Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Bank notes – Turkey »

Subject area Marketing. Study level/applicability The primary target for this case study is marketing and communications undergraduate students, especially those from emerging countries; the secondary target is MBA students studying principles of marketing, integrated marketing communications. Case overview Turkey probably faced the most severe economic crisis after the Second World War in February 21, 2001, when the Turkish Lira was devalued by 94 percent against US dollar just overnight. Against this volatile business environment, Bank Z as one of the major banks in Turkey, was preparing for the launch of a major new marketing and communication plan. In April 2000 Bank Z had set itself the target of “changing the banking concept in Turkey, accomplishing no other bank was able to realize”. So Bank Z was ready to communicate its new consumer banking products when the country started to face rough times. Especially financial institutions and banks were encountering serious trust issues. Bank Z on the other hand, had grouped its products according to their line of financial expertise in five groups with the aim of having specialized personnel in these different areas, serving clients in the best possible way. Furthermore, the bank was aiming to realize 80 percent of its transactions via telephone and internet banking. Therefore, Bank Z had undertaken major technological investments in order to be able to deliver these services. But under these volatile economic conditions, should they go ahead with the campaign? Or should they postpone the campaign? Or should they realize it with a reduced frequency and budget? What if they postpone and one of the competitors start a new advertising campaign with similar propositions? The case tries to answer these critical questions with the help of market data, showing the likely course of business decisions can take in an emerging country just under 24 hours. Expected learning outcomes There are two main outcomes: first, to show the importance of consistent, continuous and sustainable communication for brand's marketing activities, especially during times of economic instability. The second outcome is to simulate difficulties of decision making under highly volatile market conditions and in high-risk environments, especially when the business environments can change abruptly. Supplementary materials Teaching notes are available.

The deterioration of Russia’s trade and economic relations with international partners due to the aggravation of the geopolitical situation in Ukraine increases the importance of diversification of key sectors of the Russian economy. Russia’s search for new strategic partners increases the pace of cooperation with the Republic of Turkey. The subject of the study is the study of the advantages of the Russian-Turkish strategic partnership, the basis of which is mutual interest in building up economic and geopolitical potential. The key objectives of the study will be to study the current investment climate, the stages of implementation of investment cooperation between Russia and Turkey in various sectors of the economy, analysis of the dynamics of foreign direct investment, mutual investment, trade turnover, exports and imports between the countries. Such research methods as observation, comparative analysis, generalization, historical method will be used in the work. The author will refer to the materials of Russian and foreign experts in the field of international economics, finance, investment deposits, statistical data on export, import, mutual turnover, foreign direct investment (FDI) between Russia and Turkey, obtained from the reporting documents of the Turkish Statistical Institute (TurkStat), the World Bank (The World Bank), the United Nations (UN), the Turkish Construction Union (Turkish Construction Union). The main result of the study will be the structuring of factors affecting the dynamics of bilateral investment cooperation. The results of the study can be useful to representatives of business organizations, business owners and managers, specialists in the field of economics and finance. Formulating the main conclusions of the study, the author notes the priority of mutually beneficial Russian-Turkish partnership on key economic issues

Cicero was one of the most important spies of World War II. As valet to the British Ambassador to neutral Turkey, he was able to photograph many Top Secret documents, including detailed plans for the Allied D Day Landing in France, and sell them to the Germans. Using his autobiography and the published account of his handler, it is possible to note that Cicero did not display symptoms of psychiatric disorder, but his personality and character were complicated and in conformity with a model of the psychology of the spy that has been proposed. In over all assessment, Cicero’s spying activities brought little benefit to the Germans as they did not accept as genuine what was being presented to them, and no benefit to Cicero himself as he was mainly paid in counterfeit bank notes.

Galega officinalis L. is an obnoxious invasive weed in the United States and a potential target for biological control efforts. The plant, a member of the legume family, is native to western Asia and southern Europe. During September 2001, uredinial pustules were observed on leaves of G. officinalis L. in Kizilcahamam, Ankara. Specimens were examined microscopically and compared with published descriptions (2) and herbarium specimens in the U.S. National Fungus Collections, Beltsville, MD. The fungus was subsequently identified as Uromyces galegae (Opiz) Sacc. on the basis of morphological characteristics of the uredinia, urediniospores, and teliospores. The following description is from the Turkish material: uredinia subcircular to oblong, hypophyllous, rarely epiphyllous at petiole, and 0.5 to 1 mm in diameter; urediniospores subovoid to subglobose, 17.5 to 20.0 × 19.5 to 22.5 μm (average = 18.0 × 20.0 μm), wall 1 to 2 μm thick, finely echinulate, cinnamon brown, and with 3 to 5 usually equatorial germ pores; telia similar to uredinia; teliospores irregular in shape ranging from globose to ovoid to triangular, apex papillate, wall 2 to 3 μm thick, thicker at the apex, chestnut brown, strongly verrucose to tuberculate, 17.5 to 22.5 × 22.5 to 27.5 μm (average = 20.3 × 24.5 μm), pedicel hyaline, and easily broken. Voucher specimens are deposited in the U.S. National Fungus Collections (BPI 863535); a nucleotide sequence spanning the ITS2 and 28S rDNA genes of this isolate was obtained and deposited in Gen-Bank (Accession No. DQ250133). U. galegae has been reported on G. officinalis from Bulgaria, Greece, and Italy (1). To our knowledge, this is the first report of U. galegae in Turkey and marks the eastern-most record for its distribution. References: (1) D. F. Farr et al. Fungal Databases. Systematic Botany and Mycology Laboratory, On-line publication, USDA-ARS, 2005. (2) M. Pantidou and D. M. Henderson. Notes R. Bot. Gard. Edinb. 29:277, 1969.

