Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Basilica di Santa Maria (Pugliano, Italy) »

The Basilica Julii (also known as titulus Callisti and later as Santa Maria in Trastevere) provides a case study of the physical and social conditions in which early Christian liturgies 'rewired' their participants. This paper demonstrates that liturgical transformation was a two-way process, in which liturgy was the object as well as the agent of change. Three essential factors - the liturgy of the Eucharist, the space of the early Christian basilica, and the local Christian community - are described as they existed in Rome from the fourth through the ninth centuries. The essay then takes up the specific case of the Basilica Julii, showing how these three factors interacted in the concrete conditions of a particular titular church. The basilica's early Christian liturgical layout endured until the ninth century, when it was reconfigured by Pope Gregory IV (827-844) to bring the liturgical sub-spaces up-to-date. In Pope Gregory's remodeling the original non-hierarchical layout was replaced by one in which celebrants were elevated above the congregation, women were segregated from men, and higher-ranking lay people were accorded places of honor distinct from those of lesser stature. These alterations brought the Basilica Julii in line with the requirements of the ninth-century papal stational liturgy. The stational liturgy was hierarchically organized from the beginning, but distinctions became sharper in the course of the early Middle Ages in accordance with the expansion of papal authority and changes in lay society. Increasing hierarchization may have enhanced the transformational power of the Eucharist, or impeded it. Keywords: S. Maria in Trastevere, stational liturgy, tituli, presbyterium. On cover:Monks singing the Office and decorated initial A[sperges me.]. Gradual Olivetan Master (Use of the Olivetan Benedictines), illuminated manuscript on parchment ca. 1430-1439. Italy, Monastero di Santa Maria di Baggio near Milan, Ca 1400-1775.Beinecke Ms1184: The olivetan Gradual. Gradual. General Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University.

This paper presents a photogrammetric methodology for true-orthophoto generation with images acquired from UAV platforms. The method is an automated multistep workflow made up of three main parts: (i) image orientation through feature-based matching and collinearity equations / bundle block adjustment, (ii) dense matching with correlation techniques able to manage multiple images, and true-orthophoto mapping for 3D model texturing. It allows automated data processing of sparse blocks of convergent images in order to obtain a final true-orthophoto where problems such as self-occlusions, ghost effects, and multiple texture assignments are taken into consideration. <br><br> The different algorithms are illustrated and discussed along with a real case study concerning the UAV flight over the Basilica di Santa Maria di Collemaggio in L'Aquila (Italy). The final result is a rigorous true-orthophoto used to inspect the roof of the Basilica, which was seriously damaged by the earthquake in 2009.

ABSTRACTAn early fourteenth-century gradual produced for use in Avignon and today preserved in Rome at the Basilica di Santa Maria Maggiore is a new source for understanding the musical and liturgical exchange between France and Italy in the fourteenth century. The present article will consider compositions written after the main body of the gradual, and found now in the initial fascicle and on the last three folios of the manuscript. These folios contain a hitherto unknown source for the Credo of Tournai as well as other works not recorded elsewhere; for example, a polyphonic Gloria, a polyphonic Credo, a troped Sanctus and a Credo in cantus fractus.

