traditions and characteristics - such as the size of the public sector and local government's share of it, size of municipalities, and political culture - are important in this context. Increased democracy and greater effectivity were the main aims of the reform and these have been achieved to some extent. The occurance of neighbourhood councils also means that participation, recruitment, articulation of demands, and communication between elector and elected are changed and somewhat improved. Where neighbourhood councils exist, greater consideration is given to geographical (rather than departmental) principles in the distribution and redistribution of services and welfare. Neighbourhood councils are clearly a source of further variation between and within the Nordic countries. It is, however, too early to judge whether the variation within countries will develop into inappropriate deviations from the principal of equal services for all or if they, on the contrary, are indications of greater future responsiveness.digitalisering@umu
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Bostedt, Göran. « Politisk institutionalisering : organisering av lokalt arbetsmiljöarbete ». Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 1991. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-62938.
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The ways of organizing political problem solving in society are not static. A pluralistic dynamic society requires a continious reconsideration and adaption of its political institutions, i.e. political institutionalization. Institutionalization demands prior organizing activities among actors for political aims. Organizing activities can be seen both internally, externally or between existing organisations and institutions . The degree of institutionalization reflects the organizing activities' survival capacity. The higher the degree of institutionalization the more likely it is that the organizing activity will become a formally based organisation or institution, or will change the dominating values of organisations or institutions. The degree of institutionalization is discussed using the concepts of adaptability, complexity, autonomy and flexibility. The thesis represents a problem-oriented implementation approach where individuals' joint ways of organizing problem- solving are the basis for analysis of both policy-realization and political institutionalization. Policy is defined as ideas and the ways of creating institutional arrangements in order to realize them. A "policy-problem", defined as the empirical question answered by examining the process of institutionalization, is used to study the policy-processes in the field of occupational safety and health. The ways in which individuals collectively organize in order to create a good working environment are studied using the concept of implementation structures. These are defined as phenomenological administrative units of analysis, i.e. groups of individuals empirically judged to take part in solving the policy problem.digitalisering@umu
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Adiki, Tovenim Koko. « Les chefferies traditionnelles africaines face à la dynamique des réformes territoriales : contribution à l'étude des processus de décentralisation ». Thesis, Perpignan, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PERP0053.
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Face à l'organisation traditionnelle des différentes sociétés Africaines, les processus de décentralisation en Afrique empruntent différents schémas contrairement aux processus observés dans les États modèles comme la France. Cette situation soulève des ambiguïtés juridiques lorsqu’il s’agit d’analyser les principes encadrant la décentralisation dans le contexte des jeunes Etats d'Afrique. La chefferie traditionnelle, qui s'avère être la seule organisation administrative territoriale Africaine originairement connue, fait l'objet d'une appréhension diversifiée. Passant d'une existence niée à un statut juridique quasi-accepté, cette institution reste, malgré tout, l'un des symboles identitaires des sociétés Africaines. Plutôt que de remettre en cause les modes d'organisation traditionnels des sociétés Africaines, ces derniers peuvent constituer un atout pour la décentralisation. Cette thèse, au-delà d’un bilan sur les processus de décentralisation en Afrique, se veut aussi prospective en offrant une mise à jour des institutions locales en Afrique subsaharienne dans le cadre des réformes territoriales entreprises ces dernières annéesFace of the traditional organization in Africa, you have different processes of decentralization which are not the same like in Europe. This situation makes some difficulties when we want to analyze the principles of the decentralization for the young States in Africa. The traditional chieftainship is the only African territorial administration originally known, which the object of diversified apprehension is. Even thought we have now an occidental system, our societies still depend on the traditional system present in Africa. But we don’t want to change the system of the decentralization, because they can help our country to achieve their goal. Face of this situation, the major issue of my PHD is to propose the reorganization of the local institutions, which can lead to change the territorial reform
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Lam, Chai Teng. « As relacoes entre a Constituicao da Republica Popular da China e a Lei Basica da Regiao Administrativa Especial de Macau ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2007. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1447911.
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Lam, Weng Tong. « As relacoes entre a Constituicao da Republica Popular da China, a Lei Basica da Regiao Administrativa Especial de Macau e a Lei de Producao Legislativa ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2007. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1636979.
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Fujihara, Shota. « Le système de gouvernement local dans le département des Hautes-Pyrénées sous le Régime napoléonien ». Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016TOU20088.