SummaryThe presence and role of indigenous turkeys in Oaxaca and Quintana Roo, Mexico, were investigated by means of on-site assessment and an orally administered questionnaire. Questions included breed characteristics, uses, management conditions, advantages and limitations of the breed. An indigenous breed of turkey in Oaxaca and Quintana Roo was described. A strong interest in the raising and commerce of turkeys in Oaxaca was noted, however in Quintana Roo substantial reductions in numbers of turkeys have occurred over the last two decades. Mortalities of turkey poults ranging from 50–100% due to a disease with symptoms compatible with Histomonas meleagridis infection were reported. This appears to be the most significant limiting factor to raising turkeys in a back-yard type of system in Oaxaca and Quintana Roo. Raising turkeys separately from chickens is probably the most effective strategy for decreasing indigenous turkey poult mortality of this type.

Above all, this study is original in that it reveals the efficiency and productivity of banks exposed to the current pandemic situation. The aim of this study is to evaluate bank efficiency and productivity of commercial banks operating in Turkey pre- and during COVID-19 by using a novel integrated multi-criteria decision-making (MCDM) approach. We divided the banks into three groups in order to evaluate the differences in terms of their efficiency and productivity: state banks, foreign banks and private domestic banks. This paper fills a gap in the literature by using a novel integrated MCDM approach including SWARA II as a subjective weighting method, MEREC as an objective weighting method, and MARCOS as a ranking method to evaluate bank efficiency and productivity. The results reveal that banks with foreign investors achieved higher productivity than other bank groups and the productivity of state banks decreased especially during the COVID-19 period. It should also be noted that state banks are restricted to certain political objectives.

Recently, the Caucasian viper was found in a number of localities in South Ossetia (Tuniyev et al. 2017a,b; Tuniyev et al. 2019) and in the lower gate of the Borzhom Gorge of Eastern Georgia. Animals from the new localities are compared to Pelias kaznakovi from the Western Caucasus – northeastern Turkey and P. dinniki. The canonical discriminate analysis (CDA) showed that the snakes from the left-bank basin of the middle flow of the Kura River in East Georgia and South Ossetia differ significantly from Pelias kaznakovi from Krasnodar Territory and Abkhazia in the mean values of several plastic and meristic characters. Thus, there is discrimination of the groups allocated according to geographic location and gender. Cluster analysis based on meristic characters of pholidosis showed the distance between P. dinniki and the remaining “kaznakovi” complex forms. Based on the results of the analysis of the mitochondrial cytochrome b gene, the snakes from the left-bank basin of the middle flow of the Kura River form a separate cluster, not sister to Pelias kaznakovi. The results obtained on morphology, genetics and ecology of the studied vipers suggest the taxonomic validity of the vipers from the left bank basin of the middle flow of the Kura River in Eastern Georgia and South Ossetia. The species is named after Boris Tuniyev, who made a significant contribution to the study of the Caucasian herpetofauna and taxonomy of the shield-head viper snakes. Among the representatives of the “kaznakovi” complex, males of the new species are characterized by the minimal values of body length, pileus length, head width, number of ventral and subcaudal shields, as well as the shields around the eyes; differences are also noted in the structure of the hemipenis; the females have the minimum values of body length, pileus length, head width, number of shields around the eyes and loreals, fewer wings of zigzag. All known finds are located in the left bank basin of the middle flow of the Kura River from the Borzhom Gorge (east slope of Meskheti Ridge) in Georgia to the mid-altitude mountain districts of South Ossetia (east foothills of Likhsky Ridge and south spurs of Central Caucasus). Biotopes of the new species are character- ized by more xero-mesophilic traits and a moderately warm mezo-climate than the typical mesophilic biotopes of North-Colchian (Krasnodar Territory – Abkhazia) and, especially, Adzharo-Lazistanian (Georgia – Turkey) P. kaznakovi living in the humid subtropical climate.

