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1
Zottarelli, Lisa K. "Coming in From the Cold: Integration into the European Union and Public Opinion on Democracy and the Market Economy in Central and Eastern Europe." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3099/.
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The political economy transformations of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe have received a great deal of attention over the past decade. The focus of much research has been to examine the internal national reorientations of the countries with regard to the changes in political and economic conditions. The importance of the international reorientation of these countries toward Western Europe in general and the European Union in particular has been generally overlooked. This dissertation examines public opinion on the political and economic transformations within the framework of the direction of the international reorientations of the countries. The countries were divided into three categories, those that can be expected to be invited to join the European Union in the next enlargement, those that can be expected to join the European Union in a subsequent enlargement, and the countries not seeking European Union membership. Public opinion on democracy and the market economy and attitudinal factors that influence these opinions are compared in 16 countries in Central and Eastern Europe. The data are from the Central and East European Barometers 3-7 (1992 - 1996). The findings suggest that general opinions regarding satisfaction with democracy are not related to the status of the country seeking membership in the European Union while support from the market economy does differ. When examining attitudinal factors that are related to satisfaction with democracy and support for the market economy, differences emerged between the three categories of countries. These findings suggest that public opinion is in part shaped by the international orientations of the country and that changes in public opinion are important in understanding the political and economic transformation processes.
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Listerman, Thomas. "Biotechnology in press and public an international study of press coverage about biotechnology and its relationship to public opinion." Dresden TUDpress, 2006. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2971569&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
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Listerman, Thomas. "Biotechnology in press and public : an international study of press coverage about biotechnology and its relationship to public opinion /." Dresden : TUDpress, 2007. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2971569&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
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FERNANDES, Daniel. "Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.
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Defence date: 21 November 2022<br>Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)<br>This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.
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Jeannet, Anne-Marie. "Immigration and public opinion in Europe : the case of the 2004 enlargement." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:acb77b39-d90d-427b-afa6-bfe6a406a8e3.
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After the enlargement of the European Union in 2004, large numbers of Central and Eastern Europeans moved to work in Western Europe. The aim of this thesis is to use the case of migration after the enlargement to further our understanding of the relationship between immigrant group size and natives’ attitudes. Recent scholarly debates raise questions about how immigration affects European societies and the political durability of European welfare states. This research puts forward two questions: Does an increase in Eastern European immigration after the enlargement explain differences in civic attitudes in Western Europe? And second, does this relationship (if any) depend on national contextual factors? The relationship between immigration and three categories of public attitudes are examined: attitudes towards immigration, attitudes towards welfare and attitudes of trust. This thesis draws on ethnic competition theory, which postulates that group competition over resources provokes the natives to perceive immigration as a threat to their own or their group’s interests. To test this theory, this study uses data from the European Social Survey from 2002 to 2010 to build multi-level pooled time series models. The results find only partial support for ethnic competition theory. When a greater proportion of E-8 migrants live in the country, individuals tend to have more positive views about immigration. The results also show that this positive relationship is weakened when national economic conditions are more precarious. Additionally, the results do not find that E8 migration is negatively related to Western European attitudes regarding trust or welfare. This implies that as more immigrants arrive, Europeans can potentially acknowledge immigration’s economic and cultural benefits. Moreover, these results challenge pessimistic scholarly predictions that immigration erodes trust and support for welfare in Europe. This thesis offers two academic contributions. First, it considers the case of E8 migration, which has been ignored by existing comparative attitudinal studies about immigration. Second, focusing on post-enlargement migration helps this thesis to overcome common empirical obstacles such as cross-country differences in immigrant composition and admission criteria.
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Brooks, Eric Midthun. "The Enlightenment European perception of China sinophilia, sinophobia, and modernity /." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/3597.
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Håkansson, Daniel. "Barbarerna från väst : Japanernas syn på västvärlden under 1800-talet i texter tagna ur Sources of Japanese tradition och The Iwakura embassy /." Växjö : Växjö University. School of Humanities, 2008. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:206072/FULLTEXT01.
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Hayat, Muhammad Azmat. "Essays on central bank independence and public support." Thesis, Lille 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LIL12010/document.
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Cette thèse traite de certaines questions importantes d'économie politique, plus particulièrement liées à l'indépendance des banques centrales. Le premier chapitre de la thèse montre que la probabilité de remplacement d'un gouverneur de banque centrale est positivement liée à la part du mandat déjà effectuée, aux crises bancaires et monétaires, aux élections, aux réformes des statuts des banques centrales, ainsi qu'à l'inflation. Dans le deuxième chapitre, nous montrons que le grand public connaît très bien la question de l'indépendance de la banque centrale. Cette question est analysée pour des échantillons représentatifs de 15 pays Européens, interrogés sur la proposition de créer une Banque Centrale Européenne (BCE) indépendante. Nous montrons que le comportement de l'inflation n'est pas suffisant pour expliquer la préférence des agents pour une banque centrale indépendante: les caractéristiques personnelles et les circonstances ont un impact plus fort, avec le sexe, l'emploi, le niveau d'éducation, de revenu, et le degré d'information et le souci civique montrant une significativité particulière. Le troisième chapitre de l'étude traite de la question du soutien de la banque centrale par le public. Nous employons un riche ensemble de déterminants potentiels, en combinant les données macro-économiques et socio-démographiques pour expliquer la confiance dans la BCE. Nous constatons que les personnes ayant un niveau de revenu élevé, d'éducation élevé et une orientation politique centriste ou de droite ont tendance à plus soutenir la BCE. La pertinence politique de ces résultats est importante pour la stratégie de communication de la BCE avec le public de l'UE<br>This thesis addresses some important issues in the political economy particularly related to central bank independence. The first chapter of the thesis explores the determinants of removal of central bankers and shows that the probability of replacing a central bank governor is positively related to the time already spent in office, to banking and currency crises, the occurrence of elections, central bank independence reforms, and inflation. In the second chapter, we demonstrate that general public adheres the issue and importance of independence of central bank very well. Using data from Eurobarometer surveys for 1998 to 2000 for 15 EU countries, which included a specific question on this issue, we show that inflation performance is not sufficient to explain people's preferences for an independent central bank: personal characteristics and circumstances have a stronger impact, with gender, employment status, education level, income, and degree of information and civic concern showing particular relevance. The third chapter of the study deals with the issue of support of the central bank in public. We employ a rich set of potential determinants, combining macroeconomic and socio-demographic data, to explain trust in the ECB. We find that people with higher level of income and education and centre to right-wing political orientation tend to support the ECB, as well as people with optimistic expectations on the economic situation. The policy relevance of this dissertation is important for the central banks' communication policy along general policies and also for the ECB's communication strategy with the EU public
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Marcellini, Margherita. "Representation Of Turkey In The Italian Media: Between Islam And Europe." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613433/index.pdf.