Recent conservation and restoration work on the icon of the Virgin and Child which stood on the altar in the Church of St. Nicholas at Prijeko in Dubrovnik has enabled a new interpretation of this paining. The icon, painted on a panel made of poplar wood, features a centrally-placed Virgin holding the Child in her arms painted on a gold background between the two smaller figures of St. Peter and St. John the Baptist. The figures are painted in the manner of the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Dubrovnik style, and represent a later intervention which significantly changed the original appearance and composition of the older icon by adding the two saints and touching up the Virgin’s clothes with Renaissance ornaments, all of which was performed by the well-known Dubrovnik painter Nikola Božidarević. It can be assumed that the icon originally featured a standing or seated Virgin and Child. The Virgin is depicted with her head slightly lowered and pointing to the Christ Child whom she is holding on her right side. The chubby boy is not seated on his mother’s lap but is reclining on his right side and leaningforward while his face is turned towards the spectator. He is dressed in a red sleeveless tunic with a simple neck-line which is embroidered with gold thread. The Child is leaning himself on the Virgin’s right hand which is holding him. He is firmly grasping her thumb with one hand and her index finger with the other in a very intimate nursing gesture while she, true to the Hodegitria scheme, is pointing at him with her left hand, which is raised to the level of her breasts. Such an almost-realistic depiction of Christ as a small child with tiny eyes, mouth and nose, drastically departs from the model which portrays him with the mature face of an adult, as was customary in icon painting. The Virgin is wearing a luxurious gold cloak which was repainted with large Renaissance-style flowers. Her head is covered with a traditional maphorion which forms a wide ring around it and is encircled by a nimbus which was bored into thegold background. Her skin tone is pink and lit diffusely, and was painted with almost no green shadows, which is typical of Byzantine painting. The Virgin’s face is striking and markedly oval. It is characterized by a silhouetted, long, thin nose which is connected to the eyebrows. The ridge of the nose is emphasized with a double edge and gently lit whilethe almond-shaped eyes with dark circles are set below the inky arches of the eyebrows. The Virgin’s cheeks are smooth and rosy while her lips are red. The plasticity of her round chin is emphasized by a crease below the lower lip and its shadow. The Virgin’s eyes, nose and mouth are outlined with a thick red line. Her hands are light pink in colour and haveelongated fingers and pronounced, round muscles on the wrists. The fingers are separated and the nails are outlined with precision. The deep, resounding hues of the colour red and the gilding, together with the pale pink skin tone of her face, create an impression of monumentality. The type of the reclining Christ Child has been identified in Byzantine iconography as the Anapeson. Its theological background lies in the emphasis of Christ’s dual nature: although the Christ Child is asleep, the Christ as God is always keeping watch over humans. The image was inspired by a phrase from Genesis 49: 9 about a sleeping lion to whom Christ is compared: the lion sleeps with his eyes open. The Anapeson is drowsy and awake at the same time, and therefore his eyes are not completely shut. Such a paradox is a theological anticipation of his “sleep” in the tomb and represents an allegory of his death and Resurrection. The position, gesture and clothes of the Anapeson in Byzantine art are not always the same. Most frequently, the ChristChild is not depicted lying in his mother’s arms but on an oval bed or pillow, resting his head on his hand, while the Virgin is kneeling by his side. Therefore, the Anapeson from Dubrovnik is unique thanks to the conspicuously humanized relationship between the figures which is particularly evident in Christ’s explicitly intimate gesture of grasping the fingers of his mother’s hand: his right hand is literally “inserting” itself in the space between the Virgin’s thumb and index finger. At the same time, the baring of his arms provided the painter with an opportunity to depict the pale tones of a child’s tender skin. The problem of the iconography of the Anapeson in the medieval painting at Dubrovnik is further complicated by a painting which was greatly venerated in Župa Dubrovačka as Santa Maria del Breno. It has not been preserved but an illustration of it was published in Gumppenberg’sfamous Atlas Marianus which shows the Virgin seated on a high-backed throne and holding the