Abstract The collection of pieces that follow intersect with what I refer to in this essay as the dual performative acts of iconification and translation that frame our approach to Zabel Yesayan over the last few decades. Maral Aktokmakyan’s critical essay, “So Did We Really Find Yesayan?: Notes on ‘Yesayan Studies’ and Beyond” coins the author’s recent iconification as “Yesayan fever” and warns us that the emergent sub-field of Yesayan Studies may be overly reliant on translations and thus endangering the integrity of the author’s original literary voice in Armenian. Meriam Belli and Elyse Semerdjian offer us two translations from French, of a speech and a report drafted by Yesayan in Paris, in 1919. Belli’s “Chronicle: The Role of Armenian Women during the War” and Semerdjian’s “The Liberation of non-Muslim Women and Children in Turkey: Notes on the question of the abduction of non-Muslim women and children by the Turks, retained until today by Muslims” give us a glimpse of Yesayan’s work as an activist and capture the author’s haunting style of testimonial writing. As Semerdjian notes in her subsequent analytical discussion of the translation, Yesayan’s report not only reveals the gendered mode of the Armenian genocide and women’s victimhood within it, but it also calls for political action in addressing the plight of Armenian women and highlights their capacity for resistance. Together, this collection of think-pieces and translations contributes to the ongoing debates of searching for Yesayan’s elusive figure and understanding Yesayan the writer, but it ultimately guides the reader back to her own words.

During the interwar years, U.S.-Turkish relations had been confined within the boundaries of conventional diplomacy. By the end of World War II, the Truman Doctrine of 1947 and the military assistance agreement that drew on it marked the beginning of a series of bilateral and multilateral agreements that bound the two nations together in the military as well as political, economic, and cultural fields. However, relations between the two states did not always proceed on a smooth path. Hence, the relatively optimistic, formative years of 1947-1960 were followed by the troublesome decades of the 1960s and 1970s. By the 1980s, mutual relations settled back on an upward track, reaching a peak during the Gulf War of 1990-91. With the demise of the Soviet system, the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact, and the end of the Cold War, some commentators expected the eventual dismantling of NATO and with it the waning of the American connections with Turkey. Turkey's “strategic value” in the eyes of the Americans, it was being argued, would necessarily diminish as the Soviet threat-the main component of this “value”-was disappearing. Developments throughout the 1990s, however, did not fully justify those pessimistic scenarios. In fact, by the mid-1990s, Turkey and the United States, with the occasional participation of other states such as Israel, began to build a so-called strategic partnership to contain regional and local threats (arising in the areas surrounding Turkey and ranging from the Balkans to the Middle East and the Caucasus) that had been unleashed by the destabilizing forces of the post-Cold War period. It should be noted that, during about the same period, U.S.-Turkish relations gained unprecedented new dimensions, economic and cultural, complementing and sometimes overshadowing the military one.

17564 Background: In this study, we aimed to investigate the prevalence of monoclonal gammopathy of unknown significance (MGUS) in the geriatric population in Turkey, with their clinical and laboratory parameters. Methods: The study group consisted of all individuals who applied to the outpatient clinic of Geriatrics Department between January-December 2005 in Hacettepe University Hospital in Ankara, Turkey. This clinic serves patients older than 65 years of age either with various acute/chronic diseases or healthy individuals for check-up purposes. All the participants had serum protein electrophoresis (SPE) -and immunofixation as needed- along with their routine laboratory tests and bone mineral density (BMD) measurements. Patients with a monoclonal protein in their SPEs were further evaluated for the presence of multiple myeloma. Clinical and laboratory parameters of patients with MGUS were compared with a control group of randomly selected 100 individuals who did not have MGUS. Results: A total of 1012 patients were enrolled in the study. Monoclonal band was detected in 22 patients (2.17%). The majority of the M proteins (63%) were of Ig G type. Of the remainder, 32% were Ig A, and 5% Ig M. Further investigations in these patients depicted one patient to have multiple myeloma and one patient to have lung carcinoma. The remaining 20 patients were diagnosed as MGUS (1.97%). BMD measurements of the patients with MGUS were significantly lower than the control group. Median lumbar BMD t score was -2.66 (Interquartile range (IQR): −.72 −3.77) in MGUS patients and -1.76 (IQR: −0.50 −2.47) in controls (p = 0.007). The two groups were found to be comparable in terms of comorbid diseases and other laboratory parameters. Conclusions: The prevalence of MGUS above the age of 25 is 1%, above 50 it is 1.7%, and above 70 it is approximately 3%. In our study, the frequency of MGUS above 65 years of age was found to be 1.97%, which is a little lower than the above quoted figures. It must be noted that our study group was not population-based and chronic diseases may be more common than the general population, resulting in a higher prevalence of MGUS. Another finding was the lower BMD measurements in patients with MGUS. BMD data is limited in patients with MGUS in the literature and further studies are needed to elucidate whether there is an association or not. No significant financial relationships to disclose.