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This thesis aims to examine the representation of Turkey by the Italian newspapers in order to determine: a) if it is a stereotyped and ill-informed representation of Turkey, in parallel to the low level knowledge of the Italian public on Turkey<br>b) if there is a convergence among political agenda on Turkey and the media on Turkey<br>c) whether Islam is being inserted to the construction of Turkish perception by the Italian media. According to the Transatlantic Trends Surveys of the past years, it appears that the Italians have a confused image and limited knowledge of Turkey and its membership to the EU. On the political level, the government official position is supportive of Turkish membership into the EU. At the political party level, the opinions on this matter are diverse, principally depending on the political positions of the parties. This thesis argues that Turkey being Muslim-majority country, the perception of Islam plays an important role in shaping Turkish image in the Italians
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Wilkinson, Sarah. "Perceptions of public opinion. British foreign policy decisions about Nazi Germany, 1933-1938." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e4be72fd-3dd2-44f5-8bf6-19922402e397.
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This thesis examines the historical problem of determining the relationship between a government's perception of public opinion and the decisions it takes. We introduce evidence for the social habits of the Cabinet in order to suggest new formulations of 'élite' and 'mass' public opinion. We argue that parliamentary opinion was generally more important in decision-making for the Cabinet, except at moments of extreme crisis when a conception of 'mass' opinion became equally significant. These characterization of mass opinion were drawn from a set of stereotypes about public opinion which academic and political theorization had produced. It is argued that this theorization was stimulated by ongoing debates about mass communication, the importance of the ordinary man in democracy and the outbreak of the first world war during the inter-war period. The thesis begins with an introduction to the methodological problems involved, followed by one chapter on theorization about public opinion in the inter-war period. Three diplomatic crises are considered in the case study chapters: the withdrawal of Germany from the Disarmament Conference in 1933, the German reoccuption of the Rhineland in 1936 and the threat of invasion of the Sudetenland in 1938. Two further chapters examine the role of public opinion in protests to Germany about the treatment of the Jews in 1933 and in 1938. It is argued that perceptions of public opinion played a much more important role in decision-making than has hiterto been thought. The most significant argument posits that perceptions of public opinion were equally as important as military considerations in the decision to refuse the Godesberg terms in 1938. More generally, the way in which politicians used public opinion rhetorically is described and the limits of the usefulness of the term for historians are suggested.
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Peldán, Carlsson Gustav. "Economics, political values and historic legacy : Determinants of public support for EU membership and European integration in post-communist Europe." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-300364.
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This study examines the explanatory power of the traditional explanations as to what determines public support for EU membership and European integration – the economic explanation and the political values‐based explanation – in the context of the post-communist member states of the EU. Further, an alternative explanation – the communist legacy explanation – is presented and tested. It is hypothesized that a high degree of Soviet influence and suppression during the communist period leads to a low degree of support for EU membership and European integration, because of a willingness to protect oneself from violation of national sovereignty once again. The explanatory power of the traditional explanations does not obtain convincing empirical support, even if many individual predictors are statistically significant as determinants. Communist legacy seems to be important as a determinant of public support for EU membership and European integration. However, the hypothesis can neither be accepted nor rejected, because of the methodological problems associated with the dummy variable approach used in order to test it. Further, the direction of the relationship between communist legacy and public support for EU membership and European integration seems to be two‐fold, rather than one-sided as hypothesized.
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Buß, Christopher Verfasser], and Bernhard [Akademischer Betreuer] [Ebbinghaus. "Public opinion towards labour market reforms in Europe - a multidimensional and dynamic perspective on attitudes / Christopher Buß ; Betreuer: Bernhard Ebbinghaus." Mannheim : Universitätsbibliothek Mannheim, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1151446718/34.
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Prinz, Vanessa. "Imagine migration the migration process and its destination Europe in the eyes of Tanzanian students /." [Wien] : Südwind-Verlag, 2006. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/79447612.html.
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Farzaneh, Farzin. "The French Popular Front, the first Blum government and events in Switzerland as seen by the Vaudois Press, 1934-1937 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64075.
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Kalshoven, Petra Tjitske. "Plays on "the Indian" : representation of knowledge and authenticity in Indianist mimetic practice." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102244.
