Articles de revues : « Berlin (Germany) – History – 1890-1914 »

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Zwicker, Lisa Fetheringill. « Contradictory Fin-de Siècle Reform : German Masculinity, the Academic Honor Code, and the Movement against the Pistol Duel in Universities, 1890–1914 ». History of Education Quarterly 54, n^o 1 (février 2014) : 19–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hoeq.12045.

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The pistol remains the weapon of cripples, the senile, and those infected with a communicable disease. The murder instrument of the highwayman, the dastardly, insidious pistol, is the preferred weapon of the officer.—Hugo Böttger, Editor of theBurschenschaftliche BlätterEven though fraternity men glorified their duels with swords, a series of frivolous pistol duels with deadly ends led students to organize a movement against pistol duels that swept German universities in 1902 and 1903. Students argued that pistol duels violated the rules of reason, morality, and religion—and were thus also purportedly un-German. Male students organized assemblies, made passionate speeches, and passed resolutions in opposition to the pistol duel. They then sent these resolutions to the War Ministers in Prussia, Bavaria, and Saxony. Burschenschaft fraternity men built on their long tradition of liberal political activism and convened assemblies in Berlin, Bonn, Breslau, Freiburg, Giessen, Greifswald, Halle, Kiel, Königsberg, Leipzig, Marburg, Munich, Rostock, and Tübingen and passed resolutions inspired by the movement. Some of these assemblies drew large numbers of students, for example, 600 students in attendance in Leipzig, 1,500 in Munich, and 1,500 in Freiburg. In Berlin, leaders of 67 organizations representing 2,400 members signed petitions against the pistol duel. Other universities not included were majority Catholic institutions, such as Münster or Würzburg, where the opposition to all forms of the duel was even stronger as a result of the Catholic Church's prohibition against dueling. Reaching universities throughout Germany, this movement united students from across the political spectrum.

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OTTE, T. G. « DÉTENTE 1914 : SIR WILLIAM TYRRELL'S SECRET MISSION TO GERMANY ». Historical Journal 56, n^o 1 (1 février 2013) : 175–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1200057x.

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ABSTRACTBased on hitherto unused archival material, this article reconstructs the genesis of a clandestine mission to Germany by Sir Edward Grey's private secretary, Sir William Tyrrell, planned for the summer of 1914. The mission remained abortive, but it offers fresh insights into a growing sense of détente in Great Power relations on the eve of the First World War. Although the episode involved key officials in London and Berlin, the article emphasizes that, pace many recent scholars of the period, the Anglo-German antagonism was not the central concern of British policy-makers. Rather, relations between the two countries were a function of Anglo-Russian relations, and the revival of Russian power after 1912 provides the proper context to the attempts by British and German officials to place relations between their countries on a friendlier footing. The article thus also calls into question criticisms of the British foreign secretary as irrevocably ententiste, and provides an antidote to assumptions of the First World War as somehow inevitable.

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RYAN, MARYNEL. « Different paths to the public : European women, educational opportunity, and expertise, 1890–1930 ». Continuity and Change 19, n^o 3 (décembre 2004) : 367–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416004005193.

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This article describes a comparison of two groups of women, one German and one French, who were able to use the expanding educational opportunities for women during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to forge a new path to public influence. The comparison highlights the different socio-political and institutional contexts of Imperial Germany and Third Republic France, in order to explain the very different career patterns of women with similar research interests: national economists who trained in Berlin and lawyers who trained in Paris. Although the greater emphasis is on the German case, I explore the possibilities for (and limitations to) women's claims to public influence in both contexts.

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Matveeva, Anna. « Embassy of the Russian Empire in Berlin on the Socialist Movement in Germany in 1890–1898 ». Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, n^o 5 (2021) : 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640015152-5.

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The study focuses on assessing the representativeness and relevance of diplomatic documents for the study of key aspects of German domestic politics. Three issues are central to the analysis of the documents from the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire: the completeness of the indicated sources for understanding the factors of the German Empire’s inner policy; the assessment of the subjectivity of the author of diplomatic dispatches, i.e. how much the ambassador's personality determined the content of the dispatches that he sent to the ministry; the relevance of highlighting key issues of internal life in Germany from the point of view of Russian diplomats. Among constantly present in the messages, the most important was the problem of the socialist movement and the Social-Democratic Party’s activities. The socialists were mentioned for significant reasons: the repeal of the Law against the Socialists, the Berlin Conference on the Labor Protection (1890); elections to the Reichstag (1893, 1898); the Reichstag votes on issues important for Russia. The measures of counteraction to the socialists, discussed by the emperor and the government, also aroused interest. The study of archival documents (1890–1898) allows the author to draw the following conclusions. The dispatches adequately reflect the main trends in the socialist movement and the tactics of the SPD, therefore they can be used to study many internal problems faced by Germany in the course of its political evolution. The development of the social-democratic movement was rightly interpreted by Russian diplomats as one of the fundamental reasons for the internal instability of the German state during the reign of Wilhelm II. At the same time, the conclusion drawn by the diplomats can be primarily explained by the Russian imperial regime and its substantial characteristics, rather than the political realities within Germany itself. They considered parliamentarism, limiting the monarch actions (the state interests), to be the main reason for the high popularity and the broadest electoral support of the SPD. The key factor preventing the monarch from defeating the “coup parties” was defined as the activities of liberal political parties, which demanded the unconditional observance of the freedoms prescribed in the Сonstitution of 1871, as well as the prevention of the introduction of Exceptional Laws and other measures of an extraordinary nature.

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Stone, James. « Bismarck and the Great Game : Germany and Anglo-Russian Rivalry in Central Asia, 1871–1890 ». Central European History 48, n^o 2 (juin 2015) : 151–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938915000321.

