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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Central-local government relations – Germany »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Central-local government relations – Germany"

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Wollmann, Hellmut. « Local Government and Politics in East Germany ». German Politics 11, no 3 (décembre 2002) : 153–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714001305.

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Алимухамедов, Сухроб, et Suhrob Alimuhamedov. « DECENTRALIZATION OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION : A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE EXPERIENCE OF THE REPUBLIC OF UZBEKISTAN AND FOREIGN COUNTRIES (BY THE EXAMPLE OF FRANCE AND THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY) ». Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 3, no 3 (10 juillet 2017) : 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_593fc343a74d88.99496618.

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The article provides a comparative analysis of the experience of the Republic of Uzbekistan in the sphere of decentralization of public administration, and developed countries such as France and Germany. The issues concerning organizational and legal support of decentralization of public administration in these countries were analyzed as well. The author has analyzed the stages of decentralization of public administration in France and its peculiarities; the administrative-territorial entities of the French Republic and their relations with the central authorities are also considered in present article. The powers of the Federation and the German federal land, as well as their relationships are considered. The article also studied the powers of the communities in Germany, as well as their relationships with each other, with the federal states and the federation. Moreover, the Institute of Federal enforcement in Germany as a means of control by the Federation is considered as well. The article contains the stages of the decentralization of public administration in the Republic of Uzbekistan, issues on the differentiation of powers between the central government and state authorities in the local areas. There are disclosed the powers of the authoritative local bodies, the issues of organizational and legal support to their activities, as well as their relationship with the central bodies of state administration. The article also shows the role and nature of self-government bodies in the process of decentralization of public administration in the Republic of Uzbekistan.
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Balcerek-Kosiarz, Marta. « Nowy kierunek badań ewolucji modeli samorządu terytorialnego w Niemczech z perspektywy procesu komunalizacji i dekomunalizacji ». Polityka i Społeczeństwo 18, no 2 (2020) : 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2020.2.7.

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The aim of the article is to indicate a new direction of research on the evolution of system models of local self-government in Germany in the perspective of communalization and de-communalization. Communalization can be used to explain legal regulations of a local government, which are similar to the South German model and, on the other hand, to explain how analogous regulations that strengthen the role of the legislative body, both in the municipal self-government and in the county self-government, function in the same federal states. De-communalization enables to investigate the role of starosta (Starost) in the organizational structure of county self-government. The core result of the study is the fact that on the basis of the three research criteria (geographic, historic, and the range of relations between legislative and executive bodies) the process of communalization of municipal self-governments and county self-governments in 11 federal states has been duly corroborated.
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Kuhlmann, Sabine. « Reforming Local Government in Germany : Institutional Changes and Performance Impacts ». German Politics 18, no 2 (juin 2009) : 226–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644000902870842.

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Handl, Vladimir, et William E. Paterson. « The continuing relevance of Germany’s engine for CEE and the EU ». Communist and Post-Communist Studies 46, no 3 (17 juillet 2013) : 327–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2013.06.007.

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The article looks first into the nature of the relations between Germany and the CEE countries a decade since the accession of the CEE countries to the EU. The relations are characterized as normalised and intensive with diverse levels of closeness and cooperation reflecting of the conceptual and ideological compatibility/differences. Next, the article focuses on the German attitude to the euro zone crisis. Germany has become a hegemon in the rescue effort aimed at stabilisation and economic invigoration of the euro zone. However, German hegemony has developed by default, not by design: her leading position is linked with considerable political and financial costs. Germany moved central stage and took the position of a reluctant hegemon. However, German role is contested internationally (it has not the support of the French government in key areas) as well as internally (particularly by the Federal Constitutional Court and the Bundesbank). The article argues that the new situation makes the German–CEE relations increasingly relevant for both sides. The German leadership of the EU increasing split along the north–south divide requires backing by the Northern group countries to which the CEE in general belongs. Given a number of reasons the CEE countries implement three distinctive strategies of co-operation with Germany in European politics. Also military co-operation, which remained rather limited so far, may receive new impulses, given the financial austerity.
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Gunlicks, Arthur B. « German Federalism and Recent Reform Efforts ». German Law Journal 6, no 10 (1 octobre 2005) : 1283–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200014322.