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Indian hobbyism, or Indianism, is an expression of a typically European fascination with Native American peoples which involves crafting "museum-quality replicas" of clothing and artifacts as well as reenactment of slices of Native American nineteenth-century life by non-Native practitioners in an effort to produce knowledge and meaningful experience through experimentation. Drawing on fieldwork data collected in 2003 and 2004 among play communities of Indian hobbyists in Germany, the Netherlands, Belgium, France, and the Czech Republic, I formulate an understanding of the social, performative, and mimetic dynamics of this phenomenon by conceiving of Indianist practices as forms of play that constantly shift between different play frames. In terms of knowledge production, I argue that the Indian hobby provides a space in which different (epistemological) traditions meet, as Indian hobbyists draw on, and enact, a hybrid reservoir of indigenous and European knowledge systems and art forms. Especially interesting is the relationship between Indianism and the dynamics of museal display in the West, both historically and contemporaneously. In general, I found that two different approaches to the right way of representing may be distinguished in Indianist methodological practice: a "Renaissance" and a "Translational" mode.<br>Because of its striking mimetic aspects, Indianism raises questions of identity play and cultural appropriation. An important element of the hobbyist quest for knowledge and experience consists in investing the self in an "other" in ways that elicit criticism from outsiders, including anthropologists. Indian hobbyism is a controversial example of "playing at" cultures that (by all conventional standards) belong elsewhere and to someone else, providing interesting insights for debates on identity politics and the construction of "race"---also among Indianists themselves. Rather than longing to embody someone else's identity, however, Indianists, almost in spite of themselves, enact a social world that is filled with action and life in their European present. Indianist practice and desire for authenticity revolve around craftsmanship and reenactment, resulting in skillful replicas, in the here and now.
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Schmid, Johannes. "La bataille des esprits. L'opinion publique en France et en Belgique pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale." Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017SACLN042.
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L’objectif de cette thèse est de faire ressortir dans le cadre d’une comparaison historique les différences et les points communs dans l’évolution des attitudes et des comportements dans des sociétés française et belge sous l’occupation. Le focus thématique se concentre sur la perception de l’occupant, des alliés, de l’évolution de la guerre, des dirigeants politiques et du destin de la population juive, tout en distinguant entre des tendances d’opinion dans la bourgeoisie, dans les classes moyennes, chez les ouvriers et dans la population rurale. Des documents des services allemands, notamment ceux des administrations militaires, des représentations diplomatiques et des « Instituts allemands » sont la base des sources pour les pays étudiés. Nous utilisons également les analyses d’opinion des services britanniques chargés de la propagande et du renseignement. Pour la France ce sont les rapports des préfets et des forces de l’ordre de quelques départements représentatifs qui forment la base du travail, complété par des documents de la France Libre et des documents personnels comme des journaux intimes. Pour la Belgique ce sont surtout les rapports de la partie de l’administration belge restée sur place pendant l’occupation, des rapports du gouvernement belge en exil à Londres et les fonds des réseaux de renseignent travaillant pour lui<br>The thesis deals with a comparison of the evolution of people’s opinion in France and Belgium during the Second World War. The focus of this study lies on the perceptions of the German occupier, the Allies, and the development on the different theatres of war, by the French and Belgian populations. Furthermore, the reactions of these two peoples towards their own political leaders and the fate of the Jewish population are studied. Special attention is given to opinion variations in different social groups such as the bourgeoisie, the middle class, the working class or the rural population. The study is based on an extensive analysis of documents of the various German authorities in occupied France and Belgium, especially the military administration, the German embassies in Paris and Brussels as well as the “German institutes”. We also make use of documents from British services, especially those in charge of propaganda and intelligence gathering. For France, the detailed reports of French prefects, police and postal control services are used in a representative sample of départments, reflecting regional differences in mentality, population composition and occupation. These documents are complemented by observations from the Free French Forces and personal testimonies such as diaries. In Belgium, reports of the Belgian authorities in the occupied territory were used as well as of those in exile in London and documents from some of the resistance networks
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Mollès, Devrig. "Triangle atlantique et triangle latin : l'Amérique latine et le système-monde maçonnique (1717-1921) : éléments pour une histoire des options publiques internationales." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012STRAA027.
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Cette thèse analyse le système‐monde maçonnique entre 1717 et 1921, perçu comme un produit et un agent de la modernité occidentale, comme le prototype fondateur de l’opinion publique internationale et comme une plaque tectonique de la géoculture du système-monde moderne. Elle fluctue entre une perspective globale, une perspective atlantique et un ancrage latino‐américain, fourni notamment par les principales puissances océaniques d’Amérique latine (Argentine, Brésil, Mexique). Quelle fut l’évolution globale des réseaux maçonniques au cours des XIXe et XXe siècles ? Quelle fut leur géopolitique et leur géoculture ? Dans quelle mesure peut‐on ou non parler de « système maçonnique international » ? Quelle fut la place de l’Amérique latine dans cette dynamique ? Comment le sous‐continent américain s’intégra‐t‐il dans le système‐monde maçonnique ? Les réseaux maçonniques y furent‐ils une plaque tectonique géoculturelle et des vecteurs de transferts culturels ? Contribuèrent‐ils à l’intégration du sous‐continent américain au sein de la grande communauté atlantique mais aussi à l’intégration et à l’autonomisation latino américaine ?<br>This thesis investigates the birth and development of the Masonic world‐system, seen as a product and an agent of western modernity, as the prototype of international public opinion and as a tectonic plate of the géoculture of the modern world‐system. This text focuses on the first period of its development (1717‐1921). It fluctuates between a global perspective,an Atlantic perspective, and a Latin American anchorage, provided by the major oceanic powers of Latin America (Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico). What was the global evolution of the Masonic networks in the 19th and 20th centuries? What were their geopolitics and their géoculture? Is it possible to talk about an "international Masonic system"? What was the place of Latin America in this dynamic? How the American subcontinent became a part of the Masonic world‐system? In Latin America in the 19th and 20th centuries, were the Masonic networks a tectonic plate of géoculture and the vectors of cultural transfers? Did they contribute to the integration of the American sub‐continent in the Atlantic community? Did they contribute discreetly to the regional integration and to the Latin American empowerment ?