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AbstractOtto von Bismarck, the first chancellor of a unified Germany, was an active participant in the Anglo-Russian rivalry for control of Central Asia. Even though Germany had no direct interests there and was never involved on the ground during the two decades of his chancellorship, Bismarck invested considerable resources in working to shape the course of events in that part of the world, stoking the flames of conflict whenever it suited the dictates ofRealpolitik. Over a twenty-year period, he actively pursued a consistent strategy that focused on tying down Russian troops in the remote Asian steppes, i.e., as far away from Central Europe as possible. At the same time, he manipulated Anglo-Russian rivalry in Asia to achieve various foreign policy goals that would further German interests. This article explores in detail all of these objectives, as well as their interrelationship. In particular, it unravels the perplexing mystery of how Bismarck was able to influence the politics of Central Asia from his distant headquarters in Berlin.

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Sweeney, D. « Urbanization and Crime : Germany 1871-1914 ; Strassenpolitik. Zur Sozialgeschichte der offentlichen Ordnung in Berlin 1900 bis 1914 ». German History 15, n^o 2 (1 avril 1997) : 287–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/15.2.287.

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Sun, Yawen. « Wilhelm von Bode's Way of Art Appraisal ». Arts Studies and Criticism 3, n^o 5 (16 novembre 2022) : 328. http://dx.doi.org/10.32629/asc.v3i5.1065.

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Wilhelm von Bode, 1845-1929, whose full name is Arnold Wilhelm von Bode, added the word "Feng" to his family name after being granted the title of nobility in 1914. He was a famous German art historian, museum director and founder of museology in the 19th century, and served as the general curator of the Berlin Museum from 1905 to 1920. In Bode's more than half a century long art museum work and art appraisal activities, he has identified countless works of art, and it is impossible to accurately count how many works of art he has evaluated and collected for the Berlin Art Museum and other art museums in Germany. His achievements in art appraisal have almost become a legend. These events recorded in the art history present Bode's specific details and ideas in the work of art appraisal, and more clearly delineate the intricate relationship between art appraisal and other social factors in the country's cultural construction.

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Matveeva, Anna. « Wilhelm II and the resignation of Otto von Bismarck ». Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, n^o 5 (2022) : 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640020983-9.

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The article focuses on the turning point in the history of the German Empire in 1871–1918, associated with the circumstances of the resignation of the first Imperial Chancellor and Minister-President of Prussia Otto von Bismarck in March 1890 and the transition to the so-called Wilhelmian period in the history of the country. The subject has been well studied in German historiography, yet it is still a matter for discussion among historians. Drawing on studies already undertaken, the author supplements them with information from the correspondence between the Russian Embassy in Berlin and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire in January–April 1890, which is largely unknown to the general public. The author focuses on the character and personality of Emperor Wilhelm II, the principal stages in his biography up to 1890 which influenced the emergence and course of the resignation crisis; the political differences between the Emperor and the Chancellor which became the catalyst for their break-up; the consequences of Bismarck's resignation and the impact of these events on the subsequent development of Germany. As a result of this research, the author concludes that, firstly, the main reason was psychology, the psychological disposition of the monarch. By firing the chancellor, he wanted to get a sense of freedom. A man who had been emotionally very dependent on his 'mentors' his whole life was trying to break free from the tutelage of the chief of them, Bismarck. Secondly, the German Empire was in no way inferior to the British Empire, whose reigning house he had a whole gamut of love-hate feelings towards. In such a situation, Bismarck, who had resisted state colonial policy and domestic transformation in every way, was not at all suited to be the main pillar of the new monarch, who had such far-reaching, albeit very vague, plans. His notion of the ability to single-handedly determine the entire policy of a country such as Germany at the end of the nineteenth century was inherently doomed to failure. Removing a constraining and guiding factor such as Bismarck from the system made it even more unstable. But there was no other way out of the conflict, the Bismarcks could not in any circumstances replace the Hohenzollerns.

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Grams, Grant W. « Louis Hamilton : A British Scholar in Nazi Germany ». Fascism 5, n^o 2 (27 octobre 2016) : 177–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00502005.

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Louis Hamilton (1879–1948) was a British national that lectured at various institutions of higher learning in Berlin from 1904–1914, and 1919–1938. During the Third Reich (1933–1945) Hamilton was accused of being half-Jewish and his continued presence at institutions of higher learning was considered undesirable. Hamilton like other foreign born academics was coerced to leave Germany because the Nazi educational system viewed them as being politically unreliable. Hamilton’s experiences are an illustration of what foreign academics suffered during the Third Reich. The purpose of this article is to shed new light on the fate of foreign academics in Nazi Germany. Although the fate of Jewish professors and students has been researched non-Jewish and non-Aryan instructors has been a neglected topic within the history of Nazism.

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Lambert, A. « Naval Intelligence from Germany : The Reports of the British Naval Attaches in Berlin, 1906-1914 ». English Historical Review CXXV, n^o 513 (24 mars 2010) : 479–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cep329.

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Gradmann, Christoph. « Locating Therapeutic Vaccines in Nineteenth-Century History ». Science in Context 21, n^o 2 (juin 2008) : 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026988970800166x.

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ArgumentThis essay places some therapeutic vaccines, including particularly the diphtheria antitoxin, into their larger historical context of the late nineteenth century. As industrially produced drugs, these vaccines ought to be seen in connection with the structural changes in medicine and pharmacology at the time. Given the spread of industrial culture and technology into the field of medicine and pharmacology, therapeutic vaccines can be understood as boundary objects that required and facilitated communication between industrialists, medical researchers, public health officials, and clinicians. It was in particular in relation to evaluation and testing for efficacy in animal models that these medicines became a model for twentieth-century medicine. In addition, these medicines came into being as a parallel invention in two very distinct local cultures of research: the Institut Pasteur in Paris and the Institut für Infektionskrankheiten in Berlin. While their local cultural origins were plainly visible, the medicines played an important role in the alignment of the methods and objects that took place in bacteriology research in France and Germany in the 1890s. This article assesses the two locally specific regimes for control in France and in Imperial Germany. In France the Institut Pasteur, building on earlier successful vaccines, enjoyed freedom from scrutinizing control. The tight and elaborate system of control that evolved in Imperial Germany is portrayed as being reliant on experiences that were drawn from the dramatic events that surrounded the launching of a first example of so-called “bacteriological medicine,” tuberculin, in 1890.