sleeping and reclining Child. The position of this Anapeson Christ does not correspond fully to the icon from the Church of St. Nicholas because the Child is lying on its back and his naked body is covered with the swaddling fabric. The icon of the Virgin and Child from Prijeko claims a special place in the corpus of Romanesque icons on the Adriatic through its monumentality and intimate character. The details of the striking and lively Virgin’s face, dominated by the pronounced and gently curved Cimabuesque nose joined to the shallow arches of her eyebrows, link her with the Benedictine Virgin at Zadar. Furthermore, based on the manner of painting characterized by the use of intense red for the shadows in the nose and eye area, together with the characteristic shape of the elongated, narrow eyes, this Virgin and Child should be brought into connection with the painter who is known as the Master of the Benedictine Virgin. The so-called Benedictine Virgin is an icon, now at the Benedictine Convent at Zadar, which depicts the Virgin seated on a throne with a red, ceremonial, imperial cushion, in a solemn scheme of the Kyriotissa, the heavenly queen holding the Christ Child on her lap. The throne is wooden and has a round back topped with wooden finials which can also be seen in the Byzantine Kahn Virgin and the Mellon Madonna, as well as in later Veneto-Cretan painting. The throne is set under a shallow ciborium arch which is rendered in relief and supportedby twisted colonettes and so the painting itself is sunk into the surface of the panel. A very similar scheme with a triumphal arch can be seen on Byzantine ivory diptychs with shallow ciborium arches and twisted colonettes. In its composition, the icon from Prijeko is a combination ofthe Kyr i ot i ss a and the Hodegitria, because the Virgin as the heavenly queen does not hold the Christ Child frontally before her but on her right-hand side while pointing at him as the road to salvation. He is seated on his mother’s arm and is supporting himself by pressing his crossed legsagainst her thigh which symbolizes his future Passion. He is wearing a formal classical costume with a red cloak over his shoulder. He is depicted in half profile which opens up the frontal view of the red clavus on his navy blue chiton.He is blessing with the two fingers of his right hand and at the same time reaching for the unusual flower rendered in pastiglia which the Virgin is raising in her left hand and offering to him. At the same time, she is holding the lower part of Christ’s body tightly with her right hand.Various scholars have dated the icon of the Benedictine Virgin to the early fourteenth century. While Gothic features are particularly evident in the costumes of the donors, the elements such as the modelling of the throne and the presence of the ceremonial cushion belong to the Byzantine style of the thirteenth century. The back of the icon of the Benedictine Virgin features the figure of St. Peter set within a border consisting of a lively and colourful vegetal scroll which could be understood as either Romanesque or Byzantine. However, St. Peter’s identifying titulus is written in Latin while that of the Virgin is in Greek. The figure of St. Peter was painted according to the Byzantine tradition: his striking and severe face is rendered linearly in a rigid composition, which is complemented by his classical contrapposto against a green-gray parapet wall, while the background is of dark green-blue colour. Equally Byzantine is themanner of depicting the drapery with flat, shallow folds filled with white lines at the bottom of the garment while, at the same time, the curved undulating hem of the cloak which falls down St. Peter’s right side is Gothic. The overall appearance of St. Peter is perhaps even more Byzantine than that of the Virgin. Such elements, together with the typically Byzantine costumes, speak clearly of a skilful artist who uses hybrid visual language consisting of Byzantine painting and elements of the Romanesque and Gothic. Of particular interest are the wide nimbuses surrounding the heads of the Virgin and Child (St. Peter has a flat one) which are rendered in relief and filled with a neat sequence of shallow blind archesexecuted in the pastiglia technique which, according to M. Frinta, originated in Cyprus. The Venetian and Byzantine elements of the Benedictine Virgin have already been pointed out in the scholarship. Apart from importing art works and artists such as painters and mosaic makers directly from Byzantium into Venice, what was the extent and nature of the Byzantineinfluence on Venetian artistic achievements in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries? We know that the art of Venice and the West alike were affected by the Fourth Crusade and the sack of