Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Balkans – Conditions sociales »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Balkans – Conditions sociales"
1
Sardon, Jean-Paul. « L'évolution démographique des Balkans depuis la fin de la décennie 1980. » Population Vol. 55, no 4 (1 avril 2000) : 765–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/popu.p2000.55n4-5.0786.
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Résumé Sardon Jean-Paul. -L'évolution démographique des Balkans depuis la fin de la décennie 1980 La décennie 1 990, celle de la chute, comme dans toute l'Europe de l'Est, des régimes communistes et des profondes transformations économiques et sociales qui l'ont accompagnée, a été marquée dans les Balkans par la succession de guerres qui ont résulté de l'éclatement de l'ancienne Yougoslavie. Outre de lourdes pertes en vies humaines, ces guerres ont entraîné des déplacements massifs de populations, volontaires ou forcés, dont les effets sont toujours visibles aujourd'hui. Fin 1999, on compte encore 917 000 réfugiés issus de l'ancienne Yougoslavie. La dégradation des conditions de vie engendrée par la transition vers l'économie de marché a provoqué de nombreux départs en Bulgarie et surtout en Albanie, où 1 6 % de la population a quitté le pays entre 1990 et 1998. Elle est aussi à l'origine d'une stagnation, voire d'une régression de l'espérance de vie à la naissance dans tous les pays de la région, à l'exception de la Croatie et de la Slovénie, jusque vers 1997. Depuis cette date, des progrès rapides ont toutefois permis de dépasser le niveau de la longévité observé en 1 990. Dans le même temps, les indicateurs de nuptialité et de fécondité ont fortement baissé, bien que de façon un peu plus modérée dans l'ancienne Yougoslavie. À la lumière des évolutions décrites, il n'est pas aisé de dégager des spécificités du monde balkanique en matière de comportement démographique. L'influence de la longue appartenance de ces pays au monde socialiste et de sa disparition brutale est telle qu'elle écrase, pour l'instant, toutes les autres distinctions, au niveau national du moins. Si la spécificité du monde balkanique réside sans doute dans la diversité des situations d'une région à l'autre sous l'effet de l'hétérogénéité du peuplement, celle-ci recule singulièrement du fait des opérations de «nettoyage ethnique» qui ont touché le territoire de l'ancienne Yougoslavie depuis une dizaine d'années.
2
ΚΡΕΜΜΥΔΑΣ, ΒΑΣΙΛΗΣ. « ΓΕΩΓΡΑΦΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗΣ ΣΥΓΚΡΟΤΗΣΗΣ TOΥ ΡΗΓΑ ». Μνήμων 21 (1 janvier 1999) : 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mnimon.790.
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<p>Vassilis Kremmydas, Géographie de la formation politique de Rigas Vélestinlis</p><p>Par «géographie», nous entendons les conditions, sociales et idéologiques,qui ont permis le développement du personnage politique: à Vélestino,la famille de Rigas bénéficiait d'une bonne situation économique etaspirait à participer dans l'exercice du pouvoir local. Eduqué d'aborddans diverses écoles réputées de sa région, Rigas poursuivit ses étudesà Constantinople. Sa famille, qui se trouvait en conflit permanent avecle pouvoir ottoman, était liée à de puissantes familles de notables grecs.Ce sont ces réseaux familiaux quiauront permis à Rigas d'établirdes liens personnels avec le milieu des notables grecs exerçant leur pouvoirdans les Balkans et de suivre de près les événements politiques européensde haut niveau. Ces informations se reflétaint dans ses idées politiques,fondées sur une base solide.La péninsule balkanique constituait le talon d'Achille de l'EmpireOttoman: les autres empires la convoitaient. Les bases du programmepolitique de Rigas allaient à rencontre du pouvoir ottoman aussi bien que du despotisme: son pays, la Grèce, serait libérée et intégrée dansle nouvel Empire Balkanique, formé au moment où Napoléon Bonapartefondait le sien. Le programme politique de Rigas ne fut pas un programmede l'époque des révolutions nationales, mais celui de l'ère desmouvements séparatistes et régionaux. Il se situait par conséquent auxconfins des idées impériale et nationale.</p>
3
Börzel, Tanja A., et Sonja Grimm. « Building Good (Enough) Governance in Postconflict Societies & ; Areas of Limited Statehood : The European Union & ; the Western Balkans ». Daedalus 147, no 1 (janvier 2018) : 116–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00478.
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In this essay, we assess how the European Union supports the development of postconflict Western Balkan societies toward stable peace, economic prosperity, and consolidated democracy, moving them along the path to Denmark. Our analysis reveals that the EU has contributed to effective and democratic governance in its southeastern neighborhood. At the same time, its effectiveness as an external good governance–builder varies. Structural postconflict conditions that are not conducive to democratization, conflicting policy objectives, the dynamic interplay between the EU and Western Balkan governments, and the involvement of domestic third-party actors in the reform process explain this variation. To make EU good governance–building more effective, we recommend acknowledging conflicting objectives and using governance-building instruments consistently and credibly to reconceptualize external good governance–building as a dynamic process between external and domestic actors and to take domestic actors and their preferences seriously.
4
Zorn, Jelka. « The Case of Ahmad Shamieh’s Campaign against Dublin Deportation : Embodiment of Political Violence and Community Care ». Social Sciences 10, no 5 (27 avril 2021) : 154. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10050154.
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Differently from studies that analyze antideportation struggles in relation to concepts of state sovereignty and (un)making of citizenship, this paper focuses more on intersection of politics and body. It discusses struggle for the “place in the world” as an embodied experience. Ahmad Shamieh came to Slovenia in 2016 through the humanitarian corridor on the Balkan route. The Slovene Ministry of the Interior refused to examine his asylum claim and instead issued him a Dublin Regulation decision, stating that he was to be deported to Croatia. Ahmad’s and his supporters’ legal and political struggle, which lasted several years, prevented his deportation. In contrast to state’s politics of exclusion, causing dehumanization and traumatization the grassroots community struggle developed the politics of inclusion, solidarity and care from below, in practice transforming the conditions of belonging.