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Valone, Stephen J. « “There Must Be Some Misunderstanding” : Sir Edward Grey's Diplomacy of August 1, 1914 ». Journal of British Studies 27, n^o 4 (octobre 1988) : 405–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385920.

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For over two generations, scholars have studied Sir Edward Grey's response to the Sarajevo crisis, apparently considering every aspect of his dual effort to find a diplomatic solution while convincing the cabinet that England must intervene in a general war. Historians have generally agreed that Grey's last hope to prevent war evaporated by the end of July, although the cabinet did not decide to intervene until August 2. In this light, the events of August 1, 1914, are only considered to be either a prelude or a postscript to more significant events. The purpose of this essay is to suggest that Grey pursued two distinct, yet interrelated, courses of action on August 1, 1914: (1) for as long as he was unsure of cabinet support for intervention, he sought to make a diplomatic deal with the German ambassador so that a neutral England could salvage something from the crisis, but (2) once confident England would enter the conflict, he sought to prevent the war altogether by applying diplomatic pressure on France.Historians have overlooked Grey's diplomacy on August 1 primarily because of the cloud cast over the events of the day by the so-called misunderstanding between Grey and the German ambassador, Prince Karl Max Lichnowsky. The first Grey-Lichnowsky exchange took place that morning when Sir William Tyrrell, Grey's private secretary, brought a message to the German embassy. After subsequently receiving a personal call from Grey, Lichnowsky, at 11:14 a.m., sent a wire to Berlin in which he indicated Grey had proposed that, if Germany “were not to attack France, England would remain neutral and would guarantee France's passivity.”

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Mohr, Barbara, et Annette Vogt. « Marlies Teichmüller (1914-2000) : A Successful Woman Geologist and the Berlin School of Organic Petrology ». Earth Sciences History 25, n^o 1 (1 janvier 2006) : 117–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.25.1.3013051666286146.

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Marlies Teichmüller, née Köster (1914 Herne-2000 Krefeld), was one of the few women geologists in Germany who as early as the 1940s had a successful scientific career. To accomplish this unusual career path various prerequisites had to be met. Besides a strong character and talent, the support of her family proved to be crucial. Her childhood that was troubled by the early death of her father, her and her sisters' upbringing as half-orphans and her schooling probably played a major role in her decision making process. The influence of her teachers during her student years at the University of Berlin as well as her marriage to a scientist in a related field are considered to have been most important for her later scientific success. Their shared knowledge and many decades of lasting cooperation led to completely new insights in the field of organic petrology. In addition we emphasize her accomplishments in improving communication between the German and the American scientific traditions in the field of coal studies.

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STAMHUIS, IDA H., et ANNETTE B. VOGT. « Discipline building in Germany : women and genetics at the Berlin Institute for Heredity Research ». British Journal for the History of Science 50, n^o 2 (20 mars 2017) : 267–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087417000048.

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AbstractThe origin and the development of scientific disciplines has been a topic of reflection for several decades. The few extensive case studies support the thesis that scientific disciplines are not monolithic structures but can be characterized by distinct social, organizational and scientific–technical practices. Nonetheless, most disciplinary histories of genetics confine themselves largely to an uncontested account of the content of the discipline or occasionally institutional factors. Little attention is paid to the large number of researchers who, by their joint efforts, ultimately shaped the discipline. We contribute to this aspect of disciplinary historiography by discussing the role of women researchers at the Institute for Heredity Research, founded in 1914 in Berlin under the directorship of Erwin Baur, and the sister of the John Innes Institute at Cambridge. This paper investigates how and why Baur built a highly successful research programme that relied on the efforts of his female staff, whose careers, notably Elisabeth Schiemann's, are also assessedin toto. These women undertook the necessary ‘technoscience’ and in some cases innovative work and helped increase the prestige of the institute and its director. Together they played a pivotal role in the establishment of genetics in Germany. Without them the discipline would have developed much more slowly and along a divergent path.

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Suchoples, Jarosław. « The birth of the legend : The odyssey of the cruiser Emden as presented by German daily newspapers, 1914–1915 ». International Journal of Maritime History 29, n^o 3 (août 2017) : 544–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871417712211.

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From August to early November 1914, the effectiveness of a lone German commerce-raider, the light cruiser Emden eventually brought the bulk of Allied cargo-shipping in the Bay of Bengal and the Indian Ocean to a virtual halt, thus hampering their war effort in Europe. Although the Emden was finally destroyed at the battle of the Cocos Islands, the press were able to continue the story relating the daring escape of some of her crew. The escapees got away from Direction Island in the Cocos in a requisitioned sailing schooner, the Ayesha. What followed were several months of dangerous and arduous progress first through the Indian Ocean, then through Arabia, finally reaching Constantinople and thence to Germany. Theirs was the only German military unit that returned home from overseas and their story was a gift for German propagandists. Scanning the contemporary German newspapers it becomes clear that they were determined to make the most of this story. It was about German seafarers whose courage and chivalrous attitude towards their enemies should be publicly recognised. It was likewise appreciated by the British. During 1914 and 1915, the German daily press kept the public regularly informed about the Emden whenever there was any news. The legend steadily grew to become a permanent and indisputably positive element of the German collective memory and military tradition. Because the news only came intermittently it became all the more exciting for their readers to follow. The press material is stored as a collection of clippings in the Federal Archive (Bundesarchiv) in Berlin, which clearly shows how the narrative unfolded. It was soon taken up by the German propaganda machine to boost the morale of the German people. Reading the articles it is clear that the editors seized upon this as a story of heroic deeds, allowing them to present their countrymen as super-men who proved the superiority of the German fighting man.