Defence date: 13 March 2007<br>Examining Board: Prof. Michael Keating, EUI, Supervisor ; Prof. Bo Stråth, EUI ; Prof. Edhem Eldem, Bogaziçi University, Bebek-Instanbul ; Prof. Eric Helleiner, Trent University, Ontario<br>PDF of thesis uploaded in restricted access from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>This is a study of how and why nationality, as a perception of time, space, and political authority, was diffused in the Ottoman Empire, leading to its fragmentation into two nation state polities - namely, Greece and Turkey. These questions are addressed through the study of banknotes. In studying the process whereby the banknote became a territorial currency, which allowed the impersonal and catholic mediation of transactions across, yet only within, national territories, the banknote is treated as a 'window' to the normative alignment of a national community. In studying the banknote as a cultural artifact that empowers and at the same time delineates a protocol of social interaction - ie. economic exchange - the banknote is treated as a window to a process of ‘sign-alignment', namely the homogenization of cultural expression.

This chapter focuses on Kentuckian Bill Stepp, who worked as a logger in his younger days, then later turned his energies to fiddling for neighborhood hoedowns. Stepp is the creative source of an American anthem. In 1942 his rendition of the tune “Bonaparte's Retreat” became incorporated, nearly note for note, in the score of Rodeo, Aaron Copland's acclaimed modern ballet. By the early 1970s it appeared as “Hoedown,” an FM radio hit for Emerson, Lake, and Palmer, a symphonically oriented English rock band. Later, it formed the soundtrack for the beef growers' commercial, and finally, in this, an example of its continuing presence in American life, it recurs in the music piped down the hallways of a modern airport.

AbstractAlong with the increasing popularity of agile software development, software work has become much more social than ever. Contemporary software teams rely on a variety of collaborative practices, such as pair programming, the topic of our study. Many agilists advocated the importance of collocation, face-to-face interaction, and physical artefacts incorporated in the shared workspace, which the COVID-19 pandemic made unavailable; most software companies around the world were forced to send their engineers to work from home. As software projects and teams overnight turned into distributed collaborations, we question what happened to the pair programming practice in the work-from-home mode. This paper reports on a longitudinal study of remote pair programming in two companies. We conducted 38 interviews with 30 engineers from Norway, Sweden, and the USA, and used the results of a survey in one of the case companies. Our study is unique as we collected the data longitudinally in April/May 2020, Sep/Oct 2020, and Jan/Feb 2021. We found that pair programming has decreased and some interviewees report not pairing at all for almost a full year. The experiences of those who paired vary from actively co-editing the code by using special tools to more passively co-reading and discussing the code and solutions by sharing the screen. Finally, we found that the interest in and the use of PP over time, since the first months of the forced work from home to early 2021, has admittedly increased, also as a social practice.

Abstract This chapter details the development of elephant tourism in Thailand. Following a logging ban enacted by the government in 1989, in response to devastating floods and loss of life brought about by unsustainable logging practices, elephants used in logging and their mahouts suddenly found themselves unemployed. From positions of high esteem, some 2000 elephants and their mahouts were forced to resort to begging on the streets of Thailand, in order to survive. Seeing this as an opportunity, Thai entrepreneurs began to offer visits to old logging camps that had been turned into attractions for tourists, beginning the involvement of elephants in the tourism sector. The welfare of the elephants at this stage was at best a secondary concern for many of the camp owners and operators. The authors note however that this is now changing. Interestingly, for the elephants in Thailand, the improvements in their welfare resulted from the actions of travel trade associations such as ABTA (the Association of British Travel Agents), travel trade channel members, and specialist animal welfare and ethnic community NGOs.

This chapter shows how, like other aspects of the Matsukata financial reform that veered from classical financial orthodoxy, the Bank of Japan (BoJ) turned out to be hardly orthodox in its structure or operations. The BoJ, established in October 1882, was pivotal to Matsukata's effort to stabilize and modernize public finance. It separated currency management from the state's fiscal machine but keeping it under tight government supervision. Instead of choosing the Bank of England model with its high degree of independence from the government, Matsukata drew on the model of the Belgian central bank because it involved greater state control. Once established, the BoJ moved in an even more statist direction, assuming the task of financing industrial firms and adopting flexible German-style note issue under close government supervision rather than the orthodox Bank of England approach.