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Pendant longtemps, l’histoire de l’époque napoléonienne s’est presque toujours centrée autour de Napoléon lui-même. Cependant, depuis une trentaine d’années, plusieurs études importantes sur le Consulat et l’Empire ont vu le jour et sont en passe de renouveler l’histoire socio-politique de cette époque. Dans cette thèse, nous réexaminons la structure administrative centralisatrice instaurée pendant l’époque napoléonienne, qui représente un moment propice pour aborder les questions sur la première période de formation de l’État-Nation. Dans la première partie L’État-Nation et les notables, nous examinons la réalité du pouvoir local établi à l’époque napoléonienne. Pour cela, nous traitons de la sociologie des administrateurs et des notables qui composent le pouvoir local, puis nous analysons les relations entre ces notables et l’administration préfectorale en définissant le fonctionnement effectif des conseils et des municipalités communales. Dans la deuxième partie L’État-Nation et l’ordre local, l’époque napoléonienne se situant au début de la formation de l’État-Nation, nous abordons plusieurs domaines administratifs concernant directement la « sécurité », qui est une composante essentielle de l’État-Nation. En nous référant à ces domaines administratifs, nous examinons quel type de relation de pouvoir à triple niveau, pouvoir central, pouvoir local et peuple, a été construit et comment il a donné naissance au système du gouvernement local sous le régime napoléonien. Pour répondre à ces questions, nous avons choisi le département des Hautes-Pyrénées. En effet, pour relativiser l’évidence territoriale de la France d’un point de vue géographique et psychologique, la zone frontalière des Pyrénées est un cas intéressant pour notre étudeFor the longest time, Napoleon was the centerpiece of studies concerning the Napoleonic age. However, over the past thirty years, several important studies about the Consulate and the Empire have been shedding a new light on the socio-political history of this era. In this thesis, we review the administrative and centralizing structure established during the Napoleonic era, which represents a key period to discuss and observe the issues about the onset of the Nation-State. In the first part, The Nation-State and the notables, the reality of the local power established during the Napoleonic age is discussed. Initially, we explain the sociology of the local administrators and notables who compose the local power, then we analyse the relations between these notables and the prefectural administration by clearly defining the effective functioning of the councils instituted in each local administrative ward, and of the communal municipalities. In the second part, The Nation-State and the local order, we approach several administrative domains concerning the “security”, matters during the onset of the Nation-State. This thesis will set to define how these administrative domains have led to a three tier exerted power, central power, local power and people, which in turn constructed and gave birth to the local government system under the Napoleonic regime. To answer these questions, we choose the Hautes-Pyrenees department. Indeed, to relativize the territorial evidence of France geographically and psychologically, the border area of the Pyrenees is an interesting case for our study
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Crozier, Marguerite Nicole. « Cross-border tourism planning and development : the case of the Lake Gariep Initiative ». Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1668.
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The concept of cross-border tourism planning and cooperation is investigated in reference to the Lake !Gariep Initiative. The field of cross-border economic planning and integration is an area of increasing interest in regional development studies. The Lake Gariep Initiative is an initiative to promote cross-border planning and development around nature conservation, water resource management, economic development, poverty alleviation and tourism in the three municipalities that surround the Gariep Dam. The Gariep Dam, which is largest dam in South Africa, is surrounded by three provinces. The region is also economically and politically marginalised as it has a small, dispersed population and a marginal contribution to the broader regional economy. Under these circumstances the coordination of resources between municipalities to develop and promote the region has been identified as a key success factor for the region. The Lake Gariep Initiative although strongly supported locally has over ten years failed to be institutionalised. This study examines the Lake Gariep Initiative in terms of the origins of the concept and the key challenges that have been faced in establishing a cross-border, development entity. Findings are based on an assessment of documents on the formation of the LGI, interviews with stakeholders involved in the process and an assessment of critical success factors in reference to national and international case studies. This study provides a review of the key challenges, benefits and critical success factors for cross-border tourism development in relation to the Lake !Gariep Initiative.
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Trifu, Ioan. « Prefectural Governors in Post-War Japan : A Socio-Historical Approach ». Thesis, Lyon 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO20009.