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Epkenhans, Michael. « Book Review : Naval Intelligence from Germany : The Reports of the British Naval Attachés in Berlin, 1906–1914 ». International Journal of Maritime History 20, n^o 1 (juin 2008) : 446–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387140802000179.

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Gunga, Hanns-Christian, Tim Suthau, Anke Bellmann, Stefan Stoinski, Andreas Friedrich, Tobias Trippel, Karl Kirsch et Olaf Hellwich. « A new body mass estimation ofBrachiosaurus brancaiJanensch, 1914 mounted and exhibited at the Museum of Natural History (Berlin, Germany) ». Fossil Record 11, n^o 1 (février 2008) : 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/mmng.200700011.

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Aaslestad, Katherine, et Karen Hagemann. « 1806 and Its Aftermath : Revisiting the Period of the Napoleonic Wars in German Central European Historiography ». Central European History 39, n^o 4 (décembre 2006) : 547–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906000185.

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If the French faced the 200th anniversary of the Napoleonic Empire with some trepidation about how to commemorate the infamous Corsican, the British celebrated the Battle of Trafalgar as an enduring national victory. A grand exhibit in the National Maritime Museum in London, “Nelson and Napoleon,” observed this event in 2005. In contemporary Germany, however, the commemoration of 1806 has occurred mainly among small circles of specialists and remained largely absent from popular historical consciousness. In recent times, besides the exhibition on the Holy Roman Empire in the German Historical Museum in Berlin, only small local exhibits and substantial articles in magazines like Die Zeit and Der Spiegel recall 1806. Past momentous occasions such as 1848, 1914–1919, 1933–1945, and 1949 clearly overshadow in contemporary historical memory the tumultuous decades that surrounded the Napoleonic Wars. This tendency to overlook and underestimate the significance of the early nineteenth century also remains evident among scholars who work on later periods of German history. In the shadow of World Wars and the Holocaust, the period of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars between 1792 and 1815 seems distant to the contemporary audience. But why do historians also tend to disregard the importance of this era of warfare and domestic, social, and economic transformation—a period so rich in complexity—and its enduring consequences for nineteenth- and twentieth-century Europe?

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Eisfeld, Rainer. « Political Science in Great Britain and Germany : The Roles of LSE (The London School of Economics) and DHfP (The German Political Studies Institute) ». Polish Political Science Review 2, n^o 2 (1 décembre 2014) : 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ppsr-2015-0022.

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Abstract The London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) and the Deutsche Hochschule für Politik (DHfP, German Political Studies Institute) in Berlin both emerged extramurally. LSE was founded in 1895 by Fabian socialists Sidney and Beatrice Webb; DHfP was established in 1920 by liberal-national publicists Ernst Jäckh and Theodor Heuss. However, superficial resemblances ended there, as shown in the paper’s first part. The founders’ aims differed markedly; incorporation into London and Berlin universities occurred at different times and in different ways. The chair of political science set up at LSE in 1914 was held, until 1950, by two reform-minded Fabians, Graham Wallas and Harold Laski. DHfP, which did not win academic recognition during the 1920s, split into nationalist, “functionalist”, and democratic “schools”. Against this backdrop, the paper’s second part discusses Harold Laski’s magnum opus (1925) A Grammar of Politics as an attempt at offering a vision of the “good society”, and Theodor Heuss’ 1932 study Hitler’s Course as an example of the divided Hochschule’s inability to provide adequate analytical assessments of the Nazi movement and of the gradual infringement, by established elites, of the Weimar constitution. Laski’s work and intellectual legacy reinforced the tendency towards the predominance, in British political science, of normative political theory. West German political science, initially pursued “from a Weimar perspective”, was also conceived as a highly normative enterprise emphasising classical political theory, the institutions and processes of representative government, and the problematic ideological and institutional predispositions peculiar to German political history. Against this background, the paper’s third part looks, on the one hand, at the contribution to “New Left” thinking (1961 ff.) by Ralph Miliband, who studied under Laski and taught at LSE until 1972, and at Paul Hirst’s 1990s theory of associative democracy, which builds on Laski’s pluralism. On the other hand, the paper considers Karl Dietrich Bracher’s seminal work The Failure of the Weimar Republic (1955) and Ernst Fraenkel’s 1964 collection Germany and the Western Democracies, which originated, respectively, from the (Research) Institute for Political Science – added to Berlin’s Free University in 1950 – and DHfP, re-launched in the same year. In a brief concluding fourth part, the paper touches on the reception, both in Great Britain and West Germany, of the approaches of “modern” American political science since the mid-1960s.

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Unludag, Tania. « Bourgeois Mentality and Socialist Ideology as Exemplified by Clara Zetkin's Constructs of Femininity ». International Review of Social History 47, n^o 1 (avril 2002) : 33–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859001000475.

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Clara Zetkin (1857–1933) remains one of the most famous figures in the history of the German and international Left. She rose to prominence as a social democrat beginning in 1890 and became a Marxist and, as of 1919, a member of the high-ranking cadre of the KPD; she was an activist of the Second International, starting in 1889, and belonged to the Executive Committee of the Communist International (EKKI) in the 1920s. She is known in history primarily as the leader and chief ideologue of the socialist, and later the international communist, women's movement, but is also a popular figure in the leftist women's movement of the twentieth century. Zetkin, the founder of International Women's Day, is still widely depicted as a heroine. However, in light of recent research conducted in Berlin and Moscow and from the perspective of the history of mentalities, the tendency to mythologize her needs to be questioned. This essay on Clara Zetkin's constructs of femininity is part of a biography oriented toward a history of mentalities, in which the socialist and communist Zetkin is presented in the entire societal context of her times, perceived as a contemporary of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. From this perspective, it is precisely Zetkin's comments on the women's issue that mirror the influences of Social Darwinism and biological discussion at the turn of the century in Germany. The ideas held by the leader and theoretician of the international socialist women's movement on the “liberation of women” from “gender slavery” and “class bondage” were not aimed at pursuing an autonomous process of emancipating women for their own sake, but at pursuing a well-structured and directed process of educating them that would end up turning them into a new physically and mentally improved “consummate woman” who would efficiently serve the socialist society.