Sylvester Judd died in 1860 at seventy years of age, just before he completed his history of Hadley, Massachusetts. Judd had lived through the transformation of his community from a small rural village where people fished massive runs of salmon and shad each spring, to an industrial center seated on the banks of a polluted river. One of his motivations for writing his history was to capture that fast-disappearing older world. It was a world where lawyers, shopkeepers, journalists, and farmers (and Judd had been three of those four) knew how to cut timber, kill and clean a turkey, catch fish, butcher a pig, tend a garden, work an orchard, and make cider. By the time of Judd’s death, wood was sold already cut into cordwood or milled to clapboards, meat was butchered at the abattoir, and cloth was woven in mills. It was a world that could not be brought back through his history, but one that Judd hoped through his history might at least be remembered. On July 24, 1882, when Theodore Lyman went before the people of his district to run for Congress, he reminded them that when he was a boy (then, Judd was in his fifties), the region’s industry had already begun to grow, although many of the state’s residents were still rural farmers. Yet by the time Lyman ran for Congress, a majority of the people of Massachusetts found their homes and their jobs in towns and cities. The world that Judd saw fading in the 1850s was indeed a thing of memory for some of those listening to Lyman in 1882. New England of the 1880s was a place, as Lyman noted, of “manufacturing towns with . . . sickly smells.” Yet without this progress, according to him, New England would have remained a place of “a few grist-mills here and there and houses whose occupants raised such crops as they could from the scanty soil.” If, by 1882, the people of New England had lost their more direct contact with the resources of nature, for many, the romanticized memory of that intimacy lingered on.

The article re-resolves the question of why Pushkin turned to Radishchev and his book “Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow” in the 1830s. There is a traditional opinion in the research literature that Pushkin wanted to lift the ban on Radishchev’s name and gain the right to write about him. To achieve this goal, he stated his point of view on Radishchev as if it were official, deliberately strengthening the critical part in the article and thus aggravating his differences with the author of “Journey...”. Following this logic, it remains to admit that there had been no changes in the system of views of the mature Pushkin since the eighteen-year-old poet wrote the ode “Liberty” after Radishchev’s. Along with the article about Radishchev, Pushkin attempted to lift the ban on the publication of Karamzin’s note “On Ancient and New Russia...”, the existence of which he had known already in 1820 and the significance of which he accepted and appreciated not immediately, but only after 1825, like all of Karamzin’s journalistic work, which is consistently argued in the article. It was Karamzin’s journalism that had a huge impact on the formation of Pushkin’s political views and on his spiritual formation in the late 1820s–1830s. And it was through the prism of Karamzin’s ideas that he would evaluate Radishchev’s activities in the 1830s. The proof of these provisions is the task of this article.

Gaius plinius secundus had witnessed a lot of violence in his life—war in Germania, Sicilian raids, Nero’s reign of terror—but killer whales really seemed to scare him. Known to history as Pliny the Elder, he penned the first known description of Orcinus orca in his encyclopedic Naturalis Historia, completed shortly before his death in 79 CE. It painted a bloody picture. The orca “cannot be in any way adequately described,” Pliny asserted, “but as an enormous mass of flesh armed with teeth.” Whereas dolphins sometimes befriended people and even helped fishermen, the killer whale preyed on mother baleen whales and their vulnerable calves. “This animal attacks the balaena in its places of retirement,” he wrote, “and with its teeth tears its young, or else attacks the females which have just brought forth, and, indeed, while they are still pregnant.” Fleeing whales could expect no mercy from orcas, who “kill them either cooped up in a narrow passage, or else drive them on a shoal, or dash them to pieces against the rocks.” So frightful were these battles to behold, Pliny noted, that it appeared “as though the sea were infuriate against itself.” In short, the destructive power of a killer whale had to be seen to be believed. Pliny himself had seen one. Around 50 CE, an orca had wandered into the harbor of Ostia, Rome’s port city. The animal had been drawn there, it seemed, by a ship from Gaul, which had run aground and spilled its cargo of hides. As the whale investigated, it became stuck in the shallows, unable to maneuver. Soon its back and dorsal fin were visible above the water, recounted Pliny, “very much resembling in appearance the keel of a vessel turned bottom upwards.” Sensing an opportunity, the emperor Claudius arrived from Rome, ordering local fishermen to net off the harbor. After waiting for a crowd to gather, he led his praetorians into battle against the trapped whale. The result was “a spectacle to the Roman people,” wrote Pliny. “Boats assailed the monster, while the soldiers on board showered lances upon it.” But the orca fought back, sinking at least one vessel before it succumbed.

Griffin had been receiving letters for weeks, and they painted a vivid picture of Namu’s impact on those who had seen the famous orca. “We are sorry that Namu is dead,” wrote seven-year-old Christopher. “I wish that you will get another whale.” A little girl declared, “I will mention in my prayer tonight for God to send Namu safely to Heaven and for God to watch over him always.” “We are so grateful we saw Namu only a few weeks ago,” wrote one local family. “He was so beautiful and gentle.” “Without our friend Namu, the water­front will be a lonely place,” added a mother in Seattle. “We hope you will consider getting another whale.” The notes helped, but Ted Griffin hadn’t been himself since his friend’s death. The process of forming the first close human bond with a killer whale had produced an intense emotional high, and the animal’s death sent him into a spiral of depression. Usually frenetic, the aquarium owner found himself list­less and untethered from reality. “At first I told myself he would come back, as I had believed my father would after he died,” he later wrote. “I had never faced the reality of death as a fact of life.” Try as he might, Griffin couldn’t pull himself together. “I wanted to shed my burden of guilt,” he reflected. “I had brought Namu into the polluted water where the bacteria had killed him. My loved one died tragically, and indirectly by my own hand.” As the weeks went by, his children became confused by their father’s behavior, and Joan grew worried. Friends suggested that he try bonding with another whale, but they might as well have urged him to replace a lost spouse or child. Something in Ted Griffin had died with Namu. Nearly fifty years later, he sat with me at his dining room table and tried to convey this change. “After Namu died, I kept trying to find that connection,” he explained. “I kept hoping for it with another animal, but I couldn’t find it.” So he turned his mind to business.