Constantinople in 1204, and by the newly founded Latin Empire which lasted until 1261.The Venetians played a particularly significant political and administrative role in this Empire and the contemporary hybrid artistic style of the eastern Mediterranean, called Crusader Art and marked by the strong involvement of the Knights Templar, must have been disseminated through the established routes. In addition to Cyprus, Apulia and Sicily which served as stops for the artists and art works en route to Venice and Tuscany, another station must have been Dalmatia where eastern and western influences intermingled and complemented each other.However, it is interesting that the icon of the Benedictine Virgin, apart from negligible variations, imitates almost completely the iconographic scheme of the Madonna di Ripalta at Cerignola on the Italian side of the Adriatic, which has been dated to the early thirteenth century and whose provenance has been sought in the area between southern Italy (Campania) and Cyprus. Far more Byzantine is another Apulian icon, that of a fourteenth-century enthroned Virgin from the basilica of St. Nicholas at Bari with which the Benedictine Virgin from Zadar shares certain features such as the composition and posture of the figures, the depictionof donors and Christ’s costume. A similar scheme, which indicates a common source, can be seen on a series of icons of the enthroned Virgin from Tuscany. The icon of the Virgin and Child from Prijeko is very important for local Romanesque painting of the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century because it expands the oeuvre of the Master of the Benedictine Virgin. Anicon which is now at Toronto, in the University of Toronto Art Centre Malcove Collection, has also been attributed to this master. This small two-sided icon which might have been a diptych panel, as can be judged from its typology, depicts the Virgin with the Anapeson in the upper register while below is the scene from the martyrdom of St. Lawrence. The Virgin is flanked by the figures of saints: to the left is the figure of St. Francis while the saint on the right-hand side has been lost due to damage sustained to the icon. The busts of SS Peter and Paul are at the top.The physiognomies of the Virgin and Child correspond to those of the Benedictine Virgin and the Prijeko icon. The Anapeson, unlike the one at Dubrovnik, is wrapped in a rich, red cloak decorated with lumeggiature, which covers his entire body except the left fist and shin. On the basis of the upper register of this icon, it can be concluded that the Master of the Benedictine Virgin is equally adept at applying the repertoire and style of Byzantine and Western painting alike; the lower register of the icon with its descriptive depiction of the martyrdom of St.Lawrence is completely Byzantine in that it portrays the Roman emperor attending the saint’s torture as a crowned Byzantine ruler. Such unquestionable stylistic ambivalence – the presence of the elements from both Byzantine and Italian painting – can also be seen on the icons of theBenedictine and Prijeko Virgin and they point to a painter who works in a “combined style.” Perhaps he should be sought among the artists who are mentioned as pictores greci in Dubrovnik, Kotor and Zadar. The links between Dalmatian icons and Apulia and Tuscany have already been noted, but the analysis of these paintings should also contain the hitherto ignored segment of Sicilian and eastern Mediterranean Byzantinism, including Cyprus as the centre of Crusader Art. The question of the provenance of the Master of the Benedictine Virgin remains open although the icon of the Virgin and Child from Prijeko points to the possibility that he may have been active in Dalmatia.However, stylistic expressions of the two icons from Zadar and Dubrovnik, together with the one which is today at Toronto, clearly demonstrate the coalescing of cults and forms which arrived to the Adriatic shores fromfurther afield, well beyond the Adriatic, and which were influenced by the significant, hitherto unrecognized, role of the eastern Mediterranean.