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Caplan, J. « Book Reviews : Civil Servants and the Politics of Inflation in Germany, 1914-1924. By Andreas Kunz. (Veroffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission zu Berlin, vol. 66 = Beitrage zu Inflation und Wiederaufbau in Deutschland und Europa 1914-1924, vol. 7). Berlin and New York : Walter de Gruyter. 1986. xxii + 428 pp. DM 98 ». German History 7, n^o 1 (1 avril 1989) : 154–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635548900700129.

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Sweeney, D. « Book Reviews : Urbanization and Crime : Germany 1871-1914. By Eric A. Johnson. Cam bridge : Cambridge University Press. 1995. x + 246 pp. 35.00 : Stra enpolitik, Zur Sozialgeschichte der offentlichen Ordnung in Berlin 1900 bis 1914. By Thomas Lindenberger. Bonn : Dietz. 1995. 431 pp. DM62 ». German History 15, n^o 2 (1 janvier 1997) : 287–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635549701500223.

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Jarausch, K. H. « Civil Servants and the Politics of Inflation in Germany, 1914-1924, vol. 66 of the Veroffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission zu Berlin. By Andreas Kunz (Berlin and New York : Walter de Gruyter, 1986. xix plus 426 pp) ». Journal of Social History 23, n^o 3 (1 mars 1990) : 646–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh/23.3.646.

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Einstein, Albert. « Physics & ; reality ». Daedalus 132, n^o 4 (octobre 2003) : 22–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/001152603771338742.

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Editor's Note: There is probably no modern scientist as famous as Albert Einstein. Born in Germany in 1879 and educated in physics and mathematics at the Swiss Federal Polytechnic School in Zurich, he was at first unable to find a teaching post, working instead as a technical assistant in the Swiss Patent Office from 1901 until 1908. Early in 1905, Einstein published “A New Determination of Molecular Dimensions,” a paper that earned him a Ph.D. from the University of Zurich. More papers followed, and Einstein returned to teaching, in Zurich, in Prague, and eventually in Berlin, where an appointment in 1914 to the Prussian Academy of Sciences allowed him to concentrate on research. In November of 1919, the Royal Society of London announced that a scientific expedition had photographed a solar eclipse and completed calculations that verified the predictions that Einstein had made in a paper published three years before on the general theory of relativity. Virtually overnight, Einstein was hailed as the world's greatest genius, instantly recognizable, thanks to “his great mane of crispy, frizzled and very black hair, sprinkled with gray and rising high from a lofty brow” (as Romain Rolland described in his diary). In the essay excerpted here, and first published in 1936, Einstein demonstrates his substantial interest in philosophy as well as science. He is pragmatic, in insisting that the only test of concepts is their usefulness in describing the physical world, yet also idealistic, in aiming for the minimum number of concepts to achieve that description. In 1933, Einstein renounced his German citizenship and moved to the United States, where he lived until his death in 1955. A recipient of the Nobel Prize in physics in 1921, he was elected a member of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences in 1924.

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Eisenberg, Christiane. « Football in Germany : beginnings, 1890–1914 ». International Journal of the History of Sport 8, n^o 2 (septembre 1991) : 205–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523369108713755.

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Gutwein, Daniel. « Jewish financiers and industry, 1890–1914 : england and Germany ». Jewish History 8, n^o 1-2 (mars 1994) : 177–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01915913.

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Stark, Gary D., et Ann Taylor Allen. « Satire and Society in Wilhelmine Germany : Kladderadatsch and Simplicissimus, 1890-1914 ». American Historical Review 90, n^o 5 (décembre 1985) : 1220. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1859750.

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Maciuika, John V. « Werkbundpolitik and Weltpolitik : The German State's Interest in Global Commerce and "Good Design," ; 1912-1914" ; ». German Politics and Society 23, n^o 1 (1 mars 2005) : 102–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503005780889147.

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Although the conflict between Muthesius and van de Velde has been well documented in the annals of modern architectural and design history, far less understood is the extent to which domestic political crises and new policy departures in Berlin served as preconditions for the Werkbund conflict in the first place. Prominent Werkbund members—men such as Werkbund Managing Director Ernst Jäckh and Werkbund Vice President Hermann Muthesius, but also including such national political figures and Werkbund members as Friedrich Naumann of Württemberg and Gustav Stresemann of Saxony—used institutional affiliations and their multiple professional identities to forge unprecedented linkages between the Werkbund leadership, industrial interest groups, and powerful German state interests. Specifically, and at the national level, new policies articulated by German Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg and key German ministries in Berlin, strident national interest group politics, and an evolving state outlook toward Weltpolitik (geopolitical strategy) combined to reshape Werkbund policy in fundamental ways between 1912 and 1914. Without these forces, and without developments that followed the lopsided and highly contentious Reichstag elections of January 1912, the Werkbund likely never would have risen to the prominent position it came to occupy with state authorities by July 1914.

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Wank, Solomon. « Desperate Counsel in Vienna in July 1914 : Berthold Molden's Unpublished Memorandum ». Central European History 26, n^o 3 (septembre 1993) : 281–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900009146.