The Enigma cipher machine was slow and cumbersome to use. Sending a message was a complicated procedure requiring the participation of several operators (see photograph 24). The process started with the German plain-language, known as the ‘clear’ or the ‘plaintext’. Encrypting this produced the ‘ciphertext’. Typically, the plaintext or clear consisted of ordinary German words mixed with military abbreviations and jargon (such as WEWA for Wetter Warte, meaning ‘weather station’, and BINE, literally ‘bee’, meaning ‘very very urgent’). A cipher clerk typed the plaintext at the keyboard of an Enigma machine (see the diagram on page 17). Each time the clerk pressed a key, a letter on the lampboard would light. For example, typing HITLER might produce the letters FLKPIM. As the letters of the ciphertext appeared one by one at the lampboard, they were painstakingly noted down by an assistant. Various items of information were then added to the ciphertext, including the intended recipient’s radio call-sign, and a radio operator transmitted the complete message in Morse code. At the receiving end, the process had to be carried out in reverse. The radio operator turned the dit-dit-dahs of the Morse transmission back into letters of ciphertext and handed the result to the cipher clerk. The clerk typed the ciphertext at the keyboard of an Enigma, which had been set up identically to the sender’s machine. The letters of the plaintext lit up at the lampboard one by one and were recorded by the assistant. The Tunny system was much more sophisticated. The process of sending and receiving a message was largely automated. Encryption and decryption were entirely automatic. The transmitted ciphertext was never even seen by the German operators. At the sending end, a single operator typed plaintext at the keyboard of a teleprinter. At the receiving end, the plaintext was printed out automatically by another teleprinter. (A teleprinter is called a teletypewriter in the US.) The sender could switch his teleprinter equipment from ‘hand mode’ to ‘auto mode’. In auto mode, a pre-punched paper tape was fed into the equipment. The plaintext punched on the tape was encrypted and transmitted at high speed.

The chapter demonstrates that spirituality and popular religiosity are built into the Marian apparitions, thus turning them into a contemporary ‘modern’ phenomenon. The study refers to a series of apparitions which happened during 1999 in Marpingen, a German village close to the Western border with France. This village was the setting for a series of Marian apparitions back in the 19th century. These earlier apparitions have recently been subjected to a very thorough study by British historian David Blackbourn (1993). Whereas Blackbourn based his analysis on written documents mostly stored in archives, the authors had not only access to written documents, newspapers and books, but also the exceptional chance to collect video-tape records from the event, and they could also rely on audio-taped statements by the seers. These data, supported by ethnographic field data, are subject to a fine-grained video-analysis provided in the chapter. In Marpingen, it was Marion who began to have visions on May 17 and 20 near the chapel (built by the above-mentioned association) where the earlier apparitions had happened. Thereafter, the three women together had various apparitions near the chapel, mostly in the company of an increasing number of pilgrims. The sixth apparitions on June 13, 1999, was already witnessed by about 4,000 visitors, and on the ninth day of the apparitions, on July 18, 12,000 visitors turned up. The final apparitions were said to be at- tended by 30,000. As a hundred years before, the incident not only attracted masses, there was also some turmoil accompanying the apparitions: television stations turned up and reported critical- ly on the event, the Church prohibited any proclamation by the seers, the seers were threatened and, finally, the village administration and the chapel association got into a conflict. The authors pointed out that when talking about the apparition, we must be aware of the fact that this notion refers not only to a subjective experience by the seers. In order to become an apparition, it needs to be communicated. The communication of the apparition does not only draw on the verbalisation by which the apparition is being reported, i.e. reconstructed. In addition, the apparition is also being performed by the body of the seers who form part of the setting which includes the visitors in relation to the seers and the spatial constellations of other objects. Thus, the authors interpret apparition as a communicative performance of religious action. However, the verbalisation of the cited vision is not, as in other cases, reconstructed after the vision. On the contrary, the seer (Marion) talks into a dictograph which is held by another visionary – Judith – while having the vision. In this way, the apparition is turned into a live report. It may be no accident that this kind of live report is not directly addressed to the live audience. Rather, it is recorded so to be accessible to a larger media audience via audio tapes, transcripts of the visions and a number of books based on these reports. According to Auslander (1999: 39ff.), it is the ‘techno- logical and aesthetic contamination of live performance’. The authors noted that the media are not only added to the event but are imparted in the event to such a degree that they transform it into something different. Thus, the use of the dictograph results in a format of the ‘live report’ on the inner visions. The microphone allows coordinating the actions of the seers with those of the crowd – a phenomenon that was virtually impossible at earlier apparitions. According to the authors, the Marian movement is not only a static remnant of earlier periods but also a form of modern expression against rationality and secularism. The Marian apparition in question, according to the authors, is an example for the modernity of this form of religion by exhibiting the essential features of popular religion. It is not that religion has changed its contents: it is still the realm of the transcendent as the subject matter of religion. However, this subject matter is not an element of cognitive or moral belief; it is something to be experienced subjectively, the reasserting subject being the major instance and locus of religiosity. This way, the analysis of Marian apparitions is a case for the thesis of the modernity of religion and a case that demonstrates what is modern about religion.