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In both the United States and Germany constitutional lawyers, politicians, and the attentive public speak of “dual federalism.” In the United States this means that the federal government and the states have separate political and administrative responsibilities and their own sources of revenues. In Germany, in contrast, dual federalism means that the federal government, i.e., the executive and legislative branches, are responsible for most legislation, and that the Länder (states; singular, Land) generally administer the laws (in large part through their local governments) on their own responsibility. In both federal systems “dual federalism” has been undermined if not replaced by “cooperative federalism,” generally associated with the New Deal era in the United States and the Finance Reform of 1969 in Germany. In the meantime “intergovernmental relations” has more or less replaced the concept of “cooperative federalism” in the United States, while Politikverflechtung (political/policy interconnection and coordination) is perhaps the more commonly used term in Germany today. In both cases the new terms reflect an interrelationship among federal, regional, and local levels that goes beyond mere cooperation.
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Petrosyan, Dzhemma V. « German foreign policy in the period of adaptation to the realities of the post-bipolar world ». Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 6, no 2 (2022) : 407–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2022-6-2-2.

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The transition from a bipolar to a post-bipolar system of international relations and the reunification of the FRG and the GDR in 1990 marked the beginning of a new stage in the history of Germany. The article examines the period of transformation and adaptation of the foreign policy of reunited Germany to the realities of the post-bipolar world order. The purpose of this study is to analyze the main directions of German foreign policy during the chancellorship of Helmut Kohl. At that time it was important for the FRG to strengthen stability and develop democracy in the territories of neighboring eastern countries. The position of the FRG in German-American relations had also changed. Reunited Germany became a strategically important partner of the United States in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and one of the central countries to initiate NATO expansion into Eastern Europe. Bilateral relations between Germany and Russia during the period under review developed in a positive way, since after the collapse of the USSR and the reunification of Germany both countries were in search of new foreign policy benchmarks. Providing a detailed description of the actions of the first government of reunited Germany in adapting the country to the new external conditions, the author concludes that a new geopolitical situation was formed in Europe after the reunification of the FRG and the GDR.
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KWAN, JONATHAN. « TRANSYLVANIAN SAXON POLITICS AND IMPERIAL GERMANY, 1871–1876 ». Historical Journal 61, no 4 (15 avril 2018) : 991–1015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000486.

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AbstractThis article investigates the potential influence of the newly formed Imperial Germany on Transylvanian Saxon politics. The Saxons were German-speaking settlers with long traditions of local autonomy and political privileges within the kingdom of Hungary. From the early eighteenth century, Saxon politics had been defined by its relations to Hungary and to the Habsburg monarchy as a whole. Under the dualist system set up in the 1867 Compromise, the Hungarian government exerted control over Transylvania. The unification of Germany in 1871 introduced a new factor into Saxon politics since there was a clear territorial subject for the indistinct notions of pan-German cultural, religious (Lutheran), and historical affinities. The issue of Saxon administrative and political autonomy, eventually removed by the Hungarian government in 1876, forms a case-study of Saxon politics and the place of Germany within it. There was a spectrum of responses, not simply increased German nationalism amongst Saxons, and the article traces the careers of Georg Daniel Teutsch, Jakob Rannicher, and Guido Baussnern to highlight the diversity within the Saxon camp. From the perspective of Imperial Germany, diplomatic considerations such as regional stability outweighed any possible intervention in Hungarian domestic matters. Moreover, the German public remained largely indifferent to appeals for support.
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Dmytryshyn, Basil. « The German Overthrow of the Central Rada, April, 1918 : New Evidence from German Archives ». Nationalities Papers 23, no 4 (décembre 1995) : 751–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408414.