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Webegan the war, not the Germans and even less the Entente— that I know.” So begins a recently discovered and published account of the events of July 1914,Der Kriegsbeginn, written in December 1918 by Baron Leopold von Andrian–Werburg, the respected and influential Austro-Hungarian Consul-General in Warsaw (1911–1914). He was in Vienna after the assassination of Archduke Francis Ferdinand on 28 June 1914, and belonged to that small circle of diplomats privy to the discussions in the Ballhausplatz that followed that event. Andrian-Werburg's ringing confession of Austro-Hungarian responsibility for the outbreak of World War I is much more direct than one that first came to light more than a decade ago: that of Count Alexander Hoyos, Foreign Minister Count Leopold Berchtold's chef-de-cabinet. Andrian-Werburg's avowal of Austro-Hungarian responsibility is paradoxical in the context of the controversy over German policy in July 1914 sparked by the publication of Fritz Fischer's 1964 book on Germany's war aims. As Fritz Fellner pointed out in an essay on Hoyos's mission to Berlin to garner benützt werden, urn die Rechnung zu prasentieren. Entgegenkornmen so lange wie möglich, aber zurückschlagen beirn nächsten Schlag. Dieser nächste Schiag ist jetzt da—alle Welt sieht, weiche Gesinnungen in Serbien die Führung an sich gerissen haben. Nicht urn Rache handelt es sich, sondern urn Sicherung für die Zukunft. Rache mag das, für das Gefühl der einfachsten Menschen in unserern Volke verständlichste Motiv sein, für viele andere wird es heissen, dass Serbien uns sein böses Trachten jetzt enthüllt hat—die Politik aber hat Bürgschaft oder Unterwerfung zu fordern.

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Breckman, W. G. « Disciplining Consumption : The Debate about Luxury in Wilhelmine Germany, 1890-1914 ». Journal of Social History 24, n^o 3 (1 mars 1991) : 485–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh/24.3.485.

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Kotov, Boris. « German Expansion in the Ottoman Empire on the Eve of the First World War in the Russian Press Comments ». ISTORIYA 13, n^o 9 (119) (2022) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022832-4.

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The Balkans and the territory of the Ottoman Empire (especially the Straits region and Asia Minor) on the eve of the First World War were the main region where Russian and Austro-German interests clashed. The article deals with the reaction of the Russian press to sending of the German military mission to Istanbul in winter 1913—1914, headed by General Liman von Sanders. The author stressed that this action of the Berlin Government contributed to the further growth of anti-German sentiments in the Russian society on the eve of the First World War.

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Storm, Eric. « Painting Regional Identities : Nationalism in the Arts, France, Germany and Spain, 1890—1914 ». European History Quarterly 39, n^o 4 (25 septembre 2009) : 557–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691409342651.

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Rasche, Adelheid. « The culture of clothing : On the history of the Fashion Image Collection – Lipperheide Costume Library in Berlin ». Art Libraries Journal 42, n^o 3 (2 juin 2017) : 162–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/alj.2017.23.

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In the last third of the 19th century, Berlin was the undisputed capital of the German clothing and fashion industry on an international scale. Several publishing houses specialized in the production of fashion magazines for different target groups. One of the success stories in this context is that of the publisher Franz Lipperheide and his wife Frieda. In 1865, they founded their own company, publishing the journal Die Modenwelt: Illustrirte Zeitung für Toilette und Handarbeiten. This journal quickly became the most-read fashion journal in Berlin. By the company's 25th anniversary in 1890, a total of 12 international editions of the journal was published with around 500,000 subscribers. The economic success of their company allowed the Lipperheides to create extensive private collections that reflected their deep interest in cultural-historical topics as well as textile art.This paper focuses on their collection of source material for costume studies, which is now known as the ‘Sammlung Modebild—Lipperheidesche Kostümbibliothek’ (Fashion Image Collection—Lipperheide Costume Library), a department of the Kunstbibliothek at the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. The paper presents its history, some collection highlights and the various means of access (catalogues, exhibition catalogues and online access).

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Vyleta, Daniel. « Jewish Crimes and Misdemeanours : In Search of Jewish Criminality (Germany and Austria, 1890-1914) ». European History Quarterly 35, n^o 2 (avril 2005) : 299–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691405051468.

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Shafer, Yvonne. « Nazi Berlin and the Grosses Schauspielhaus ». Theatre Survey 34, n^o 1 (mai 1993) : 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557400009777.

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The Grosses Schauspielhaus in Berlin was a theatrical showplace in several incarnations. The building itself was initially a great market situated near the Spree River in the center of Berlin. In the latter part of the nineteenth century it was converted to an enormous circus which drew crowds to see outstanding exhibitions of horsemanship and other circus acts. It also served as a great meeting hall for such events as Robert Koch's international congress dealing with tuberculosis in 1890. The large amphitheatre in the huge building was a symbol of the growing population of Berlin and its increasing prosperity. The history of the various uses to which the theatre was put in the twentieth century is an important reflection of the changes in German society in this period. During the time of the Third Reich it was an important element in culture and propaganda under the direction of Dr. Joseph Goebbels. This paper will analyze the unusual architecture of the theatre and the productions of several plays which were important during the Third Reich.

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Abrams, L. « Die Kunst dem Volke oder dem Proletariat ? : Die Geschichte der Freien Volksbuhnenbewegung in Berlin, 1890-1914 ». German History 10, n^o 2 (1 janvier 1992) : 251–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/10.2.251b.

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Breuilly, J. « Creating the Russian Peril : Education, the Public Sphere, and National Identity in Imperial Germany, 1890-1914 ». German History 29, n^o 1 (1 novembre 2010) : 143–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghq129.

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Hett, Benjamin Carter. « The “Captain of Köpenick” and the Transformation of German Criminal Justice, 1891–1914 ». Central European History 36, n^o 1 (mars 2003) : 1–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916103770892159.