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Bobic, Mirjana. « Reorganization of marriage, relationships and family in contemporary society ». Stanovnistvo 41, no 1-4 (2003) : 65–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv0304065b.
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This paper describes contemporary changes in marriage, relationships and family in European populations, and then their evolution from the last decade of the twentieth century till present day, as well as various forms and types, in which plurality of contemporary partnership unions is revealed. The other goal of this supplement was to provide a wider theoretical-hypothetical, explanatory framework for understanding what is happening in population (on appearance level) but now in the context of contemporary societies. Three variables are introduced: macro (paradigm of modernization, namely social, i.e. structural and cultural changes), micro (paradigm: resources-limitations-behavior) and mezzo (differences in social and demographic development of countries of North, Western, South and Central and Eastern Europe (former socialistic countries in transition). Cautious predictions on what could be expected in future concerning: empirical documented differences of living arrangements of European populations of the West, but also of the East, as well as relative demographic consequences. On the macro level (paradigm structure/culture) the responses depend on the rate the two main social processes will develop: 1) development of "European society", and 2) the birth of "world" (global) society. Most of the authors conclude on the convergence of social and demographic development on the territory of Western, but not Eastern Europe (and especially the Balkans). This conclusion concerns even the countries of the South European region, considering that it is uncertain in which direction and speed will their integration into the European Union develop. With regards to the trend of decreasing fertility, a continuance of existing secular tendencies may be expected in future as well, even on the whole European territory, and that it will be supported by social changes of (post) modernization, individualization and rational behavior, so that it will become a general model. For now it is evident that convergence of social and demographic development may be demonstrated on the territory of Western but not Eastern Europe as well (and especially of the Balkans). The later is also valid when the Southern European region is in question, considering that it is uncertain in which direction and at what speed will their integration into the European Union develop. With regards to the trend of decreasing fertility, a continuance of tendencies may be expected in future as well, on the whole European territory, and that it will be supported by social changes of (post) modernization, individualization and rational behavior, so that in most cases parents will satisfy their needs with only one child. On the contrary, family forms and life styles will probably reflect differences between countries of the North and Western Europe in future as well on the one hand, and Southern on the other hand, and Central and Eastern Europe (former socialistic countries) on the third hand. Readiness for marriage, partnership styles, as well as aspirations to forming families will depend on individual decisions, which will result from personal resources and limiting factors (macro, mezzo and micro). On the aggregate level of population, the result will be polarization between non-family and family households. Social conditions of foregoing modernization (increase of risks, job uncertainty, country prosperity crisis) as well as globalization will probably contribute to increasing the polarization process. The same conclusion may be derived for the group of former socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe (and the Balkans) as well, whose key problem now is finishing the process of transformation towards market economy.
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Acehan, Işil. « “Ottoman Street” in America : Turkish Leatherworkers in Peabody, Massachusetts ». International Review of Social History 54, S17 (décembre 2009) : 19–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859009990228.
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SummaryThis article examines the role of “Turkish” leatherworkers in New England’s labor movement in the early twentieth century. It begins with the exodus of a large Ottoman population from eastern Anatolian provinces to eastern Massachusetts, and their employment in New England’s leather factories. Throughout the article, the rise of the leather business in eastern Massachusetts cities (including Peabody and Salem), the Turkish immigrants’ concentration on Peabody’s Walnut Street (which came to be called “Ottoman Street”), the importance of kin and friends in providing practical information vital for adjusting to the new environment, and the coffee house as a response to industrial conditions are discussed at length. The author argues that, although many of the Turkish leatherworkers originated from rural backgrounds and had no experience in unionizing and striking, their quick adjustment to the industrial city and their growing awareness of labor rights was a result of lectures given within the Turkish community, changing circumstances in the old country and in the United States, such as the Balkan Wars and World War I, and their unchallenged place in the tanneries of Peabody, MA.
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Nikitina, A. A., et K. R. Shafieva. « Development of bilateral economic relations between Russia and Turkey ». Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no 4 (27 avril 2023) : 226–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2304-02.
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Russia and Turkey are the largest powers influencing the international economy, diplomacy and the geopolitical climate on the European continent. In the conditions of anti-Russian sanctions, a huge role is assigned to strengthening relations between friendly states, searching for mutually beneficial directions and projects that will strengthen the economic well-being of partner states. In this regard, the establishment of diplomatic and economic relations between Russia and Turkey will allow Russia to maintain its position on the European continent. Turkey occupies an important geopolitical position at the same time being a European, Asian, Balkan, Caucasian, Middle Eastern, Mediterranean and Black Sea region. It unites the entire Eurasian space, thereby strengthening its role in the political space. Viewed from a regional perspective, the fact remains that trade between the two States is also important for world trade. Historically, it can be traced that from time to time problems arise between states, which negatively affects economic cooperation between them, since politics directly affects the economy and trade relations of countries. But, when building diplomatic ties, first of all, historical experience in relations between states should be taken into account and all the positive and negative sides should be taken into account. Taking into account all the regulatory legal acts considered, the authors of the article put up for discussion the issue of stabilization of bilateral relations between Russia and Turkey, and propose the most promising directions for strengthening relations between the states. The study is based on the analysis of official statistical indicators of Turkstat and Goskomstat, describing the state of development of foreign economic cooperation between Russia and Turkey.