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Champlin, Daniel. "The Lisbon Treaty and Parliaments : Status, Democracy, and Opinions." Thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Political Science, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-41383.
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Truc, Gérôme. "Le 11-septembre européen : la sensibilité morale des Européens à l’épreuve des attentats du 11 septembre 2001, du 11 mars 2004 et du 7 juillet 2005." Paris, EHESS, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EHES0157.
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Repartant des thèses de Simmel, Durkheim et Elias, ce travail rend compte de la sensibilité morale des Européens au début du XXIe siècle, saisie au travers de leurs réactions aux attentats du 11 septembre 2001, du 11 mars 2004 et du 7 juillet 2005. Nourri par une enquête de plusieurs années en France, aux États-Unis, à Madrid et à Londres, et par l’exploitation d’une grande diversité de matériaux empiriques dont, en particulier, un corpus inédit de plusieurs dizaines de milliers de messages de condoléances et de solidarité, il établit en quoi des individus ordinaires se sont sentis concernés par ces événements et ont compati au sort de leurs victimes. La première partie examine les opérations de cadrage médiatique et institutionnel dont ces attentats firent l’objet. Elle restitue de quelle manière « les Européens » ont pu former un sujet collectif en ayant eu une expérience spécifique sans qu’un sentiment de commune appartenance à l’Europe ne s’affermisse dans un deuil partagé. La seconde partie montre que la communauté de sentiments apparue en réaction aux attentats islamistes ne se laisse pas simplement rabattre sur un sentiment de communauté univoque. Elle met en évidence la formation de différents publics d’individus s’étant sentis concernés aussi bien par l’entremise d’un « nous », dont la nature et l’échelle varient, que sur un mode plus personnel, où prime le sens du « je ». La troisième partie, enfin, explore le contraste entre la mémoire américaine du 11-Septembre et le quasi-oubli en Europe des attentats de Madrid et Londres, les principaux vecteurs dont procédèrent les publics du 11-Septembre européen n’ayant pas constitué les cadres d’une mémoire européenne<br>Rawing its inspiration from the classical theses of Simmel, Durkheim and Elias, this PhD dissertation analyses the moral sensibility of Europeans at the beginning of the 21st century through their reactions to the terrorist attacks of September 11th, 2001, March 11th, 2004 and July 7th, 2005. Based on extensive fieldwork in France, the United States, Madrid and London, and on the exploitation of a wide variety of empirical materials – particularly a previously unpublished collection of several dozens of thousands of messages of condolence and solidarity – it establishes in what ways ordinary individuals felt concerned by these events and sympathized with their victims. The first section examines how each terrorist attack has been framed by European media and public institutions. It underlines how “Europeans” became a collective subject who had a specific experience of these events, yet without a sense of European belonging being solidified through shared grief. The second section shows that the community of feelings that appeared in reaction to Islamist terrorist attacks cannot be simply reduced to an unambiguous feeling of community. It highlights the formation of different publics of individuals who have felt concerned as much through a “we” whose nature and scale vary, as on a more personal mode, where the sense of “I” prevails. The third section, finally, explores the contrast between the American memory of 9/11 and the near oblivion in Europe of the Madrid and London terrorist attacks, given the fact that the principal vectors from which the publics of European 9/11 arose did not constitute the frames of an European memory
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Vogt, Gilles. "Neutres face à la guerre franco-allemande (1870-1871) ? : diplomatie et dynamiques d'opinions dans les Etats de Suisse, de Belgique et du Danemark." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018STRAG010/document.
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Remarquant la nature transfrontalière des défis politiques et culturels soulevés par la guerre franco-allemande de 1870-1871, cette thèse propose d’interroger l’expérience de la neutralité dans les sociétés de trois États – le Danemark, la Suisse et la Belgique – choisis pour leur complémentarité en matière de stratégie, de géographie, d’institutions et d’organisation constitutionnelle. Documents diplomatiques, archives administratives, journaux, publications contemporaines du conflit, témoignages artistiques, correspondances et carnets privés servent une étude transnationale déclinée en trois principales orientations. La première met en lumière l’environnement technique et technologique dans lequel évoluent les neutres, les sentiments que trahissent leurs témoignages ainsi que leurs efforts pour devenir et rester non-belligérants. La deuxième questionne l’engagement des neutres dans la guerre à travers, notamment, le parcours de philanthropes et de soldats volontaires. La troisième orientation pose enfin une question a priori paradoxale : le neutre est-il un vainqueur ou un vaincu du conflit franco-allemand ?<br>Noting the cross-border nature of the political and cultural challenges raised by the Franco-German War of 1870-1871, this doctoral thesis proposes to question the experience of neutrality within the societies of three States – Denmark, Switzerland and Belgium – chosen for their complementarity in terms of strategy, geography, institutions and constitutional organisation. Diplomatic documents, administrative archives, newspapers, publications, artistic works, letters and private documentation serve a transnational study divided into three main directions. The first direction reveals the technical and technological environment in which neutrals operate, the feelings betrayed by their testimonies and their efforts to become and remain non-belligerent. The second direction interrogates the involvement of the neutrals during the war through – among others – the trajectories of philanthropists and volunteer soldiers. The third orientation poses a seemingly paradoxical question: is the neutral a victor or a vanquished of the war of 1870-1871 ?