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Most Germans still know the story. One day in October 1906, the 57-year-old ex-convict Wilhelm Voigt dressed himself in the uniform of a Prussian captain, assembled from several second-hand stores. So equipped, Voigt intercepted two squads of soldiers who were going off duty, and ordered the soldiers to accompany him to the town hall of the Berlin suburb of Köpenick. There, claiming to act on “All-Highest command,” Voigt arrested the mayor and other town officials, and had the town's cash handed over to him in two large sacks. He departed with the money and sent the officials in a car to the police station at Berlin's Neue Wache, guarded by several of the soldiers. Only at the Neue Wache did the officials learn that the “All-Highest” had not in fact ordered their arrest.

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ERMARTH, MICHAEL. « RECOVERING THE FULL PALETTE OF POSSIBILITIES FOR WILHELMINE GERMANY 1890–1914 : A NEW GERMAN SPECIAL WAY ? » Modern Intellectual History 3, n^o 3 (22 septembre 2006) : 535–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244306000916.

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Kevin Repp, Reformers, Critics, and the Paths of German Modernity: Anti-politics and the Search for Alternatives, 1890–1914 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000)Suzanne Marchand and David Lindenfeld, eds., Germany at the Fin de Siecle: Culture, Politics, and Ideas (Baton Rouge: Lousiana State University Press, 2004)As in the colorization of old black-and-white films, large swaths of modern German history have been undergoing a major makeover through full-spectrum, high-definition re-colorization. Stark black and white—and in between steely gray-on-gray—hardly suffice any longer for representing the full spectrum of the German past in its manifold formations and transformations. As compellingly set forth in the two works reviewed here, this changing retrospective view of change itself is revamping the history of the Wilhelmine Reich of 1890–1914. And just as in the colorization of old films, this shift has the uncanny parallax effect of making a bygone period-piece seem somehow closer to our sensibly “more modern” present-day world—even while the earlier period is also plainly lodged in a distant timeframe. The new history has some very interesting and unsettling special effects and nowhere do they come into play more palpably than in treating the special “German question” in relation to the larger question of Western mainstream modernity.

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Ladynin, Ivan A. « The Journey Begins : Letter from Vasily Struve to Mikhail Rostovtzev of 25 May 1914 ». Herald of an archivist, n^o 4 (2020) : 1119–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-4-1119-1130.

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The article presents a publication of the letter from Vasily Vasilievich Struve (1889–1965), pioneer in the research of the Ancient Near East societies in the Soviet Union, to Mikhail Ivanovich Rostovtzev (1870–1952), the prominent Classicist, one of the first scholars in socio-economic history of the Antiquity in pre-revolutionary Russia. The letter was written during Struve’s post-graduate sabbatical in Berlin in 1914; it is stored in the Russian State Historical Archives in St. Petersburg. The document is significant due to its information on Struve’s stay in Berlin and on his contacts with leading German scholars (including Eduard Meyer and Adolf Erman), but it also touches upon a bigger issue. In the early 1930s Struve forwarded his concept of slave-owning mode of production in the Ancient Near East, which was immediately accepted into official historiography, making him a leading theoretician in the Soviet research of ancient history. It has been repeatedly stated in memoirs and in post-Soviet historiography that this concept and, generally speaking, Struve’s interest in socio-economic issues was opportunistic. His 1910s articles on the Ptolemaic society and state published prior to the Russian revolution weigh heavily against this point of view. The published letter contains Struve’s assessment of his future thesis (state institutions of the New Kingdom of Egypt) and puts its topic in the context of current discussions on the Ptolemaic state and society and of his studies in the Rostovtzev’s seminar at the St. Petersburg University. Struve declares the study of Egyptian social structure and connections between its pre-Hellenistic and Hellenistic phases his life-task, introduced to him by Rostovtzev. Thus, Struve’s early interest in these issues appears to be sincere; it stems from pre-revolutionary trends in the Russian scholarship.

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Stibbe, M. « Book Review : National Identity and Political Thought in Germany. Wilhelmine Depictions of the French Third Republic, 1890-1914 ». German History 20, n^o 1 (1 janvier 2002) : 133–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635540202000117.

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Johansen, A. « Violent Repression or Modern Strategies of Crowd Management : Soldiers as Riot Police in France and Germany, 1890-1914 ». French History 15, n^o 4 (1 décembre 2001) : 400–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/15.4.400.

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Caruso, Amerigo. « Joining Forces against ‘Strike Terrorism’ : The Public-Private Interplay in Policing Strikes in Imperial Germany, 1890–1914 ». European History Quarterly 49, n^o 4 (octobre 2019) : 597–624. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419864007.

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This article examines the blurred boundaries between public and private repressive practices in Wilhelmine Germany with a special focus on the legal and administrative framework drawn up to redistribute security tasks and delegate the use of violence to non-state actors. While the rapid escalation of political violence in Central and Eastern Europe after 1917 has been widely discussed in the recent historiography, the structure of violence in the pre-war period remains less explored, especially with regard to the public-private interplay in the policing of popular protests. After the first massive strike by Ruhr miners in 1889, the Prussian authorities began to support the formation of semi-private armed protection groups in an effort to tackle ‘strike terrorism’. The idea of privatizing repressive practices arose as a result of widespread fears of social and political disintegration. Yet, although it may seem paradoxical, the precondition for delegating the use of violence to non-state actors was Prussian administrators’ confidence in the state’s solidity and efficiency. The ambivalence in contemporary discourses concerning the vulnerability of the existing social and political order is crucial to explaining why the Prussian authorities implemented strategies for legally distributing arms to those groups that were considered part of the ‘loyal classes’. The mobilization against ‘strike terrorism’ involved not only officially organized armed groups, such as the Zechenwehren, but also more informal or extra-legal strategies such as private use of the municipal police, the distribution of arms to strike-breakers and the militarization of white-collar workers and supervisors.

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Bonnell, Andrew G. « Did They Read Marx ? Marx Reception and Social Democratic Party Members in Imperial Germany, 1890–1914 ». Australian Journal of Politics & ; History 48, n^o 1 (mars 2002) : 4–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00248.