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On 9 February 1918, at Brest-Litovsk, the Central Powers (Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria and the Ottoman Empire) concluded an unusually favorable treaty with the government of the Ukrainian Central Rada. By its terms, in exchange for diplomatic recognition and military support against a Russian Bolshevik invasion of the Ukraine, Rada negotiators placed at the disposal of the Central Powers, but primarily Germany, a surplus of foodstuffs and agricultural products estimated at 1,000,000 tonnes. The Brotfrieden, or bread peace, as this arrangement is generally known, had three significant repercussions. First, it greatly undermined Leon Trotsky's bargaining position and obstructionist tactics, forcing the Bolsheviks to accept German terms on 3 March 1918. Second, by acquiring a rich granary, and thus no longer fearing defeat through starvation, it enabled Germany to break the iron ring of the Allied blockade. And, third, it made it impossible for the Ukraine to receive a favorable hearing or reception from the Western (French, English and American) Allies at the peace conference.
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Meden, N. K. « Problem of Production of Shale Gas in Germany ». MGIMO Review of International Relations, no 1(34) (28 février 2014) : 106–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-1-34-106-112.

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A bstract: Our magazine publishes a series of articles on shale gas in different countries. This article is about Germany, a main importer of Russian natural gas, so a perspective of exploitation of local shale gas resources is of a clear practical importance for Russia. We discuss external and internal factors which determine position of the German government concerning the shale gas excavation: policy of the USA and the EU, positions of German political parties, influence of the lobbying communities and civic associations. The article contains rich information on vast variety of interests of actors in the domestic discussion. Taking into account the importance of civil society for political decisions, the author rests upon public relations of big companies, their methodic and results. The article summarizes data on reserve estimation and current geological projects, as well all the officially published reports concerning environmental threats cased by fracking technology. On the base of the above analyze, the author predicts possible evolution of the federal government policy.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Central-local government relations – Germany"

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Esterhues, Jan. « Die Gemeindegebietsreform im Raum Münster von 1975 ein Beitrag zur handlungsorientierten politisch-geographischen Konfliktforschung / ». Münster : Geographische Kommission für Westfalen, 2005. http://books.google.com/books?id=uKCAAAAAMAAJ.

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Khan, Taj Moharram. « Central-local government relations in Pakistan since 1979 ». Thesis, University of Leeds, 1996. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/272/.

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This thesis explores the pattern of relationship of local government institutions in Pakistan with the higher level of governments, particularly with the provincial governments, under whose jurisdictional purview they fall. Pakistan is a federation where the provinces are empowered to legislate on various aspects of the working of local councils. Despite being a provincial subject, the influence of the central government under both the military and civilian regimes has also been immense. To analyse this, field work was undertaken in two provinces of Pakistan (the Punjab and the N-W. F. P). In each a district was selected (Gujrat and Mardan respectively) and the working of their municipalities and district councils were studied in the context of the impact of party-politics, the administrative control exercised, and the implications of financial decisions taken by the higher levels of government. Part one of the thesis describes the origin and development of local government in the South Asian sub-continent, particularly an analysis of the initiatives taken for their growth by military and civilian regimes during the years preceding independence. Part two consists of the case studies of four local councils and an analysis of the provincial-local government relations under the present Local Government Ordinance of 1979 introduced by General Mohammad Zia-ul Haque. Part three reflects the concerns and recommendations of experts and those involved in the working of local government in Pakistan. The conclusions drawn from the thesis material show that, though local government institutions have been operating in an environment of political expediency and without assistance from the general political cultural background, they have been able to make positive contributions to the development of democracy and to the provision of local services for the general welfare of the people. Local government in Pakistan has suffered from gaps between theory and practice, public statements and practical realities, and a pervasive political context which has neglected the development of services. There has been a tendency to proclaim the virtues of local government in theory and to make promises to support local institutions but in practice to do much less and to continue with practices which do not enable local government and its services to flourish. The clearest exemplification of this is that periods of martial law, where democracy at a national level has been imperilled, have seen the positive encouragement of local government and local democracy as a means of gaining popular support for the regime. In contrast, in periods of democratic central government, local institutions have proved to be obstacles to central authority, and they have been neglected or abused in favour of a more bureaucratic mode of governing. Both military and civilian rulers have manipulated local institutions for their own benefit. The outcome has been that the relationship between centre and provinces and the provinces and the local institutions has never been balanced or fully articulated. At the local level, as illustrated in the case studies, the consequences has been a lower level of civic amenity than is either desirable or what local persons know is practicable with a more stable institutional base. The past record of the cases studied shows that, despite the impact of local and national politics, real progress had been made in services and in developing local democracy
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Choi, Ho-Taek. « Central-local government fiscal relations in South Korea the impact of central government grants on local authorities' finance / ». Thesis, Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.311609.