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Rori, Lamprini. "Les organisations partisanes à la lumière de la professionnalisation de la communication politique : une présidentialisation inachevée : analyse comparative du Parti socialiste français et du Mouvement socialiste grec." Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010331.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse aborde le changement organisationnel des partis qu'entraînent les dynamiques crées par le développement de la communication politique. Elle éclaircit comment la modernisation des techniques de cette communication influence le fonctionnement interne des partis, en altérant l'espace public politique dans lequel ceux-ci s’intègrent. En choisissant deux partis renfermant de très grandes différences intra-partisanes et institutionnelles, le PS et le PASOK, elle cherche à développer une réflexion sur les organisations partisanes, en essayant de comprendre les causes de leur transformation, les forces qui interagissent, ainsi que les reflets de cette transformation sur leur fonctionnement politique. À travers une classification des différents types de présidentialisation étudiées post-moderne, pour démarquer la logique de l'opinion qui imprègne la présidentialisation contemporaine de celles apparues dans le passé. Des facteurs institutionnels et structurels dans les deux pays, ont révélé la coexistence d'une série de paramètres qui favorisent la présidentialisation en France et en Grèce.Ayant, ensuite, analysé la transformation de l'espace politique, j'ai mis en lumière la complexité des relations dans le champ politico-médiatique, voire les antagonismes et l'interdépendance parmi et entre les différents entrepreneurs médiatiques, communicationnels et politiques. La nature et le degré de professionnalisation de la communication politique au sein de la famille socialiste, que j'ai pu déceler grâce à mon enquête en ligne auprès des responsables de communication au niveau macro et micro politique sont innombrables, parmi lesquels le changement du lien représentatif, la personnalisation de la politique et le renchérissement du coût de la vie politique me semblent être les plus importants en ce qui concerne la présidentialisation post-moderne des partis. La montée de la logique d'opinion, la prolifération des partis par rapport à une série d'experts et d'agents extra-partisans dans un sens plus large, ainsi que la nécessité de s'adapter sans cesse en termes de ressources communicationnelles pour répondre aux besoins de cette compétition politique médiatisée, obligent les partis à des changements sur les plans organisationnel et stratégique. Le PASOK et le PS confirment la tendance à la présidentialisation quoique seulement partiellement. Bien que les facteurs exogènes tendent vers une ouverture des processus et des fonctions des partis socialistes, telle que la généralisation d'une relation directe entre les leaders et les citoyens, cette logique présidentielle se heurte à d'autres logiques – locales et parlementaires – ainsi qu'aux dynamiques davantage horizontales que verticales. En plaçant au cœur de notre analyse les contraintes médiatiques et la conversion à la logique d'opinion, nous avons démontré que par sa nature, cette présidentialisation post-moderne est vulnérable, car liée à des facteurs externes aux partis. Ainsi, alors qu'elle est censée renforcer les leaders et les candidats principaux, la présidentialisation issues des contraintes notamment médiatiques, transfère la légitimation du leadership de l'arène intra-partisane au sein de l'opinion publique. La présidentialisation post-moderne dépossède davantage les deux partis de leurs fonctions traditionnelles et contribue à leur désinvestissement idéologique et intellectuel<br>This thesis addresses the organizational change that parties undertake under the dynamics developed by political communications. It sheds light in the way that modernization of communication technology influences the intra-party functions, by altering the political public space in which parties integrate. Following the most different systems’ design, the comparison between the French and the Greek socialist party develops a reflection on party organizations, trying to understand the causes of their information, the forces that interact in their mutation, the parameters of organizational configuration, and the effects of this transformation on their party function. By creating an original typology of presidentialization on the basis of the source of leadership legitimization, I use the term post-modern, in order to distinguish the contemporary presidentialization sealed by the dynamics of public opinion , from those occured in the past. Institutional and structural factors in Greece and France revealed the existence of a series of parameters that enhance presidentialization. Having then analyzed the transformation of the political public sphere, I demonstrate the complexity of relations, competition and interdependence existing among and between media, communication and political entrepreneurs in the fields of politics and media. I have then identified the nature and degree of professionalization of political communication within the socialist family, through and online survey Heads of Communication in seventeen socialist parties. Among numerous effects stemming from mediatization of politics and professionalization of communication in the macro and micro political level, I consider changes in the links of representation, personalization of politics and the rising cost of politics a the most importantly related to post-modern presidentialization. The rize of public opinion, the dependence of parties from a series of experts and non-partisan agents in a broader-sense, as well as the need to continually adapt communication resources in order to meet the needs of this mediatized political competition, force parties to undertake changes. PASOK and PS confirm the trend of presidentialization, albeit only partially. Although exogenous factors push towards an opening processes and functions of the socialist parties, such as the generalization of a direct relationship between the leader and the citizen, this presidential logic is hampered by other logics – local and parliamentary – as well as dynamics rather than horizontal than vertical. By placing at the heart of my analysis media constraints and conversion to public opinion demands, I have shown that by its nature, this post-modern presidentialization is vulnerable because of external factors related to parties. So while it is supposed to strenghten the leaders and the principal candidates, presidentialization linked to media constraints transfers the leadership legitimization from the intra-party arena towards public opinion. Post-modern presidentialization stengthens already existing deprivation of both parties from their traditional functions and contributes to their ideological and intellectual disinvestment
22
HANSEN, Janus. "Framing the public : three case studies in public participation in the governance of agricultural biotechnology." Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5144.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 10 June 2005<br>Examining board: Prof. Andrew Webster (University of York) ; Prof. Donatella Della Porta (EUI) ; Prof. Klaus Eder (Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, external co-supervisor) ; Prof. Colin Crouch (University of Warwick, former EUI, supervisor)<br>First made available online 31 August 2016<br>Ideas about public engagement with controversial technologies are growing in political prominence. This dissertation delivers a theoretically grounded, empirical analysis of why active public involvement is considered to be of growing importance for the legitimate use of new technologies. It examines the different social dynamics influencing actual attempts to engage the public and the difficulties encountered. Janus Hansen argues that while there are strong normative reasons to further public engagement with the regulation of controversial technologies, there are also strong sociological reasons to reflect carefully on what such engagement can realistically achieve. This dissertation delivers conceptual tools and empirical analyses to support such reflections based on in-depth case studies of important attempts to engage public concerns across Europe.