White-collar crime, which is perhaps the most important of types of crime in terms of havoc and committed by the superior contrary to common belief, has much more influence than conventional crime. This crimes, are committed by well-respected professionals in their business. Besides, this study explain one of the this type of crime, crime of banking embezzlement. Because of the vital importance of banking to countries’ economy and the detrimental effects of the fraudulent actions of bankers to the well being of a bank and its systemic effect to the other banks in the market, regulators impose criminal sanctions. In Turkey, a special embezzlement offence that can be conducted by bankers is regulated under article 160 of the Banking Law No.5411. This article aims to analyze this controversial criminal offence within Banking Law No.5411 and Turkish Criminal Law No.5237. In this respect, the study includes general information about embezzlement, elements of the offence, special circumstances that affects the nature of the offence, specific forms of the offence and prosecution methods. It should be noted that, the elements and structure of bank embezzlement which is expected in the first paragraph of Article 160 is very similar to the embezzlement which is provided for in the Penal Code. However, the structure of which is conditional embezzlement expected in the third paragraph of that Article is very different from embezzlement provided in the Criminal Code. In the study also, recommendations are presented regarding the upon completion of the crime and trial precondition.

This paper investigates the Gülen movement’s repertoires of action in order to determine how it differs from traditional Islamic revivalist movements and from the so-called ‘New Social Movements’ in the Western world. Two propositions lead the discussion: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against the perceived threat of a trio of enemies, as Nursi named them a century ago – ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to understanding the apolitical mind-set of the Gülen movement’s fol- lowers. Second, unlike the confrontational New Social Movements, the Gülen movement has engaged in ‘moral opposition’, in which the movement’s actors seek to empathise with the adversary by creating (what Bakhtin calls) ‘dialogic’ relationships. ‘Moral opposition’ has enabled the movement to be more alert strategically as well as more productive tactically in solving the everyday practical problems of Muslims in Turkey. A striking example of this ‘moral opposition’ was witnessed in the Merve Kavakci incident in 1999, when the move- ment tried to build bridges between the secular and Islamist camps, while criticising and educating both parties during the post-February 28 period in Turkey. In this way the Gülen movement’s performance of opposition can contribute new theoretical and practical tools for our understanding of social movements. 104 | P a g e Recent works on social movements have criticized the longstanding tradition of classify- ing social movement types as “strategy-oriented” versus “identity-oriented” (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Rucht 1988) and “identity logic of action” versus “instrumentalist logic of ac- tion” (Duyvendak and Giugni 1995) by regarding identities as a key element of a move- ment’s strategic and tactical repertoire (see Bernstein 1997, 2002; Gamson 1997; Polletta 1998a; Polletta and Jasper 2001; Taylor and Van Dyke 2004). Bifurcation of identity ver- sus strategy suggests the idea that some movements target the state and the economy, thus, they are “instrumental” and “strategy-oriented”; whereas some other movements so-called “identity movements” challenge the dominant cultural patterns and codes and are considered “expressive” in content and “identity-oriented.” New social movement theorists argue that identity movements try to gain recognition and respect by employing expressive strategies wherein the movement itself becomes the message (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Melucci 1989, 1996). Criticizing these dualisms, some scholars have shown the possibility of different social movement behaviour under different contextual factors (e.g. Bernstein 1997; Katzenstein 1998). In contrast to new social movement theory, this work on the Gülen movement indi- cates that identity movements are not always expressive in content and do not always follow an identity-oriented approach; instead, identity movements can synchronically be strategic as well as expressive. In her article on strategies and identities in Black Protest movements during the 1960s, Polletta (1994) criticizes the dominant theories of social movements, which a priori assume challengers’ unified common interests. Similarly, Jenkins (1983: 549) refers to the same problem in the literature by stating that “collective interests are assumed to be relatively unproblematic and to exist prior to mobilization.” By the same token, Taylor and Whittier (1992: 104) criticize the longstanding lack of explanation “how structural inequality gets translated into subjective discontent.” The dominant social movement theory approaches such as resource mobilization and political process regard these problems as trivial because of their assumption that identities and framing processes can be the basis for interests and further collective action but cannot change the final social movement outcome. Therefore, for the proponents of the mainstream theories, identities of actors are formed in evolutionary processes wherein social movements consciously frame their goals and produce relevant dis- courses; yet, these questions are not essential to explain