Articles de revues : « Autonomy and indepednence movements »

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Nash, June C. « Autonomy Begins at Home : A Gendered Perspective on Indigenous Autonomy Movements ». Caribbean Studies 38, n^o 2 (2010) : 117–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/crb.2010.0066.

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Sippert, Eric. « Social Movements, Autonomy and the State in Latin America ». Politikon : The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 24 (1 septembre 2014) : 165–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.24.10.

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Social movements have become an important part of the political realm in Latin America, overthrowing and installing leaders as well as challenging capitalism and the state itself. This study attempts to classify social movements into four different categories by the amount of autonomy they exercise from the state and then look at the effectiveness of each of these different groups. Through examining different strategies and outcomes from social movements in Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador and Mexico, I attempt to ascertain which degree of autonomy is most effective. This study finds that while the weakened state has made autonomous movements more effective, engaging the state can still be beneficial for social movements with achieving their objectives.

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Dasgupta, Atis. « Ethnic Problems and Movements for Autonomy in Darjeeling ». Social Scientist 27, n^o 11/12 (novembre 1999) : 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3518047.

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Nash, June. « COMMENTARY : A Gendered View on Indigenous Autonomy Movements ». Anthropology News 44, n^o 8 (novembre 2003) : 7–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/an.2003.44.8.7.

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Sugihara, Kei, Koichi Nishiyama, Shigetomo Fukuhara, Akiyoshi Uemura, Satoshi Arima, Ryo Kobayashi, Alvaro Köhn-Luque et al. « Autonomy and Non-autonomy of Angiogenic Cell Movements Revealed by Experiment-Driven Mathematical Modeling ». Cell Reports 13, n^o 9 (décembre 2015) : 1814–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.celrep.2015.10.051.

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Singha, Komol. « Understanding Ethnicity-based Autonomy Movements : A Study of Manipur ». Studies in Indian Politics 5, n^o 1 (20 avril 2017) : 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023017698260.

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Since the 1960s, Manipur has been plagued by Meitei secessionist movements demanding/striving for independence from India. However, in the 1990s, following the upsurge of Naga ethnicity-based autonomy movement within the state and its counter movements by other groups, the secessionist movement was embroiled in internal feuds. In this process, grouping and regrouping of tribal communities had taken place, impinged by the predatory elites for their political and economic interests. Unfortunately, the state’s interventions failed to contain protracted conflicts; they rather compounded the situation, gave rise to hybrid ethnic identities and led to the recurrence of demands for internal autonomy.

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Parson, Don. « Housing and autonomy : Theoretical perspectives on non‐statist movements ». Housing Studies 2, n^o 3 (juillet 1987) : 170–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02673038708720598.

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Steyn, Ibrahim. « The State and Social Movements : Autonomy and Its Pitfalls ». Politikon 39, n^o 3 (décembre 2012) : 331–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2012.746184.

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Singha, Komol. « Understanding ethnicity-based autonomy movements in India's northeastern region ». Nationalities Papers 45, n^o 4 (juillet 2017) : 687–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1300879.

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Soon after independence, India's northeastern region was swamped in a series of conflicts starting with the Naga secessionist movement in the 1950s, followed by others in the 1960s. The conflicts intensified and engulfed the entire region in the 1970s and 1980s. However, in the 1990s, following reclamation of ethnic identities amid gnawing scarcities, the conflicts slowly turned into internal feuds. Consequently, alliance and re-alliance among the ethnic groups transpired. In the 2000s, it finally led to the balkanization of ethnicity-based autonomy movements in the region. Unfortunately, the state's ad-hoc measures failed to contain protected conflicts and, instead, compounded the situation and swelled hybrid ethnic identities.

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Zibechi, Raúl. « Governments and Movements : Autonomy or New Forms of Domination ? » Socialism and Democracy 24, n^o 2 (juillet 2010) : 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08854301003746932.

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Anderson, Paul, et Soeren Keil. « States falling apart ? Secessionist and autonomy movements in Europe ». Regional & ; Federal Studies 27, n^o 1 (janvier 2017) : 99–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2016.1273220.