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VERDUN, Amy. "Europe's struggle with the global political economy : a study of how EMU is perceived by actors in the policy-making process in Britain, France and Germany." Doctoral thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5419.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 8 December 1995<br>Examining board: Prof. Gerd Junne (University of Amsterdam) ; Prof. Roger Morgan, supervisor (European University Institute) ; Prof. Philippe Schmitter (Stanford University) ; Prof. Susan Strange, co-supervisor (University of Warwick) ; Prof. Niels Thygesen (University of Copenhagen)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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BEAUDONNET, Laurie. "A threatening horizon? : social concerns, the welfare state and public opinion towards Europe." Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/26441.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Examining Board:
Pr Mark N. Franklin, European University Institute (EUI Supervisor),
Dr. Bruno Cautrès, CNRS – Cevipof Sciences Po Paris (External Supervisor),
Pr. Stefano Bartolini, European University Institute,
Pr. Russell J. Dalton, University of California at Irvine.<br>Defence date: 25 July 2012<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>European integration challenges the social boundaries of nation states and this phenomenon is not without consequences for individual attitudes. Within public debate, the impact of European integration on the welfare states has been extensively discussed, but we still lack conclusive analysis of the consequences for individual support for Europe. This thesis is an attempt to complement our knowledge on the logics of support for European integration. It investigates how individuals account for the economic and social consequences of integration and documents the logic underlying one the most salient issues in the present debate on Europe: redistribution. It investigates the individual and structural effects of redistribution on attitudes towards Europe, with a particular emphasis on how these effects develop across time and across different national contexts. Specifically, this study determines under what conditions European integration is perceived by citizens as a threat to national welfare regimes, and what are the consequences in terms of political allegiance. The causal mechanism is tested at three levels and over three different periods: at the European level (public opinion in Europe Twelve) and from 1986 to 2010, at the national level (public opinion in the Member states of Europe Fifteen), from 1996 to 2006, at the individual level, in 2009, in the twenty seven Member states of the European Union. Findings show that social protection has both structural and individual level effects on support for Europe, providing a narrative for changes in the level of support for Europe over time and explaining a large share of between-country differences, at the aggregate level. At the individual level, both welfare regimes and welfare issues have a strong impact on support for Europe. When it comes to social protection, the European Union works like a distant, yet strong, threat for individuals.
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HOFERT, Almut. "Wissen und Tuerkengefahr : die formierung des Ethnographischen Wissenkorpus über die Osmanen in Europa (15-16 Jahrhundert)." Doctoral thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5837.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 22 October 2001<br>Examining board: Prof. Dr. Ute Daniel, Universität Braunschweig ; Prof. Dr. Miroslav Hroch, Universität Prag ; Prof. Dr. Dieter Mertens, Universität Freiburg (external supervisor) ; Prof. Dr. Bo Stråth, Europäisches Hochschulinstitut (supervisor)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
26
Çíftçí, Sabrí Smith Dale L. "Attitudes in time and space the role of context in explaining support for European integration /." Diss., 2005. http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07082005-180522.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Florida State University, 2005.<br>Advisor: Dr. Dale L. Smith, Florida State University, College of Social Sciences, Dept. of Political Science. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed Sept. 19, 2005). Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 162 pages. Includes bibliographical references.
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MAK, Jeannette. "Selling Europe: communicating symbols or symbolic communication? The role of the European Commission and the Dutch and German national governments in achieving public acceptance of the Euro." Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5296.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 15 April 2002<br>Examining board: Prof. Michelle Cini, University of Bristol, United Kingdom ; Prof. Adrienne Héritier, EUI, San Domenico di Fiesole, Italy ; Prof. Brigid Laffan, University College Dublin, Dublin, Ireland ; Prof. Thomas Risse, EUI, San Domenico di Fiesole, Italy (supervisor)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
28
ANDUIZA, PEREA Eva. "Individual and systemic determinants of electoral abstention in Western Europe." Doctoral thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5211.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 12 December 1997<br>Examining board: Stefano Bartolini (EUI, Supervisor) ; Prof. Cees van der EIjk (University of Amsterdam) ; Prof. José Ramón Montero (Juan March Institute) ; Prof. Yossi Shavit (University of Tel Aviv, Co-supervisor)<br>First made available online 12 October 2016<br>Este libro analiza las causas de la abstención electoral en el marco de las elecciones parlamentarias considerando simultáneamente las variables individuales y las características del sistema político y de la elección como factores explicativos. En primer lugar se explora la relación de los recursos socioeconómicos, la integración social y el compromiso político sobre la abstención. Para ello se analizan datos de sondeos post-electorales y Eurobarómetros procedentes de quince países de Europa occidental. En segundo lugar el análisis sistémico centra la atención en el efecto que los incentivos institucionales, los anclajes de los partidos políticos en la sociedad y las características de cada convocatoria electoral pueden tener sobre la variación de la tasa de abstención de estos países. Finalmente se analizan las posibles interacciones entre variables procedentes de los distintos niveles de observación, el individual y el sistémico. Según este tercer tipo de análisis no todos los electores tienen por qué ser igualmente sensibles al contexto político y electoral en el que viven. Mientras que para algunos las características del entorno son importantes a la hora de decidir entre votar o abstenerse, para otros estos elementos ejercen un impacto menor o incluso en un sentido diferente.