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Le gouverneur japonais (chiji) est l’exécutif en chef du département, la plus grande division administrative au Japon. Conçue pendant l'ère Meiji comme l'un des principaux outils du contrôle central sur le Japon local, cette fonction a été radicalement modifiée après l'introduction de l'élection au suffrage universel direct comme nouveau mode de désignation par les forces d’Occupation dans la période de l'après-guerre. A la connexion entre le niveau national et local, et légitimé par le suffrage populaire, le gouverneur est doté de larges pouvoirs dans le système de gouvernement local japonais. Ces conditions ont permis de renforcer le leadership politique d’un gouverneur muni d'une forte autorité sur le département, tout en étant en contact direct avec le gouvernement central, en tant qu’exécutif en chef de la plus haute division locale du Japon. De nombreuses caractéristiques de la fonction (le succès électoral des bureaucrates et la relation particulière avec les partis politiques notamment) sont toutefois les résultats d’un phénomène de « dépendance au sentier » (path-dependence), peu à peu remodelées sous l’effet des frictions produites par les réformes décentralisatrices de la période de l'Occupation dans un cadre encore largement centralisateur.Sur la base de travaux de recherche à la fois quantitatifs et qualitatifs, cette étude analyse la transformation de la fonction de gouverneur au cours de l'après-guerre d'une position bureaucratique à une charge politique, ses évolutions et les conséquences de celles-ci sur la politique japonaise au niveau local et nationalThe Japanese governor (chiji) is the executive head of the prefecture, the largest administrative division in Japan. Conceived during the Meiji as one of the main tools of the central control on local Japan, this position was been radically modified after the introduction of direct election by the Allied Occupation authority in the post-war period. At the connection between the national and local level, and legitimized by public election, the governor is endowed with substantial powers in the Japanese local government system. These conditions have strengthened the capacity of local leadership of the governor provided with a strong authority over the prefecture. Numerous characteristics of the position, the success of bureaucrats and the particular relation with political parties notably, are however path-dependent elements, gradually reshaped by the frictions produced by the reforms of the Occupation period. Based on both quantitative and qualitative research works, this study analyses the transformation of the post-war governorship from a bureaucratic position to a political office, its evolution and its consequences on Japanese politics at both local and national level
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Chen, Chun-Fung. « The politics of renewable energy in China : towards a new model of environmental governance ? » Thesis, University of Bath, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.665423.
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The use of renewable energy as part of the solution for stabilising global warming has been promoted in industrialised countries for the past three decades. In the last ten years, China, a non-democratic and less-developed state, has implemented non-hydro alternative energy sources through top-down, technology-oriented measures and expanded its renewable energy capacity with unprecedented speed and breadth. This phenomenon seems to contradict to the principle of orthodox environmental governance, in which stakeholder participation is deemed as necessary condition for effective policy outcomes. Given that little research has been conducted on environmental politics in an authoritarian context, I first set out to explore the role of the Chinese state in enabling transformation of the renewable energy sector and to understand the ways in which policy elites seek to introduce developmental state and ecological modernisation strategy in the policy area. Second, by adopting principal-agent theory, I explicate how the governance mechanisms have been deployed and how challenges of the expansion of the sector in the governance system with a large territory have being mitigated. Based upon news reports, policy documents, and interviews with 32 provincial officials, business leaders, academic researchers, and NGO practitioners in two subnational governments, I argue that the renewable energy development in China is governed through a hybrid mode of environmental policy model that uses, upon the existing developmental state regime, ecological modernisation as a policy paradigm, which is partially incorporated in the process. Ultimately, I examine in this thesis the possibility of an alternative form of environmental governance in which renewable energy can be diffused in a less-participatory manner, with more direct controls and target-oriented state intervention measures. This thesis challenges the orthodox assumption that the inclusive mode of governance are the only capable form of environmental governance that reaches desired policy outcomes of renewable energy deployment.
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Chauvel, Jeanne. « La question du Grand Paris (2001-2012) ». Thesis, Paris 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA020079/document.