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Dimitrova, E. K. « SATISFACTION WITH WORKING TIME BEFORE THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC IN EUROPEAN SOCIETIES : RESULTS OF MULTILEVEL ANALYSIS ». Economy of Region 17, no 4 (2021) : 1210–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17059/ekon.reg.2021-4-12.
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Satisfaction with working time gains increasing importance in the context of changing sphere of work, spread-out of flexible forms of employment, digitalisation and telework in the recent times of the Covid-19 pandemic. The paper focuses on the factors associated with satisfaction with working time in European countries before the pandemic based on data from the European Quality of Life Survey (2016). The study serves as a basis for further comparison of the trend in working time satisfaction in the pre-pandemic period across Europe and the recent period of increasing flexibilisation of work, digitalisation and spread-out of distant employment. For this purpose, descriptive statistical analyses and two-level random intercept model for binary responses are applied. The results show that women report higher satisfaction with working time compared to men. Satisfaction significantly increases after the age of 40. The number of children and the presence of children below the age of 6 in the household are negatively associated with satisfaction with working time. Satisfaction is positively associated with income and education. Structural conditions, such as economic development measured by gross domestic product (GDP), influence Europeans’ working time satisfaction. In the Balkan countries, satisfaction with working time is the lowest, while in the North-Western societies the highest percentage of workers are satisfied with working time before the Covid-19 pandemic.
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Hasani, Arbenita, Elena Kokthi, Oltjana Zoto, Kaltrina Berisha et Iliriana Miftari. « Analyzing Consumer Perception on Quality and Safety of Frozen Foods in Emerging Economies : Evidence from Albania and Kosovo ». Foods 11, no 9 (26 avril 2022) : 1247. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/foods11091247.
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Freezing technology is one of the most well established long-term preservation techniques for producing high-quality, nutritious foods with prolonged shelf-life. Frozen foods (FFs) are a significant section of the global food market experiencing rapid growth. It also represents an alternative to small producers in developing countries to add value to their products in a competitive market. However, unfairly, FFs are often perceived as less qualitative than fresh produce, although studies have shown that some FFs have higher nutritional values than fresh products. This study’s aim is to analyze consumers’ perceptions in the two Balkan countries towards FFs. A total of 380 questionnaires were completed in both countries (182 in Kosovo and 198 in Albania). Consumers’ perceptions towards FFs were measured through eleven items using a five-point Likert scale. The items addressed issues related to the quality and safety of FFs, information on FFs, and the impact of origin on the perception of FFs. The differences between populations were tested with the t-test and correlation analysis with the bootstrapping method for sociodemographic factors. The results show that Kosovo consumers generally show a higher positive attitude toward FFs than Albanian consumers. Albanian consumers prefer fresh foods over FFs. The lack of trust in food safety institutions was expressed with concern for the conditions of the frozen chain applied both on the imported and domestic frozen products. Similarly, the findings show that Albanian consumers are willing to pay more than the baseline price to obtain fresh products instead of frozen compared with Kosovo consumers. Additional studies are needed to explore whether the lack of trust in food safety institutions inhibits the successful development of FFs in Albania and Kosovo. In both countries, responsible authorities should help consumers to have a more profound knowledge of the quality of FFs and boost these activities to increase farmers’ incomes and play an active role in reducing food loss and waste.
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Hasani, Arbenita, Elena Kokthi, Oltjana Zoto, Kaltrina Berisha et Iliriana Miftari. « Analyzing Consumer Perception on Quality and Safety of Frozen Foods in Emerging Economies : Evidence from Albania and Kosovo ». Foods 11, no 9 (26 avril 2022) : 1247. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/foods11091247.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Freezing technology is one of the most well established long-term preservation techniques for producing high-quality, nutritious foods with prolonged shelf-life. Frozen foods (FFs) are a significant section of the global food market experiencing rapid growth. It also represents an alternative to small producers in developing countries to add value to their products in a competitive market. However, unfairly, FFs are often perceived as less qualitative than fresh produce, although studies have shown that some FFs have higher nutritional values than fresh products. This study’s aim is to analyze consumers’ perceptions in the two Balkan countries towards FFs. A total of 380 questionnaires were completed in both countries (182 in Kosovo and 198 in Albania). Consumers’ perceptions towards FFs were measured through eleven items using a five-point Likert scale. The items addressed issues related to the quality and safety of FFs, information on FFs, and the impact of origin on the perception of FFs. The differences between populations were tested with the t-test and correlation analysis with the bootstrapping method for sociodemographic factors. The results show that Kosovo consumers generally show a higher positive attitude toward FFs than Albanian consumers. Albanian consumers prefer fresh foods over FFs. The lack of trust in food safety institutions was expressed with concern for the conditions of the frozen chain applied both on the imported and domestic frozen products. Similarly, the findings show that Albanian consumers are willing to pay more than the baseline price to obtain fresh products instead of frozen compared with Kosovo consumers. Additional studies are needed to explore whether the lack of trust in food safety institutions inhibits the successful development of FFs in Albania and Kosovo. In both countries, responsible authorities should help consumers to have a more profound knowledge of the quality of FFs and boost these activities to increase farmers’ incomes and play an active role in reducing food loss and waste.
Thèses sur le sujet "Balkans – Conditions sociales"
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Lacombe, Rosalie. « Entre territoire de transit et territoire d'attente : les conséquences de la fermeture de la route des Balkans sur la gouvernance et le vécu des migrations en Serbie ». Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/67906.