29
MOES, Jeroen. "Imagining Europe : identities, geography, and method." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/49064.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 24 November 2017; Examining Board: Professor Martin Kohli, European University Institute, Florence, Italy (EUI Supervisor); Professor Donatella della Porta, Scuola Normale Superiore, Florence, Italy; Professor Adrian Favell, University of Leeds, United Kingdom; Doctor Sophie Duchesne, Nanterre University, Paris, France.<br>This study takes an interpretative approach to the question of European identity. Based on 95 mixed-type interviews in three country cases (Estonia, Italy, and the Netherlands), it aims to answer the question what 'Europe' means to different groups of people (in a maximum variation sample), and how those meanings relate to their identities, their imagined geographies, and to political institutions and political narrative. The methodological approach centres around qualitative, semi-structured, and in-depth interviews of around two hours each. Within that, certain visual methods (photo elicitation and map drawing) are employed in order to develop a better understanding of meanings associated with Europe from the perspective of the interviewee. After that, a short questionnaire including a social network name generator was given to the interviewee. This study is presented as a methodological 'experiment' that attempts to explore alternative empirical avenues for approaching this subject, and what this means for its analysis and presentation. The analysis centres around three core themes: (i) a typology of perspectives on Europe, (ii) the imagined geographies within Europe, and (iii) the interplay between meanings of Europe and meanings of the EU. The first empirical chapter employs a typology approach to distinguish between three main types of narratives on Europe: Nationals, Situational Europeans, and Cosmopolitan Europeans. These three main types are further disentangled to ultimately range from cisnational to the European cosmopolitan tribe. The second empirical chapter draws on the data that was gathered by having interviewees express their views visually on a blank map of Europe, and examines the various Euroscapes that result from that analysis. Finally, the third empirical chapter looks at the relationship between meanings of ‘Europe’ and the EU. In doing so, it examines what Euroscepticism means in that context, and how political discourse may affect these meanings. In addition, it considers some of the ways in which European identity is measured in large-scale surveys, and how interviewees interpret such questions.
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"Press coverage of the enlargement of the European Union and public opinion in the United Kingdom and France: a cross-national comparative study of the first- and second-level agenda-setting and priming effects." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/3033.
Texte intégral
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Grobe, Deana Lynn. "Consumers' perceptions of risk : the case of the food-related biotechnology, recombinant bovine growth hormone (rbGH)." Thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1957/34386.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Consumers' risk perceptions are examined to explain the underlying reasons for consumer
concern associated with milk from dairy herds treated with recombinant bovine growth
hormone (rbGH). A focus group study was employed as an initial step in exploring the
primary influences of consumer apprehension toward rbGH's use. The information
obtained through the focus group sessions was invaluable in strengthening empirical
measures of the factors affecting risk perception, and in formulating concise survey
questions for a national study. Data from a nationwide survey of 1,910 primary household
food purchasers were used in understanding the influence of risk characteristics on
consumers' risk perceptions toward rbGH treated herd milk, as well as investigating
consumer risk perception profiles. One conclusion is evident from the data, consumers
remain concerned about the rbGH product despite FDA approval for commercial use.
Results suggest that particular characteristics of the rbGH product hypothesized as being
more risky and less tolerable elicit consumer outrage perceptions. Results also showed
systematic differences between consumers, producing a range of risk perception profiles.
Overall, the results support the idea that consumers' risk perceptions are multi-dimensional
and differ in emphasis compared to the risk assessments by scientific experts. Consumers'
risk perceptions warrant recognition as playing a vital role in product acceptance. A
recommendation proposed for those involved in risk assessment is to integrate consumer
beliefs and perceptions into assessments of risk, perhaps increasing consumer trust and
reducing product apprehension. Additionally, the range of risk perceptions among
consumers imply that one public policy strategy is unlikely to satisfy all consumers. Risk
communicators can design more effective risk communication strategies by understanding
the ways consumers differ in their behavioral response to a particular perceived concern.<br>Graduation date: 1997
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FERRÍN, Mónica. "What is Democracy to Citizens? Understanding perceptions and evaluations of democratic systems in contemporary Europe." Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/25196.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 26 November 2012<br>Examining Board: Professor Alexander Trechsel, European University Institute (supervisor); Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute; Professor José Ramón Montero, Universidad Autonóma de Madrid; Professor Bernhard Wessels, Social Science Research Centre Berlin.<br>The object of this thesis is Europeans’ orientations to democracy. It is argued in this dissertation that an important variable has been missed in the literature, namely, citizens’ cognitive support for democracy. By including this concept in the analysis of Europeans’ support for democracy, a number of aspects which had been much uncertain until now are inspected. First, conceptual clarification of support for democracy is possible, by distinguishing different types of orientations to democracy. Second, and from an empirical perspective, classical indicators of support for democracy are examined, in order to assess for validity. Interesting results have emerged from the analysis: 1. Determining the structure and the levels of affective support for democracy in Europe. The classic churchillian indicator (‘democracy best’) overstates levels of affective support for democracy in Europe. The structure of affective support for democracy is in fact not homogeneous across Europe, but differs substantially from one group of countries to the others. 2. Mapping types of democrats across Europe. There are different types of democrats across Europe, depending on their cognitive orientations to democracy. These are not evenly spread within each country, but there is correspondence between the structure and levels of affective support and the predominant type of democrats in a country. 3. Studying why people are dis-satisfied with democracy in Europe. The congruence hypothesis (are citizens’ orientations to democracy meaningfully related among them?) is tested. Most citizens are indeed fairly congruent: cognitive and affective supports have an impact on the evaluations of their democratic systems. As such, not only is it possible to determine some of the causes of dis-satisfaction with democracy, but also to claim that the indicator of satisfaction with democracy does reasonably well as a measure of general support for the performance of the regime.