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Ringer, Fritz K. « Differences and Cross-National Similarities among Mandarins ». Comparative Studies in Society and History 28, n^o 1 (janvier 1986) : 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500011890.

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In response to the preceding article, Professor Sven-Eric Liedman's very interesting critique of my The Decline of the German Mandarins, let me begin by describing how I selected and approached my sources for that work. I first studied printed collections of speeches given at various German universities during the Weimar period, which I happened to encounter in the library. I next made a list of all nonscientists above the rank of instructor who taught for three or more years in faculties of arts and sciences at the universities of Berlin, Munich, Freiburg, and Heidelberg between 1918 and 1933. I read everything written by these men during those years that was relatively unspecialized or methodological in character. Finally, I extended my reading of university speeches and of my authors' works backward in time to 1890, while also adding major handbooks and anthologies in several disciplines, along with writings by academics—and a few nonacademics—who were not members of my original sample, but who were prominently mentioned in the material I had already read.

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Berger, Stefan. « ‘Organising Talent and Disciplined Steadiness’ : the German SPD as a Model for the British Labour Party in the 1920s ? » Contemporary European History 5, n^o 2 (juillet 1996) : 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300003763.

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In comparative Labour history there is a long tradition of adhering to a typology of labour movements which distinguishes south-western European, ‘Latin’ labour movements (France, Spain, Italy) from north-eastern European labour movements (Germany, Austria, Scandinavia, east and south-east Europe) and invokes a third category: Anglo-American labour movements. The British Labour Party is usually subsumed under this latter category, whereas the German SPD is regarded as the spiritual leader of the second. Insofar as these comparisons explicitly deal with the time before the First World War, their argument is indeed a strong one. After all, the SPD was the largest socialist party in the world before 1914, at a time when the Labour Party did not even allow individual membership. At least in its organisational strongholds, the SPD resembled a social movement providing for its members almost ‘from cradle to grave’. The Labour Party, by contrast, is often portrayed as a trade union interest group in parliament with no other purpose than electoral representation. Where the Labour Party avoided any ideological commitment before 1914, the SPD had at least theoretically adopted Marxism as its ideological bedrock after 1890.

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Behringer, Wolfgang. « Bier, Wissenschaft und Wirtschaft in Deutschland, 1800–1914. Ein Beitrag zur deutschen Industrialisierungsgeschichte. By Mikulás Teich. Vienna : Böhlau-Verlag, 2000. Pp. 355. » Journal of Economic History 61, n^o 4 (décembre 2001) : 1118–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050701005629.

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The author concludes with a quotation from J. D. Bernal (Die soziale Funktion der Wissenschaft. Berlin: Akademie, 1986: 22) to the effect that this book will have served its purpose if it manages to demonstrate that there is a problem. This is indeed the case, partly as a result of the author's research, and partly as a result of his omissions. Mikulás Teich, Emeritus Fellow of Robinson College, Cambridge, tries to reconstruct the brewing industry's importance for the German Industrial Revolution, emphasizing the surprising fact that before 1914 the brewing industry ranked first, alongside machine construction, in terms of capital investment. And although there are some general histories of brewing, none of them treats the interdependence of demand, scientific research, and technological innovation.

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Yapp, M. E. « Haim Gerber : Ottoman rule in Jerusalem 1890–1914. (Islamkundliche Untersuchungen Bd. 101.) vii, 343 pp. Berlin : Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1985. » Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 50, n^o 2 (juin 1987) : 375–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00049272.

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König, Ralf Martin. « Zwischen Ausbeutung, Förderung und Reglementierung : Textile Kriegsheimarbeit in Deutschland 1914 bis 1918 ». Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 58, n^o 2 (27 novembre 2017) : 537–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2017-0020.

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Abstract This essay intends to provide an introduction into an interesting aspect of the German war economy of the First World War not previously examined in detail: home-based outwork for the production of military supplies. In particular, this type of home-based outwork enjoyed great popularity amongst women with no previous experience of this form of work, such as soldiers’ wives and war widows. They were supported by various charitable welfare societies and women’s organizations which campaigned for public welfare during the war. Their efforts included the establishment of sewing rooms in which military home-based outwork was provided as emergency work. Orders were supplied by the military procurement bodies of the German Reich. Although many potential workers were thus withheld from the armaments industry, the development was not seen as a problem by the military administration. However, it did react critically to the many cases in which particularly female home workers were duped by firms when picking up their work. Especially in the area around Berlin, the military authorities intervened vigorously to enforce standard wages for the home workers sewing military uniforms. Nevertheless, the year 1916 marks a turning point: This benevolent stance on home-based outwork changed under the pressure of new employment priorities. New contract regulations made military home-based outwork difficult for unskilled male and female workers to access. These were in theory then available to work in the armaments industry and in agriculture, areas both struggling to meet labour demands. Moreover, the changes led to an organizational separation between sandbag sewing and other home-based outwork involved in producing textiles for the military. In the case of sandbag sewing, a separate war committee was responsible for the planned distribution of sandbag orders throughout the whole Reich.

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Tennstedt, Florian. « Andrea Bergler, Von Armenpflegern und Fürsorgeschwestern. Kommunale Wohlfahrtspflege und Geschlechterpolitik in Berlin und Charlottenburg 1890 bis 1914. (Beiträge zur Stadtgeschichte und Urbanisierungsforschung, Bd. 13.) Stuttgart, Steiner 2011 Bergler Andrea Von Armenpflegern und Fürsorgeschwestern. Kommunale Wohlfahrtspflege und Geschlechterpolitik in Berlin und Charlottenburg 1890 bis 1914. (Beiträge zur Stadtgeschichte und Urbanisierungsforschung, Bd. 13.) 2011 Steiner Stuttgart € 70,– ». Historische Zeitschrift 296, n^o 3 (juin 2013) : 836. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/hzhz.2013.0282.

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