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En 2015, la route migratoire empruntée par un peu plus d’un million de migrants vers l’Europe occidentale était la route des Balkans. D’abord une route de transit, cette route vit rapidement ses frontières se fermer successivement, mettant partiellement fin à un mouvement migratoire historique. La fermeture de la route des Balkans culmina en mars 2016, lorsque l’Union européenne et la Turquie signent un accord selon lequel la Turquie s’engageait à retenir les migrants sur son territoire. En dépit de la fermeture officielle de la route des Balkans, certains migrants réussissent tout de même à atteindre la Serbie, un pays au cœur de cet espace migratoire. La fermeture officielle de la route transforme d’abord cet espace migratoire en un espace de circulation et de transit difficile à atteindre et d’où il devient particulièrement périlleux d’y poursuivre sa route vers l’Union européenne, mais également en un « territoire de l’attente » pour ceux et celles ayant toujours comme projet migratoire de rejoindre un pays d’Europe occidentale. La recherche a d’abord pour objectif d’analyser les caractéristiques de la Serbie en tant que territoire de transit limitrophe à l’Union européenne. L’étude a ensuite pour objectif de dresser un portrait de l’évolution du rôle des principaux acteurs impliqués dans la gouvernance des migrations en Serbie depuis le début de la « crise migratoire ». En outre, la recherche s’intéresse aussi à documenter la manière dont l’attente est vécue par les migrants et analyser la relation de ces derniers aux divers espaces d’attente qu’ils occupent en Serbie. L’analyse se base sur un terrain ethnographique qui s’est déroulé en Serbie au printemps 2019. Au total, trente entretiens qualitatifs furent réalisés auprès de différents acteurs présents sur le terrain. Le terrain de recherche inclut la visite de trois centres institutionnels de réception au sein des régions de Belgrade et de Šid. Mots clés : Balkans ; migrations internationales ; migrants ; attente ; projet migratoire ; Serbie ; parcours migratoire ; politiques migratoires ; externalisation ; Union européenne.In 2015, the migration route most used by over a million asylum seekers to Western Europe was the Balkan route. Initially a transit route, this route rapidly saw its borders successively close, partially putting an end to a historic migratory movement. The closure of the Balkan route culminated in March 2016, when the European Union and Turkey signed an agreement under which Turkey undertook to retain migrants on its territory. Despite the official closure of this route, some migrants still manage to reach Serbia, a country at the heart of the migration route. The official closure of the route first of all transforms this migratory area into an area of circulation and transit that is difficult to reach and from where it becomes particularly dangerous to continue on to the European Union, but also into a "waiting territory" for those who still have a migration project to join a Western European country. The research aims firstly to analyse the characteristics of Serbia as a transit territory bordering the European Union. The study then aims to provide a picture of the changing role of the main actors involved in migration governance in Serbia since the beginning of the 'migration crisis'. In addition, the research is also interested in documenting how migrants experience waiting and analysing their relationship to the various waiting spaces they occupy in Serbia. The analysis is based on an ethnographic fieldwork that took place in Serbia in the spring of 2019. A total of thirty qualitative interviews were carried out with different actors present in the field. The research fieldwork also included visits to three institutional reception centres in the Belgrade and Šid regions. Keywords: Balkans: international migration; migrants; waiting; migration project; Serbia; migration trajectory; migration policies; outsourcing; European Union.
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Estangüi, Gómez Raúl. « État et campagnes à Byzance (milieu XIVe - XVe siècle) ». Paris 1, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA010572.
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Au cours du XIVe siècle, l'Empire byzantin connut plusieurs crises qui provoquèrent son déclin et la conquête du territoire par les Ottomans. Les causes de la disparition de Byzance sont encore loin d'être élucidées par les historiens, mais on a souvent parlé d'un fort rétrécissement de la puissance de l'Etat dans les provinces. L'évolution de l'économie et de la fiscalité aurait accordé plus de pouvoir aux grandes familles de l'aristocratie au détriment de l'autorité impériale. Toutefois, l'étude des sources de la période, notamment des actes de la pratique mais aussi des sources narratives, soulève le rôle toujours prééminent de l'Etat dans les provinces jusqu'à la fin de l'histoire byzantine. Ces sources témoignent des mesures mises en place par les empereurs de cette époque pour freiner l'avance ennemie et pour restaurer l'état de la production agricole. Elles révèlent aussi le rôle joué par l'aristocratie dans l'exercice du pouvoir impérial dans les provinces. En effet, aucune opposition ne semble avoir existé entre l'Etat et les principaux clans de l'aristocratie byzantine. Les causes du déclin de l'Empire étaient plutôt liées à l'évolution politique en Asie Mineure et dans les Balkans, avec l'irruption des Turcs et l'effondrement des pouvoirs chrétiens dans la région.
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Karagyozova, Tanya. « Genre et tradition : circulation, réception et appropriation de la « question féminine » dans la culture balkanique slavophone au XXème siècle ». Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA184.