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Makaure, Cleopas. "An analysis of public perception towards consuming genetically modified crops and the acceptance of modern agricultural biotechnology: a South African case study." Diss., 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/25568.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Text in English<br>South Africa is one of the biggest producers of genetically modified crops in the world. However, recent studies in South Africa show a low public willingness to consume genetically modified crops and accept modern agricultural biotechnology. The study analysed public perception towards consuming genetically modified crops and the acceptance of modern agricultural biotechnology in South Africa. 220 participants (N = 220) were sampled from the city of Kempton Park and the Chi-square formula was used to determine how well the sample represented the population under study. Data was collected using
a 7-point Likert scale questionnaire designed following the guidelines for developing a theory of planned behaviour questionnaire in Ajzen (1991, 2001).
Data analyses were carried out using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS). The Cronbach’s alpha and Exploratory Factor Analysis were both used to determine the internal consistency and validity of the questionnaire. Correlations, independent sample t-tests, ANOVA, linear regression, and path analysis were also conducted. Findings of the study confirmed that there is low public willingness to consume genetically modified crops and to accept modern agricultural biotechnology in South Africa.<br>Development Studies<br>M.A. (Development Studies)
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Shields, Alexander Gordon. "Public attitudes towards European integration in Germany and Britain, 1973-1995 /." 2001. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=009684838&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
Texte intégral
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Amaral, Luciano Fernandes do. "A crise dos refugiados nos media portugueses no século XXI." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.2/9023.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Ao longo deste século, assistimos na Europa à chegada de muitos refugiados, tal como
no passado, procuram na fuga encontrar o seu porto seguro e num mundo globalizado
conviverem com diferentes culturas e num mesmo espaço social. Vários acontecimentos
trágicos no decurso do século XXI têm dividido os Estados-Membros e desencadeado
posições contrárias aos princípios que estão na base da construção da União Europeia.
Contudo, na opinião pública ainda existe espaço para uma constante e recorrente dúvida,
quer na atribuição do termo legal de refugiado, quer na ausência da dita solidariedade
como denominador comum entre os países da Europa, já que justificando a preservação
da sua homogeneidade cultural oferecem uma enorme resistência ao acolhimento de
quem precisa.
Esta dissertação tem como principal objetivo, refletir sobre a importância na visibilidade
das notícias que envolveram os refugiados e por inerência os migrantes e requerentes de
asilo em Portugal veiculada pelos media ditos clássicos (legacy media) Imprensa e
Televisão portuguesa no século XXI, que podem contribuir para a positiva visibilidade
dos mesmos.
Neste sentido, em concordância com o estudo teórico feito, optámos pela consulta à
imprensa escrita nacional de tiragem diária entre 2001 e 2018, sendo que, o critério de
seleção das peças jornalísticas foi na categoria de “refugiado”. De igual forma,
recolhemos e registámos os jornais noticiosos dos principais canais generalistas
portugueses que representam o mercado televisivo do século XXI, neste caso, o período
em análise é compreendido entre janeiro de 2015 e junho de 2018.
Realizámos um estudo comparativo de alguns países que fazem parte da União Europeia,
onde verificámos que os cidadãos nacionais apresentam um nível de confiança nos media
superior à média dos cidadãos residentes nos países da UE.<br>Over the course of this century, we have witnessed the arrival of many refugeesin Europe,
as in the past, seeking escape to find their safe haven and in a globalized world to live
with different cultures and in the same social space. Several tragic events during the 21st
century have divided Member States and triggered positions contrary to the principles
underlying the construction of the European Union.
However, in public opinion there is still room for constant and recurring doubt, either in
the granting of the legal term refugee or in the absence of such solidarity as a common
denominator between the countries of Europe, since justifying the preservation of their
cultural homogeneity offers a huge resistance to welcoming those in need.
The main objective of this dissertation is to reflect on the importance of the visibility of
the news that involved the refugees and inherently the migrants and asylum seekers in
Portugal carried by the so-called Portuguese media and legacy media in the 21st century.
for their positive visibility.
In this sense, in accordance with the theoretical study made, we chose to consult the
national written press of daily circulation between 2001 and 2018, and the criterion of
selection of the journalistic articles was in the category of "refugee". Likewise, we
collected and registered the news newspapers of the main Portuguese generalist channels
that represent the 21st century television market, in this case, the period under analysis is
from January 2015 to June 2018.
We conducted a comparative study of some countries that are part of the European Union,
where we found that national citizens have a higher level of confidence in the media than
the average resident in EU countries.
36
Bousmaha, Farah. "The impact of the negative perception of Islam in the Western media and culture from 9/11 to the Arab Spring." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/5677.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)<br>While the Arab spring succeeded in ousting the long-term dictator led governments from power in many Arab countries, leading the way to a new democratic process to develop in the Arab world, it did not end the old suspicions between Arab Muslims and the West. This research investigates the beginning of the relations between the Arab Muslims and the West as they have developed over time, and then focuses its analysis on perceptions from both sides beginning with 9/11 through the events known as the Arab spring. The framework for analysis is a communication perspective, as embodied in the Coordinated Management of Meaning (CMM). According to CMM, communication can be understood as forms of interactions that both constitute and frame reality. The study posits the analysis that the current Arab Muslim-West divide, is often a conversation that is consistent with what CMM labels as the ethnocentric pattern. This analysis will suggest a new pathway, one that follows the CMM cosmopolitan form, as a more fruitful pattern for the future of Arab Muslim-West relations. This research emphasizes the factors fueling this ethnocentric pattern, in addition to ways of bringing the Islamic world and the West to understand each other with a more cosmopolitan approach, which, among other things, accepts mutual differences while fostering agreements. To reach this core, the study will apply a direct communicative engagement between the Islamic world and the West to foster trusted relations, between the two.