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Bonte, Achim. « Werbung für Weimar ? » Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2013. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-105392.

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Das Werk ist die leicht überarbeitete Fassung der Dissertation, die 1995 mit dem Titel "Kommunalverwaltung und Verfassungswandel. Öffentlichkeitsarbeit von Großstadtverwaltungen in der Weimarer Republik" eingereicht wurde. Die Studie beschäftigt sich mit der nach der Revolution von 1918/19 erstmals breit institutionalisierten großstädtischen Öffentlichkeitsarbeit. Sie untersucht Umfang, Medieneinsatz und Kommunikationsstile sowie die zentralen Botschaften der Rathausinitiativen. Der Leser erhält Aufschluß über die politischen Auffassungen und Prinzipien der kommunalen Spitzenbeamten und die Haltung der großen Kommunalverwaltungen zur Weimarer Republik. Als konkrete Beispiele werden in erster Linie Düsseldorf und Mannheim herangezogen.
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Kösecik, Muhammet. « Central-local government relations in the Thatcher years (1979-1990) ». Thesis, University of Leeds, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390968.

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Bonte, Achim. « Werbung für Weimar ? : Öffentlichkeitsarbeit von Großstadtverwaltungen in der Weimarer Republik ». Palatium-Verlag, 1997. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A2837.