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A l’échelle de l’Histoire des Balkans du XXème siècle, la percée des femmes dans l’économie rémunérée, dans l’enseignement supérieur et l’activisme féministe se sera concrétisée de manière toute aussi remarquable qu’ailleurs en Europe. Cependant, dans le contexte des Balkans slavophones en général et en Bulgarie en particulier, les conditions concrètes de cette évolution se négocient selon les critères inéluctables d’un rapport singulier à la tradition. Nous proposons, tout d’abord, de situer ce contexte (rarement abordé à travers l’histoire des femmes et encore moins dans une perspective féministe) à partir d’un regard ethnographique sur la culture traditionnelle et la spécificité des interdits pesant sur le corps et la parole des femmes. Nous prolongerons notre observation à travers la modernité balkanique qui induit de profondes transformations des notions de culture, de nation et de minorités ethniques. Nous les mettrons en perspective avec la réponse de l’État-nation moderne à la « question féminine » [Zenski vapros / Женски въпрос] qui, de fait, valida constitutionnellement nombre de logiques d’exclusion. Il s’agira également de resituer les mouvements féministes de la première heure en mettant l’accent sur ceux s’étant associés aux luttes ouvrières et la difficulté du mouvement socialiste féminin [zhensko sotsialistichesko dvizhenie / женско социалистическо движение] de résister à l’assimilation. Dans la continuité de notre réflexion, nous interrogerons le discours égalitariste de l’époque communiste, en privilégiant un cadrage sur les années 1970-1980. Afin de mettre en lumière les conditions concrètes de l’émancipation dans la vie privée (avortement, divorce, rapports de sexe), nous explorons un corpus homogène articulé autour de l’unique revue féministe éditée par les successeurs du mouvement socialiste féminin du début du siècle. Ce retour sur l’histoire mouvementée de la seconde moitié du XXème siècle, effectué sous le prisme du genre, évoque ce qui dérange le plus dans l’idéologie des régimes communistes, mais aussi dans le discours marxiste, tel qu’interprété localement. Cette thèse révèle les mécanismes à l’œuvre lors de la réception et l’appropriation de la réponse marxiste à la « question féminine » sur le terrain, en insistant sur les résonances singulières avec le discours traditionaliste d’époques antérieures; tel que nous le retraçons dans le folklore, dans la littérature classique de la Renaissance balkanique à la croisée d'influences européennes et orientales, mais aussi dans le sillage du processus d’européanisation à relier, notamment, aux circulations éditoriales. Tout au long de cette recherche, nous plaçons au centre l’analyse générale de la « question féminine » comme discours, tout en questionnant la longévité des résistances face à ses ambitions émancipatrices et ceci jusqu’à l’époque contemporaine de transition néolibérale. En effet, aborder les remaniements des discours d’émancipation revient à poser la question du renouvellement des modèles de féminité, à (re)penser leur réception et à réfléchir au rôle des femmes dans ces processus et ceci dans une investigation de vaste chronologie, de temps long, sans aucunement prétendre à l’exhaustivitéOver the course of 20th century Balkan history, the advancement of women in the paid economy, education, and female activism had concretized itself as prominently as throughout Europe. Within the context of Balkan Slavic culture in general, and its translation within the national domain of Bulgaria in particular, the precise conditions of this evolution resulted from a compromise of the inevitable criteria of a distinct relationship to tradition. We intend to illuminate and situate this context, rarely approached in the discourse of women’s studies, and even less from a feminist perspective. This examination aims to undertake two challenges: A general analysis of “The woman question” as discourse, and further, a more critical observation on the nature of resistance against ambitions of emancipation. While not claiming to be exhaustive, the objective is to put into perspective the theoretical contributions of reflection on hierarchical representations of gender diversity, and the territorial nuances that we explore. Addressing revisions of “The woman question” is to invite the notion of renewing models of femininity, to rethink the effects of discourse, and to reflect on the role of women in the process. Finally, a second glance at the eventful history of the second half of the 20th century, executed under the prism of gender, explores the most distorted in the aesthetic of communist regimes. The purpose of this study is to shed light on the social realities of women in the socialist era in parallel with traditionalist discourse as we retrace the cross of European, Oriental, orthodox, folklore, and modern influences in Slavic literature. Thus, from this approach emerge new prospects for understanding Women’s Studies in the Slavic Balkans in general, and Bulgaria in particular
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Gillet, Olivier. « L'Eglise orthodoxe et l'Etat communiste roumain, 1948-1989 : étude de l'idéologie de l'Eglise orthodoxe :entre traditions byzantines et national-communisme ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212518.
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Dans quelle mesure les traditions de l’Église orthodoxe, héritière d’un modèle byzantin imprégné de césaropapisme qui ignorait donc la séparation des pouvoirs temporels et spirituels, ont-elles influencé les comportements démocratiques dans les pays d’Europe où elle est dominante ?Le cas particulier de la Roumanie depuis 1948.Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Ersoy, Aksel. « Dynamics and drivers of Turkish regional development : a Curate’s Egg ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3423/.
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Understanding of the economic processes shaping regional economies is in a constant state of change. These processes are important to understand for policy making as governments seek to improve the economic well-being of citizens. Existing empirical research in this field has focussed on regions in economically advanced and technologically innovative economies. As a consequence, the broader picture of the dynamics of regional development in less developed countries, particularly its social and political origins and the overall changes in regional inequality, have remained elusive and less clear. The purpose of this thesis has been to develop an understanding of the local and regional dynamics of economic development in the context of the transitioning and emerging economy of Turkey. The approach has been to unpack a series of local and regional development theories and, from the drivers identified, to develop an econometric model calibrated for the Turkish context using available and appropriate proxy measures. Document analysis supported by interviews with groups of policy makers has been intertwined with the results of the model. The results of the study explain that implications of the current local and regional economic development theories are a Curate’s Egg – good in parts – because these theories are only partially relevant in the Turkish context.
Livres sur le sujet "Balkans – Conditions sociales"
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Mitev, Petŭr-Emil. Europe, the young, the Balkans. Sofia : International Centre for minority studies and intercultural relations, 1996.
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1947-, Daxner Michael, dir. Bilanz Balkan. Wien : Verlag für Geschichte und Politik, 2005.
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Bartlett, William. Croatia : Between Europe and the Balkans. London : Routledge, 2002.
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Dérens, Jean-Arnault, et Philippe Bertinchamps. Rroms des Balkans : Intégration, citoyenneté, démocratie. Paris : Non lieu, 2013.
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Bookman, Milica Zarkovic. Economic decline and nationalism in the Balkans. Basingstoke : Macmillan, 1994.
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Bookman, Milica Zarkovic. Economic decline and nationalism in the Balkans. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1994.
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Nikolaeva, Todorova Marii︠a︡, dir. Balkan identities : Nation and memory. London : Hurst, 2004.
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Croatia : Between Europe and the Balkans. London : Routledge, 2003.