Questa ricerca nasce dall’esigenza di colmare le lacune storiografiche riguardo il fenomeno monastico verginiano e la sua produzione artistica in Campania e Basilicata, la cui conoscenza è ancora frammentaria e caratterizzata da scarsa organicità, prendendo in esame globalmente testimonianze monumentali spesso non sufficientemente frequentate dagli studi scientifici, accanto ad altre già sondate, ma quasi sempre per alcuni aspetti di particolare rilevanza, quali gli arredi liturgici o le sculture architettoniche. L’obiettivo è stato quello di una rilettura complessiva, sia storica che artistica, volta a una migliore comprensione delle ragioni che hanno determinato la nascita e lo sviluppo di questo patrimonio di architettura e arte monastica. L’indagine è proceduta per nuclei territoriali, prediligendo un criterio prima topografico e poi cronologico, così da poter evidenziare sito per sito la continuità di un fenomeno caratterizzato sul piano materiale dall’evoluzione delle forme insediative col passaggio dall’eremitismo al cenobitismo, e da una storia monumentale che contempla, per gli insediamenti di rientrati nell’orbita della congregazione sullo scorcio del XII secolo, restauri e ampliamenti nel costante mantenimento dei luoghi delle origini. La scelta dell’area territoriale è stata dettata dalla particolare concentrazione di esperienze monastiche in una regione che in età antica era attraversata dal tracciato della Via Appia, nella quale, in epoca medievale, rientreranno le diocesi di Avellino, Nusco, Conza della Campania e Rapolla, importanti avamposti della nobiltà normanna, che sempre vi eserciterà il suo controllo politico tramite una salda organizzazione vescovile, l’affidamento di alte cariche a uomini di fiducia, la gestione strutturata delle attività agricole ed economiche in genere, e, infine, attraverso gli enti monastici, spesso strettamente connessi al potere signorile. La ricerca ha affrontato, concentrandosi sulle fondazioni abbaziali, i secoli che vanno dalla seconda metà del XII alla seconda metà del XIV, evidenziando i cambiamenti che gli eventi storici, politici e religiosi determinarono nel rapporto tra monasteri e territorio e nelle strutture architettoniche. Il termine cronologico ultimo della trattazione coincide, per l’abbazia di Montevergine, con la fine del dominio angioino, che rappresenta l’avvio di una stasi nella produzione artistica, che riprenderà vigore solo in epoca rinascimentale. Per le fondazioni di Santa Maria di Fontigliano, San Salvatore al Goleto, Sant’Ippolito a Monticchio e Santa Maria di Pierno, monasteri fortemente condizionati dalle vicende della nobiltà normanno-sveva, la ricerca si ferma di fatto alla metà del XIII secolo, dal momento che nessun indizio, né documentario né architettonico- artistico, permette di ipotizzare una rinnovata vitalità dopo l’avvento degli Angiò, quando le loro sorti cominceranno inevitabilmente a decadere. Tuttavia, l’innesto dell’esperienza monastica francescana in Basilicata nel primo XIV secolo rappresenterà, con l’esempio del superstite chiostro del monastero di Sant’Antonio a Muro Lucano, un’ultima traccia di continuità col linguaggio espressivo maturato nell’orbita dell’esperienza verginiana. Le componenti culturali che caratterizzano i monasteri della valle dell’Ofanto e del Partenio danno vita, dalla metà del XII secolo all’età angioina, a un originale percorso creativo in cui a un latente substrato autoctono si sommano progressivamente elementi allogeni, spesso incoraggiati da scelte collegabili a peculiari situazioni politico- istituzionali o agli orientamenti della committenza. La rete di monasteri e dipendenze gravitanti attorno alle fondazioni di Santa Maria di Montevergine e San Salvatore al Goleto, in sinergia con i vicini insediamenti benedettini, si era fatta più o meno consapevolmente centro catalizzatore di maestranze di provenienza eterogenea, sparse su tutto il territorio lucano e campano, con propaggini nella Puglia garganica, oltre che vivace recettore del gusto più in voga in determinati contesti storico-geografici.

The paper deals with the architectural commissions of Atto, during the thirty years in which the religious was first prior general of the Vallombrosani and then bishop of Pistoia (1125-1153). The churches that still have the structure and decorations of the 12th century are particularly analyzed, for example: Santa Maria di Montepiano, San Michele di Plaiano and San Michele di Salvenero in north-western Sardinia, San Paolo a Ripa d'Arno in Pisa and others. Before the year 1140 Atto obtained a relic of san Jacopo the Major, which in 1145 was placed in a chapel in the first two spans of the southern nave of the Cathedral of San Zeno in Pistoia. This chapel was configured as an almost independent space from the rest of the basilica. This initiative brought important artists to Pistoia who exalted the new role of apostolic see of the city and worked in the churches of San Giovanni Fuorcivitas (1162), Sant’Andrea (1166) and San Bartolomeo in Pantano (1167). The incidence of this situation also reverberated on the nearby city of Prato, where the Cathedral (before 1163), despite the autonomist aims of the local clergy, clearly received the constructive influences of the Pistoian Cathedral. The final part of the article analyzes the unfinished church of San Jacopo al Grigliano (1396-1407), in the Province of Verona, which is the most important and majestic sanctuary dedicated to san Jacopo in Northern Italy