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Le Grand Paris est une utopie en 2001, utopie qui va jouer un rôle moteur dans le changement de l’ordre institutionnel francilien de l’aménagement du territoire dans la décennie (2001-2012). Cette idée se manifeste dans trois processus menés conjointement : 1. une politique de coopération entre élus locaux mise en place par la Ville de Paris dès 2001 ; 2. un projet d’aménagement du territoire dès 2004 avec la révision du schéma directeur d’Ile-de-France, et dès 2008 avec un projet gouvernemental d’aménagement ; 3. un projet de réforme institutionnelle de changement d’échelle avec la création d’un gouvernement métropolitain. L’idée Grand Paris se matérialise par la mise en oeuvre d’un gigantesque réseau de transports publics autour de Paris depuis2010 et par une institution métropolitaine en 2014. Ces réalisations trouvent leurs racines dans les luttes institutionnelles et politiques de la décennie 2000.Cette monographie sur le Grand Paris illustre la problématique du changement d’échelle en contexte de forte concurrence entre métropoles mondiales. A travers l’analyse du système d’acteurs publics (en particulier la Ville de Paris, les maires de l’agglomération, le Conseil régional d’Ile-de-France et l’Etat), il s’agit de comprendre quels sont les usages du Grand Paris par ces acteurs,comment se construisent leurs représentations, et quels sont les blocages institutionnels contre la montée en puissance de l’échelon politique métropolitain. On montrera que l’on peut combiner utilement les trois variables d’analyse du changement que sont les intérêts, les idées et les institutions pour comprendre ce que révèle le problème public « Grand Paris » de l’évolution des relations entre l’Etat, la ville de Paris et le Conseil régional d’Ile-de-FranceThe Greater Paris in in 2001 an utopia. However this planning vision for Paris has brought major changes to the Ile-de-France governance regarding urban development from 2001 to 2012. Three processes jointly carried out illustrate this idea: 1- Since 2001 the City of Paris has been encouraging cooperation between local elected representatives. 2- The Ile-de-France regional development plan has been reviewed since 2004 and as of 2008 a governmental urban development project has been formulated. 3- A new governance project which includes the creation of a metropolitan government has been discussed. The Greater Paris project has led to a new ambitious public transportation plan for its suburbs (2010) and the creation of a metropolitan government(2014). All of these achievements are the result of institutional and political conflicts from the last decade.This monography on the Greater Paris illustrates the issue of urban change of scale in thecontext of increased competition between cities. It aims at understanding the standpoints of public actors (the City of Paris, local mayors, the Ile-de-France region, the State): how they intend to use the Greater Paris idea, how they build up their representations of it and what are the institutional resistance against a metropolitan government. The analytical frame of this study combines three change variables - interests, ideas and institutions – to better understand how the Greater Paris project has changed the regional governance (2001-2012)
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Wustefeld, Sylvie. « La « gestion autonome » à l’épreuve du national-socialisme : Politique communale et opposition (1933 – 1945) : Carl Friedrich Goerdeler, Arthur Menge, Karl Strölin ». Thesis, Lyon 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO20092.
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L’auteur s’interroge sur la validité de la thèse de l’État double du juriste Ernst Fraenkel pour l’administration communale dans l’Allemagne national-socialiste. Il cherche à mettre en évidence l’existence d’un réseau de sociabilité entre trois maires de grandes villes ayant été impliqués dans l’action du mouvement du 20 juillet 1944. Le lien entre l’implication des trois maires dans leur travail dans l’administration communale et leurs motivations pour se détourner du régime hitlérien est analysé. Une place particulière est accordée au principe de la « gestion autonome », base de l’administration communale allemande au début du XXe siècleThe author analyzes the validity of the theory of the dual state from the jurist Ernst Fraenkel for the municipal administration in Nazi Germany. She tries to prove the existence of a network of sociability between three big city mayors who have been involved in the Movement of the 20th of July 1944. The link between the involvement of the three mayors in their daily work in the municipal administration and their motivation to turn the back on the Hitler regime is shown. Particular attention is paid to the principle of "self-government", the basis of German municipal administration in the early twentieth century
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BORZEL, Tanja A. « The Domestic Impact of Europe : Institutional adaptation in Germany and Spain ». Doctoral thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5182.
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Defence date: 1 March 1999Examining Board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier (EUI, Supervisor) ; Prof. Yves Mény (EUI, Co-supervisor) ; Prof. Alberta Sbragia (University of Pittsburgh) ; Prof. Fritz W. Scharpf (Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
Tanja Borzel argues that the effect of Europeanization on the politics and institutions of the EU's member states depends on the degree of conflict between European and domestic norms and rules. The thesis examines the relationship between the central state and regions in Germany and Spain, showing how Europeanization has served to weaken the powers of the regions. In both countries, the regions were forced to cooperate more closely with the centre, but the institutional impact in the two countries has been strikingly different. In Germany the existing cooperative Federal system was reinforced, but in Spain the traditional competitive relationship between the levels of government could not continue. Europeanization has led to a significant change in the pattern of Spanish politics, turning rivalry into cooperation. This thesis thus presents an important analysis of the impact of Europeanization on domestic politics, and on the relationship between states and regions in particular.