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Das Werk ist die leicht überarbeitete Fassung der Dissertation, die 1995 mit dem Titel 'Kommunalverwaltung und Verfassungswandel. Öffentlichkeitsarbeit von Großstadtverwaltungen in der Weimarer Republik' eingereicht wurde. Die Studie beschäftigt sich mit der nach der Revolution von 1918/19 erstmals breit institutionalisierten großstädtischen Öffentlichkeitsarbeit. Sie untersucht Umfang, Medieneinsatz und Kommunikationsstile sowie die zentralen Botschaften der Rathausinitiativen. Der Leser erhält Aufschluß über die politischen Auffassungen und Prinzipien der kommunalen Spitzenbeamten und die Haltung der großen Kommunalverwaltungen zur Weimarer Republik. Als konkrete Beispiele werden in erster Linie Düsseldorf und Mannheim herangezogen.:Vorwort S. 7 I Einleitung S. 9 II Die Aufgaben und Ausgangsbedingungen großstädtischer Öffentlichkeitsarbeit in der Weimarer Republik S. 23 III Zeitgenössische Entwürfe und Erscheinungsformen kommunaler Öffentlichkeitsarbeit S. 41 1 Die Entwicklung der materiellen Voraussetzungen S. 41 1.1 Die Institutionen S. 41 1.1.1 Die städtischen Pressestellen (1906-1933) S. 41 1.1.2 Die 'Arbeitsgemeinschaft städtischer Nachrichten und Presseämter' (1921-1932) S. 50 1.1.3 Das Engagement des Deutschen Städtetages (1928-1933) S. 56 1.2 Das Fachpersonal S. 62 1.3 Die Medien S. 67 1.3.1 Wegbereiter und Widerpart: Die Privatpresse S. 67 1.3.2 Bewährungs- und Schlüsselstunden: Öffentliche Rede S. 71 1.3.3 Wirksame 'Sprachrohre'? Kommunale Zeitschriften S. 77 1.3.4 Die neuen Medien als Königsweg? Filme und Hörfunksendungen S. 87 1.3.5 Multimediale Verdichtungen: Städtische Ausstellungen, Fest- und Gedenktage S. 95 2 Die Bewertung der Aufgaben S. 10 2.1 Der Grundkonflikt: 'reine Information' versus politische Meinungsbildung S. 103 2.2 Die Inhalte der Meinungsbildung S. 111 3 Kennzeichen der Kommunikationswege S. 118 3.1 Sprachliche Kommunikation S. 118 3.2 Politische Symbolik und symbolische Politik S. 127 4 Zusammenfassung S. 138 IV Lokale Gesamtansichten - Kommunale Öffentlichkeitsarbeit in Düsseldorf und Mannheim S. 143 1 Die Städteprofile S. 143 2 Die Oberbürgermeister und ihre Mitarbeiter S. 161 3 Organisation, Stellenwert und Zielkonzepte von Öffentlichkeitsarbeit S. 179 4 Grundsignaturen der praktizierten Öffentlichkeitsarbeit S. 201 4.1 'Arbeiten und nicht verzweifeln!': Durchhalteappelle und politische Verwirrung in der Amtszeit Köttgens 1919-1923 S. 201 4.2 Wer bürgt für die Zukunft? Mutlosigkeit und politischer Stillstand in der Ära Kutzer 1918-1928 S. 206 4.3 „Düsseldorf wieder dem Licht entgegen!': Zivilisatorischer Fortschritt und politischer Rückmarsch bei Robert Lehr 1924-1929 S. 219 4.4 Unterwegs zur 'lebendigen Stadt': Aufbruchsstimmung und politischer Neuansatz bei Hermann Heimerich 1928/29 S. 234 4.5 Bankrott der neuen Zeiten: Heimerich und Lehr in der Wirtschafts- und Staatskrise 1930-1933 S. 245 5 Indikatoren und Elemente von Politischer Kultur S. 267 5.1 Die politischen Sprachen und Symbole S. 267 5.2 Alte und neue Kräfte oder die Spannung zwischen Ordnung und Freiheit S. 272 5.2.1 Elite und 'Masse' S. 274 5.2.2 Stadtverwaltung, Parteien und Parteienparlament S. 280 5.3 Geschichtsdeutungen und Zukunftsvisionen S. 283 5.3.1 Der Weltkrieg S. 283 5.3.2 Die deutsch-französischen Beziehungen S. 288 V Schluss S. 295 Abkürzungsverzeichnis S. 301 Verzeichnis der Tabellen und Abbildungen S. 303 Quellen- und Literaturverzeichnis S. 305 Personen- und Ortsregister S. 327
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Carmichael, Paul. « Central-local government relations in the 1980s : Glasgow and Liverpool compared ». Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.262030.

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Chow, Sin-yin. « The central-local relationship in Guangdong and Fujian : a comparative approach / ». Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2002. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B25018000.

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Hoffman, Barak Daniel. « Political accountability at the local level in Tanzania ». Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3229904.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed October 11, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 223-232).
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Chow, Sin-yin, et 鄒倩賢. « The central-local relationship in Guangdong and Fujian : a comparative approach ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31953451.

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Livres sur le sujet "Central-local government relations – Germany"

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Die Verankerung des Subsidiaritätsprinzips im Grundgesetz : Ein Beitrag zur Bedeutung des Subsidiaritätsprinzips für die Kompetenzabgrenzung im Bundesstaat. Frankfurt am Main : P. Lang, 1998.

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Bhatia, K. L. Federalism and frictions in centre-state relations : A comparative review of Indian and German constitutions. New Delhi : Deep & Deep, 2001.

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Christian, Starck, dir. Föderalismusreform : [Einführung]. [München] : Beck, 2007.

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Subsidiarität : Ein Beitrag zur Begrenzung der Gemeinschaftskompetenzen. Köln : Heymann, 1994.

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J, Katzenstein Peter, dir. Mitteleuropa : Between Europe and Germany. Providence, RI : Berghahn Books, 1997.

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Kovziridze, Tamara. Hierarchy and interdependence in multi-level structures : Foreign and European relations of Belgian, German and Austrian federated entities. Brussels : VUBPRESS, 2008.

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States and regions in the European Union : Institutional adaptation in Germany and Spain. New York : Cambridge University Press, 2002.