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W, Carter Francis, et Norris H. T, dir. The changing shape of the Balkans. Boulder, Colo : Westview Press, 1996.
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Fishstein, Paul. Balkh's economy in transition. Kabul : Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit, 2013.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Balkans – Conditions sociales"
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Šuvaković, Miško. « Art as a Political Machine : Fragments on the Late Socialist and Postsocialist Art of Mitteleuropa and the Balkans ». Dans Postmodernism and the Postsocialist Condition, 90–134. University of California Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520928558-006.
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Kimura, Kaori, et Alexander S. Stykalin. « Yugoslav Socialism : A View from Hungary (1956) ». Dans Slavs and Russia : Problems of Statehood in the Balkans (late XVIII - XXI centuries), 390–409. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2618-8570.2020.21.
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The authors focus is on the Hungarian attitude to the Yugoslav experience of building socialism in the conditions of the socio-political upsurge that preceded the uprising of 1956. The authors consider the views on Tito's Yugoslavia and its policies of both the leaders of the ruling Hungarian Workers' Party and the internal party reformist-minded opposition.
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Grgić, Ana. « Industrial Ruins, Malaise, and Ambivalent Nostalgia ». Dans Visual Culture of Post-Industrial Europe. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland : Amsterdam University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789048560097_ch06.
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Pervading images of de-industrialization processes and post-industrialism in Balkan cinemas over the last decade coincide with the harsh realities of the “post-socialist condition.” I explore how contemporary Balkan cinemas address these issues through an analysis of Sînt o babă comunistă / I Am an Old Communist Hag (2013, Romania, dir. Stere Gulea), Rekvijem za gospođu J. / Requiem for Mrs. J. (2017, Serbia, dir. Bojan Vuletiç), and Ti imaš noç / You Have the Night (2018, Montenegro and Serbia, dir. Ivan Salatiç). Questioning the precariousness of post-socialism, these films engage in acts of “ambivalent nostalgia” (Boym 2001) through remembrances of solidarity, collective work, and industrial productivity. Representations of dilapidated and vanishing industrial spaces echo “ruinophilia” (Boym 2011), and serve as affective remainders and reminders of socialist-era values.
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Adžić, Sofija. « Financial Systems Reforms in Western Balkans Countries ». Dans Global Trends of Modernization in Budgeting and Finance, 260–79. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-7760-7.ch013.
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Tax system and tax policy today are becoming the most important instruments of national economic policy. Globalization process is objective in nature and is also inherent in market economy, whereas the neoliberal model of globalization is constantly getting more popular in both developed and developing countries. While developing countries in this regard are concentrating mostly on a multitude of potential reforms and resolving their numerous economic and social problems which are getting only more complicated, the interest of developed countries concerns mostly newest innovative technological trends and their application in a specific economic context. That is, in order to provide better conditions for full convergence of socioeconomic systems with higher rates of economic growth reforms, tax systems and tax policies are needed to reduce the barriers to free and global movement of goods, services, capital, and manpower.
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Malcolm, Noel. « Crypto-Christianity and Religious Amphibianism in the Ottoman Balkans ». Dans Rebels, Believers, Survivors, 55–67. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198857297.003.0004.
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Christianity—secret adherence to Christian religious practices by people who outwardly professed Islam—is known to have occurred in several parts of the Ottoman Empire; this essay concerns the crypto-Christians of Kosovo, who were very unusual in adhering to Roman Catholicism. Distinctions are made here between crypto-Christianity and a range of other practices or circumstances that have been partly confused with it in previous accounts: the fact of close social coexistence between Muslims and Christians; the existence of religious syncretism, which allowed the borrowing and sharing of some ritual practices; and the principle of ‘theological equivalentism’ (the claim, made by some Muslims, that each person could be saved in his or her own faith). These things were not the same as crypto-Christianity, but they involved different kinds of religious ‘amphibianism’, creating conditions in which crypto-Christianity could survive more easily. The story of Catholic crypto-Christianity in Kosovo and northern Albania begins with reports from Catholic priests in the seventeenth century. Contributory factors seem to have been the economic incentive for men to convert to Islam to escape the taxes on Christians, and the fact that women (who were not tax-payers) could remain Christian, as Christian wives were permitted under Islamic law. This essay then traces the history of the crypto-Catholics of Kosovo, who survived, despite the strong official disapproval of the Church, into the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
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Petrović, Luka. « LjUDSKA PRAVA I SLOBODE U SVETLU EVROPSKOG ZELENOG DOGOVORA ». Dans USKLAĐIVANjE pravnog sistema Srbije sa standardima Evropske unije. [Knj. 11], 309–20. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Law, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/upssxi.309p.
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This scientific work analyzes the concept of human rights under the challenges of the green transition in Europe. The right to a healthy environment receives its full affirmation through adoption European Green Deal. In order to alleviate the consequences of the imbalance and mismatch between the development of society and the preservation of nature, the European Union is intensifying normative activity in the field of environmental protection. The Republic of Serbia as a candidate for membership in The European Union is obliged to make its policy and legal the system adapts to such trends. This question becomes especially important after our country's accession to the Green Agenda for the Western Balkans. New social conditions created under the influence of green ideas, offer new directions for the development of the corpus of human and minority rights.
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Greble, Emily. « “Back to Islam!” ». Dans Muslims and the Making of Modern Europe, 213–30. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197538807.003.0009.