why collective behaviour occurs (see McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald 1996). This reductionist view of movement culture has been criticized by a various number of scholars (e.g. Goodwin and Jasper 1999; Polletta 1997, 1999a, 1999b; Eyerman 2002). In fact, the debate over the emphases (interests vis-à-vis identities) is a reflection of the dissent between American and European sociological traditions. As Eyerman and Jamison (1991: 27) note, the American sociologists focused on “the instrumentality of movement strategy formation, that is, on how movement organizations went about trying to achieve their goals,” whereas the European scholars concerned with the identity formation processes that try to explain “how movements produced new historical identities for society.” Although the social movement theorists had recognized the deficiencies within each approach, the attempts to synthesize these two traditions in the literature failed to address the empirical problems and methodological difficulties. While criticizing the mainstream American collective behaviour approaches that treat the collective identities as given, many leading European scholars fell into a similar trap by a 105 | P a g e priori assuming that the collective identities are socio-historical products rather than cog- nitive processes (see, for instance, Touraine 1981). New Social Movement (NSM) theory, which is an offshoot of European tradition, has lately been involved in the debate over “cog- nitive praxis” (Eyerman and Jamison 1991), “signs” (Melucci 1996), “identity as strategy” (Bernstein 1997), protest as “art” (Jasper 1997), “moral performance” (Eyerman 2006), and “storytelling” (Polletta 2006). In general, these new formulations attempt to bring mental structures of social actors and symbolic nature of social action back in the study of collec- tive behaviour. The mental structures of the actors should be considered seriously because they have a potential to change the social movement behaviours, tactics, strategies, timing, alliances and outcomes. The most important failure, I think, in the dominant SM approaches lies behind the fact that they hinder the possibility of the construction of divergent collective identities under the same structures (cf. Polletta 1994: 91). This study investigates on how the Gülen movement differed from other Islamic social move- ments under the same structural factors that were realized by the organized opposition against Islamic activism after the soft coup in 1997. Two propositions shall lead my discussion here: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against perceived threat of the triple enemies, what Nursi defined a century ago: ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to grasp non-political men- tal structures of the Gülen movement followers. Second, unlike the confrontational nature of the new social movements, the Gülen movement engaged in a “moral opposition,” in which the movement actors try to empathize with the enemy by creating “dialogic” relationships.

This Insight Note contributes to the growing body of knowledge on teaching practices that foster student learning and achievement by analysing in-depth qualitative data from classroom observations and teacher interviews. Much of the research on teachers and teaching in development literature focuses on observable and quantified factors, including qualifications and training. But simply being qualified (with a university degree in education or subject areas), or trained in certain ways (e.g., coaching versus in-service) explains very little of the variation in learning outcomes (Kane and Staiger, 2008; Wößmann, 2003; Das and Bau, 2020). Teaching is a complex set of practices that draw on teachers’ beliefs about learning, their prior experiences, their content and pedagogical knowledge and repertoire, and their commitment and personality. Recent research in the educational development literature has turned to examining teaching practices, including content knowledge, pedagogical practices, and teacher-student interactions, primarily through quantitative data from knowledge tests and classroom observations of practices (see Bruns, De Gregorio and Taut, 2016; Filmer, Molina and Wane, 2020; Glewwe et al, in progress). Other studies, such as TIMSS, the OECD and a few World Bank studies have used classroom videos to further explain high inference factors of teachers’ (Gallimore and Hiebert, 2000; Tomáš and Seidel, 2013). In this Note, we ask the question: What are the teaching practices that support and foster high levels of learning? Vietnam is a useful case to examine because student learning outcomes based on international tests are high, and most students pass the basic learning levels (Dang, Glewwe, Lee and Vu, 2020). But considerable variation exists between learning outcomes, particularly at the secondary level, where high achieving students will continue to upper-secondary and lower achieving students will drop out at Grade 9 (Dang and Glewwe, 2018). So what differentiates teaching for those who achieve these high learning outcomes and those who don’t? Some characteristics of teachers, such as qualifications and professional commitment, do not vary greatly because most Vietnamese teachers meet the national standards in terms of qualifications (have a college degree) and have a high level of professionalism (Glewwe et al., in progress). Other factors that influence teaching, such as using lesson plans and teaching the national curriculum, are also highly regulated. Therefore, to explain how teaching might affect student learning outcomes, it is important to examine more closely teachers’ practices in the classroom.