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Sommer, Frank. Kulturpolitik als Bewährungsprobe für den deutschen Föderalismus. Frankfurt am Main : Peter Lang, 2008.

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Kulturpolitik als Bewährungsprobe für den deutschen Föderalismus. Frankfurt am Main : Peter Lang, 2008.

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Regionalausschuss und Subsidiaritätsprinzip : Die Stellung der deutschen Bundesländer nach dem Vertrag über die Europäische Union. Frankfurt am Main : P. Lang, 1993.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Central-local government relations – Germany"

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Wilson, David, Chris Game, Steve Leach et Gerry Stoker. « Central-Local Government Relations ». Dans Local Government in the United Kingdom, 95–116. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23377-9_7.

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Wilson, David, et Chris Game. « Central-Local Government Relations ». Dans Local Government in the United Kingdom, 99–126. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26082-9_7.

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Leach, Steve, John Stewart et George Jones. « Central–local relations ». Dans Centralisation, Devolution and the Future of Local Government in England, 58–71. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2017. : Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315407944-5.

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Wilson, David. « Elected Local Government and Central-Local Relations ». Dans Governing the UK in the 1990s, 230–53. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23899-6_11.

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Leach, Steve, John Stewart et George Jones. « Central–local relations and LOCAL-GOVERNMENT reorganisation ». Dans Centralisation, Devolution and the Future of Local Government in England, 128–41. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2017. : Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315407944-9.

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Stoker, Gerry. « Central-Local Relations and Policy Networks ». Dans The Politics of Local Government, 140–60. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21516-4_6.

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Stoker, Gerry. « Central-Local Relations and Policy Networks ». Dans The Politics of Local Government, 129–49. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19303-5_6.

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Wilson, David, et Chris Game. « Central-Local Government Relations : The Practice ». Dans Local Government in the United Kingdom, 184–205. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-35667-2_11.

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Wilson, David, et Chris Game. « Central-Local Government Relations : The Formal Framework ». Dans Local Government in the United Kingdom, 166–83. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-35667-2_10.

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Stanton, John. « Relations between central, devolved, and local government ». Dans Law, Localism, and the Constitution, 235–62. London : Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429426216-10.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Central-local government relations – Germany"

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Fratini, Fabio, Manuela Mattone et Silvia Rescic. « The building materials of “Colle del Melogno” Central Fort (Liguria, Italy) ». Dans FORTMED2020 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Valencia : Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2020.2020.11544.

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The Melogno pass (Colle del Melogno) is located at 1026 m above sea level, between the high Val Bormida and the hinterland of the Finalese (province of Savona) and is one of the highest mountain passes in the Ligurian Alps. In ancient times, this zone was considered strategically important from the military point of view since it is located at the crossroads of many communication routes. In these areas, in November 1795, during the “Battle of Loano”, the French army, commanded by Andrea Massena and the allied army of Austria, prevailed over the Kingdom of Sardinia, led by Oliver Remigius von Wallis. However, the territory remained possession of the Kingdom of Sardinia and, between 1883 and 1895, the worsening of relations with France induced the government to erect, near the pass, three imposing fortifications (Tortagna, Settepani and Centrale) to prevent an entry into Piedmont by armies coming from the coast. For the same purpose other fortifications were erected near the passes of Tenda, Nava, Turchino and near the villages of Zuccarello, Altare and Vado. The most impressive among the three fortifications of Melogno pass is the Central Fort. It occupies all the saddle of the pass and it is crossed by the provincial road 490 connecting the coast of Finale Ligure to Piedmont. The fort, still of military property, is a listed historical artefact. It has a polygonal shape, with a main barrack developed on two floors. Four defensive and attacking emplacements were located outside the main complex, along a detached hill, with heavy artillery pointed towards the coast. The study will examine the natural and artificial stone materials used for the building through mineralogical and petrographic analysis and will verify both the variations occurred during the construction phases and the relations with the local supply sources.
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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Central-local government relations – Germany"

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Bourrier, Mathilde, Michael Deml et Farnaz Mahdavian. Comparative report of the COVID-19 Pandemic Responses in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. University of Stavanger, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.254.