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In April 1941, the Axis powers attacked, occupied, and dismembered Yugoslavia. A multi-sided civil conflict broke out within the international war. Balkan Muslims fought on many different sides: as Ustashas, members of the Croatian army (domobrani), two different Waffen SS units, the Wehrmacht, and various Italian divisions; they also fought against the Axis as members of communist resistance armies (Partisans), national resistance armies (Chetniks and Ballists), and different Muslim militias and bandit groups. Muslims were both perpetrators and victims in regional campaigns of mass violence and genocide. This chapter traces Muslim responses to these complex wartime dynamics. It reveals how some Muslims hoped that Hitler’s New European order would undo decades of European policy that had subverted Islamic legal autonomy and Muslims’ confessional rights under the guise of bureaucratic and legal reform. Armed with languages of political Islam and the tools of revivalist mass movements, some Muslims fought to enshrine Islamic law in domestic codes and use wartime conditions to re-Islamicize society. Other Muslims became attracted to promises of brotherhood and liberation espoused by socialist resistance movements, seeing socialism as the best path forward for Muslim equality in Europe. The war created both hardship and opportunity.
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Vukov, Nikolai. « The refugee question in Bulgaria before, during and after the First World War ». Dans Europe on the Move. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784994419.003.0013.
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This chapter focuses on the circumstances of displacement, the reception and settlement of refugees, and the state’s attempts to address the political, economic and social shock of accepting thousands of refugees from the lost territories. It outlines the centrality of the refugee issue to the development of the modern Bulgarian state particularly after the Balkan wars. The chapter focuses on three main episodes: before 1912, when a quarter of a million refugees already fled to Bulgaria whose population was around 4.5 million in 1912; between 1913 and 1918, when 120,000 refugees settled in the country; and in the years 1919-25 during which time Bulgaria witnessed the influx of an additional 180,000 refugees. Some consideration is given to prevailing social and economic conditions, such as the impact of refugees on urban and rural life in Bulgaria, and to the role of refugee relief organisations. Attention is also devoted to the international repercussions of the refugee crisis.
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Guskova, Elena Yu. « Balkan policy of the Soviet Union at the end of Perestroika (1990–1991) ». Dans Russia : A Look at the Balkans. Eighteenth - Nineteenth Centuries. On the 100th anniversary of Irina S. Dostyan's, 592–607. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2618-8570.2021.24.
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The article examines the period of 1990–1991, when the fate of the socialist federations ― the USSR and Yugoslavia ― was on the scales of history. Trying to preserve the integrity of the country, the leadership of the SFRY had high hopes for the USSR. The Yugoslav direction of the Balkan foreign policy in difficult domestic political conditions was not a priority, it remained in the zone of attention by inertia. Moscow's position was unequivocal ― the Soviet leadership had no doubts about the integrity of Yugoslavia. But the republics of Yugoslavia sought support from Moscow for their independence aspirations, although the USSR Foreign Ministry declared that it took a neutral position in the conflict on the territory of the SFRY. By the autumn of 1991, new trends in the USSR's position had already become more pronounced ― agreement with the internationalisation of the conflict, and support for Western initiatives.
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Katsikas, Stefanos. « Conclusion ». Dans Proselytes of a New Nation, 157–64. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197621752.003.0006.
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The conclusion draws on the analysis in previous chapters, mainly Chapters 3 and 4, to address some theoretical questions about religious conversions and nation-building in Modern Greece. It argues that in Modern Greece of the nineteenth century religious conversions, including Muslim conversions, to Christian Orthodoxy were often a ticket to Greek national identity. By converting to Orthodox Christianity the converts often aspired to become Hellenes (i.e., Greek nationals). In so doing, Greece and the age of nationalism that Greece introduced in the Balkans set a pattern for religious conversions, including Muslim conversions to Christianity, in the region: Muslim converts often aspired to become nationals of the post-Ottoman country in which they lived. The conclusion also argues that Muslim conversion to Christian Orthodoxy was often facilitated by the weakness or lack of Ottoman institutions and the political, economic and social fluidity or havoc of the nineteenth century. It also discusses the reliability or lack thereof of Greek official documents concerning the conditions under which these conversions took place. What do these documents suppress, and what can be read between their lines, especially concerning neophyte child and adult slavery, molestation, sexual slavery, and concubinage?
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Balkans – Conditions sociales"
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Tomašević, Vladimir, et Luka Latinović. « CHALLENGES IN DEVELOPMENT OF SMART CITIES IN WESTERN BALKANS ». Dans Sixth International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics : Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2020.323.
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Western Balkans have several definitions depending on the lens through which this concept is observed. The definitions can be economic, political or economic. The analysis is further complicated by the partial presence of the European Union, various economic treaties and unresolved conflicts as well as the fact that the largest urban populations are scattered without definitive trends. Cities continue to attract new arrivals as a result of the direct centralization tendencies throughout the region and result in an unsustainable growth of cities that in turn result in economic and social complications. This article uses a matrix classification model to classify the existing literature on cities in Western Balkans, identify specific conditions for particular groups and proposes different approaches for groups of cities in order to maximise the effects of smart cities projects so that doubling and significant overlapping in financing are avoided.
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Poleganova, Dessislava, Desislava Varadzhakova et Marina Raykova. « Spatial polarization and urban ghettoization of the Roma population in Bulgaria ». Dans International Scientific-Practical Conference "Economic growth in the conditions of globalization". National Institute for Economic Research, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36004/nier.cdr.v.2023.17.7.
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The current urban development in Europe faces many complex problems, mainly related to the deepening of socio-economic inequalities, spatial polarization and ghettoization, the increasing share of marginalized populations and those at risk of poverty, and school segregation. These issues are particularly acute in countries with a heterogeneous ethnic structure, and the Roma population has emerged as the most vulnerable group within Europe, particularly in Bulgaria. Roma ethnical group constituted 4.4% of the total Bulgarian population in 2021 and shows a high territorial concentration in several well-delineated areas, namely North-Western, North-Eastern, Maritsa, Trans-Balkan, and Burgas regions. In addition, more than half of them live in cities and possess the most favorable demographic features and the highest migration mobility compared to other ethnic groups. So far, despite the long-standing efforts of the Bulgarian state for Roma's successful integration, there are continuous and unfavorable trends of deepening processes of social exclusion, intolerance manifestations, spatial segregation, poor housing conditions, and lack of employment. The paper explores the current spatial polarization and urban ghettoization of the Roma population in Bulgaria. The spatial segregation of Roma urban communities is a significant issue in Bulgaria, and efforts to address their integration through national and regional strategies have not yet yielded substantial improvements. The extensive knowledge of the Roma population's cultural and other inherent peculiarities and the involvement of Roma stakeholders in policy discussions and implementations are crucial for achieving sustainable change in Bulgarian society.