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The purpose of this report is to compare the risk communication strategies and public health mitigation measures implemented by Germany, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom (UK) in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic based on publicly available documents. The report compares the country responses both in relation to one another and to the recommendations and guidance of the World Health Organization where available. The comparative report is an output of Work Package 1 from the research project PAN-FIGHT (Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak), which is financially supported by the Norwegian Research Council's extraordinary programme for corona research. PAN-FIGHT adopts a comparative approach which follows a “most different systems” variation as a logic of comparison guiding the research (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The countries in this study include two EU member States (Sweden, Germany), one which was engaged in an exit process from the EU membership (the UK), and two non-European Union states, but both members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): Norway and Switzerland. Furthermore, Germany and Switzerland govern by the Continental European Federal administrative model, with a relatively weak central bureaucracy and strong subnational, decentralised institutions. Norway and Sweden adhere to the Scandinavian model—a unitary but fairly decentralised system with power bestowed to the local authorities. The United Kingdom applies the Anglo-Saxon model, characterized by New Public Management (NPM) and decentralised managerial practices (Einhorn & Logue, 2003; Kuhlmann & Wollmann, 2014; Petridou et al., 2019). In total, PAN-FIGHT is comprised of 5 Work Packages (WPs), which are research-, recommendation-, and practice-oriented. The WPs seek to respond to the following research questions and accomplish the following: WP1: What are the characteristics of governmental and public health authorities’ risk communication strategies in five European countries, both in comparison to each other and in relation to the official strategies proposed by WHO? WP2: To what extent and how does the general public’s understanding, induced by national risk communication, vary across five countries, in relation to factors such as social capital, age, gender, socio-economic status and household composition? WP3: Based on data generated in WP1 and WP2, what is the significance of being male or female in terms of individual susceptibility to risk communication and subsequent vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak? WP4: Based on insight and knowledge generated in WPs 1 and 2, what recommendations can we offer national and local governments and health institutions on enhancing their risk communication strategies to curb pandemic outbreaks? WP5: Enhance health risk communication strategies across five European countries based upon the knowledge and recommendations generated by WPs 1-4. Pre-pandemic preparedness characteristics All five countries had pandemic plans developed prior to 2020, which generally were specific to influenza pandemics but not to coronaviruses. All plans had been updated following the H1N1 pandemic (2009-2010). During the SARS (2003) and MERS (2012) outbreaks, both of which are coronaviruses, all five countries experienced few cases, with notably smaller impacts than the H1N1 epidemic (2009-2010). The UK had conducted several exercises (Exercise Cygnet in 2016, Exercise Cygnus in 2016, and Exercise Iris in 2018) to check their preparedness plans; the reports from these exercises concluded that there were gaps in preparedness for epidemic outbreaks. Germany also simulated an influenza pandemic exercise in 2007 called LÜKEX 07, to train cross-state and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007). In 2017 within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with WHO and World Bank representatives to prepare for potential future pandemics (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). Prior to COVID-19, only the UK had expert groups, notably the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE), that was tasked with providing advice during emergencies. It had been used in previous emergency events (not exclusively limited to health). In contrast, none of the other countries had a similar expert advisory group in place prior to the pandemic. COVID-19 waves in 2020 All five countries experienced two waves of infection in 2020. The first wave occurred during the first half of the year and peaked after March 2020. The second wave arrived during the final quarter. Norway consistently had the lowest number of SARS-CoV-2 infections per million. Germany’s counts were neither the lowest nor the highest. Sweden, Switzerland and the UK alternated in having the highest numbers per million throughout 2020. Implementation of measures to control the spread of infection In Germany, Switzerland and the UK, health policy is the responsibility of regional states, (Länders, cantons and nations, respectively). However, there was a strong initial centralized response in all five countries to mitigate the spread of infection. Later on, country responses varied in the degree to which they were centralized or decentralized. Risk communication In all countries, a large variety of communication channels were used (press briefings, websites, social media, interviews). Digital communication channels were used extensively. Artificial intelligence was used, for example chatbots and decision support systems. Dashboards were used to provide access to and communicate data.
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