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Simovski, Bojan, et Jane Acevski. « Some Dendrological Phenomena in Mavrovo National Park, North Macedonia ». Dans 3rd International Congress on Engineering and Life Science. Prensip Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.61326/icelis.2023.30.
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This research relates to occurrence of some morphological and ecological features of native woody plants in Mavrovo National Park situated in north-western Republic of North Macedonia on an area of about 73,000 ha. The Park represents more than 45% of the dendroflora and nearly 19% of the forest communities in the country. The observations were done during the past fifteen years covering different aspects of both individual and social life of the dendroflora, and various ecological conditions. In this context, dozen dendrological phenomena were found to be important to note. Namely, very old individual trees of the Balkan endemic species and Arcto-Tertiary relic of horse chestnut (Aesculus hippocastanum) thriving as riparian population were found; old European hop-hornbeam (Ostrya carpinifolia) individuals on remote sites; old Austrian pine (Pinus nigra), and sycamore (Acer pseudoplatanus) trees; old groves of common ash (Fraxinus excelsior), and of Austrian pine; firs (Abies borisii-regis and A. alba) with form of smooth or rough bark and aggressive territorial expansion on thermo-mesophilic sites. European beech (Fagus sylvatica) with oak-bark form (‘quercoides’) also was found. Furthermore, the occurrence of the hemiparasite juniper dwarf mistletoe (Arceuthobium oxycedri) on savin juniper (Juniperus sabina) was identified. In addition, finding site of Cotoneaster parnassicus was found. A few phenomena were observed concerning the spruce-fir forest community (ass. Abieti-Piceetum scardicum): dieback of Norway spruce individuals (Picea abies), emergence of Balkan pine (Pinus peuce) initial population in the vicinity and presence of barberry (Berberis vulgaris) as steppe floral element together with expressed mesophilic species.
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Demir, Emre. « THE EMERGENCE OF A NEO-COMMUNITARIAN MOVEMENT IN THE TURKISH DIASPORA IN EUROPE : THE STRATEGIES OF SETTLEMENT AND COMPETITION OF GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN FRANCE AND GERMANY ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/bkir8810.
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This paper examines the organisational and discursive strategies of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and its differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe, with the primary focus on the movement’s educational activities. The paper describes the characteristics of organisational activity among Turkish Muslims in Europe. Then it analyses two mainstream religious-communitarian movements and the contrasting settlement strategies of the “neo- communitarian” Gülen movement. Despite the large Turkish population in western Europe, the movement has been active there for only about ten years – relatively late compared to other Islamic organisations. Mainly, the associational organisation of Turkish Islam in Europe is based on two axes: the construction/ sponsoring of mosques and Qur’anic schools. By contrast, the Gülen movement’s members in Europe, insisting on ‘the great importance of secular education’, do not found or sponsor mosques and Qur’anic schools. Their principal focus is to address the problems of the immi- grant youth population in Europe, with reintegration of Turkish students into the educational system of the host societies as a first goal. On the one hand, as a neo-communitarian religious grouping, they strive for a larger share of the ‘market’ (i.e. more members from among the Turkish diaspora) by offering a fresh religious discourse and new organisational strategies, much as they have done in Turkey. On the other hand, they seek to gain legitimacy in the public sphere in Germany and France by building an educational network in these countries, just as they have done in Central Asia and the Balkans region. Accordingly, a reinvigorated and reorganised community is taking shape in western Europe. This paper examines the organizational and discursive strategies1 of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and it is differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe. We seek to analyse particularly the educational activities of this movement which appeared in the Islamic scene in Diaspora of Europe for the last 10 years. We focus on the case of Gülen movement because it represents a prime example amongst Islamic movements which seek to reconcile-or ac- commodate- with the secular system in Turkey. In spite of the exclusionary policy of Turkish secular state towards the religious movements, this faith-based social movement achieved to accommodate to the new socio-political conditions of Turkey. Today, for many searchers, Gülen movement brings Islam back to the public sphere by cross-fertilizing Islamic idioms with global discourses on human rights, democracy, and the market economy.2 Indeed, the activities of Gülen movement in the secular context of France and Germany represent an interesting sociological object. Firstly, we will describe the characteristics of organizational ability of Anatolian Islam in Europe. Then we will analyse the mainstream religious-com- munitarian movements (The National Perspective movement and Suleymanci community) and the settlement strategies of the “neo-communitarian”3 Gülen movement in the Turkish Muslim Diaspora. Based on semi-directive interviews with the directors of the learning centres in Germany and France and a 6 month participative observation of Gülen-inspired- activities in Strasbourg; we will try to answer the following questions: How the movement appropriates the “religious” manner and defines it in a secular context regarding to the host/ global society? How the message of Gülen is perceived among his followers and how does it have effect on acts of the Turkish Muslim community? How the movement realises the transmission of communitarian and `religious’ values and-especially-how they compete with other Islamic associations? In order to answer these questions, we will make an analysis which is based on two axes: Firstly, how the movement position within the Turkish-Islamic associational organisation? Secondly, we will try to describe the contact zones between the followers of Gülen and the global society.