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Krichun, V., E. Krichun et Y. Krichun. « AUTONOMY AND INVARIANCE IN CONTROL SYSTEMS WITH SHARED MOVEMENTS ». Transport Business of Russia, n^o 1 (2023) : 194–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.52375/20728689_2023_1_194.

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Chinn, Jeff, et Steven D. Roper. « Territorial Autonomy in Gagauzia ». Nationalities Papers 26, n^o 1 (mars 1998) : 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999808408552.

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The year 1995 was momentous for the Gagauz people located primarily in the towns and villages of southern Moldova in the area known as Gagauzia. The Gagauz leadership in Comrat and the Moldovan government in Chişinău reached agreement in December 1994 on autonomy for Gagauzia, ending a five-year secessionist movement involving both a war of words and sporadic conflict. For Chişinău, this agreement settled the lesser, but nonetheless important, of two secessionist movements that threatened the Moldovan state's viability. For Gagauzia, the agreement set the terms for extensive cultural, political, and social autonomy within Moldova. For Europe, this agreement broke new ground in granting a small nation control of its affairs within a larger state.

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Fávero, Maria De Lourdes de Albuquerque. « Autonomous University in Brazi : A Utopia ? » education policy analysis archives 7 (12 août 1999) : 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.v7n24.1999.

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The purpose of this work is to trace the historical stages through which university autonomy in Brazil has evolved. It begins with 1931 when Minister Francisco Campos conceded "relative autonomy" to the universities and describes developments to the present day. The history of autonomy in Brazilian universities is related to various political regimes and national movements through which Brazil has passed in the last 70 years. Final thoughts on the the challenges facing academic autonomy in present-day Brazil are presented.

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Escobar, Arturo. « Whose Knowledge, Whose nature ? Biodiversity, Conservation, and the Political Ecology of Social Movements ». Journal of Political Ecology 5, n^o 1 (1 décembre 1998) : 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v5i1.21397.

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This paper proposes a framework for rethinking the conservation and appropriation of biological diversity from the perspective of social movements. It argues that biodiversity, although with concrete biophysical referents, is a discourse of recent origin. This discourse fosters a complex network of diverse actors, from international organizations and NGOs to local communities and social movements. Four views of biodiversity produced by this network (centered on global resource management, national sovereignity, biodemocracy, and cultural autonomy, respectively) are discussed in the first part of the paper. The second part focuses on the cultural autonomy perspective developed by social movements. It examines in detail the rise and development of the social movement of black communities in the Pacific rainforest region of Colombia. This movement, it is argued, articulates through their practice an entire political ecology of sustainability and conservation. The main elements of this political ecology are discussed and presented as a viable alternative to dominant frameworks.Key words: political ecology, social movements, rainforest, biodiversity,afrocolombians, global networks.

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Tripp, Aili Mari. « The politics of autonomy and cooptation in Africa : the case of the Ugandan Women's Movement ». Journal of Modern African Studies 39, n^o 1 (mars 2001) : 101–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x01003548.

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State responsiveness to pressures from women's movements in Africa has been limited. However, where inroads have been made, associational autonomy from the state and dominant party has proved critical. The women's movement is one of the most coordinated and active social movements in Uganda, and one of the most effective women's movements in Africa more generally. An important part of its success comes from the fact that it is relatively autonomous, unlike women's movements in earlier periods of Uganda's post-independence history. The women's movement, in spite of enormous pressures for cooptation, has taken advantage of the political space afforded by the semi-authoritarian Museveni government, which has promoted women's leadership to serve its own ends. Leaders and organisations reflect varying degrees of autonomy and cooptation. Nevertheless the women's movement has had a visible impact on policy as a result of its capacity to set its own far-reaching agenda and freely select its own leaders.

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Malík, Jaroslav. « Wrestling with the Posthuman : Understanding the Relationship between Human Autonomy and Technology ». TECHNO REVIEW. International Technology, Science and Society Review /Revista Internacional de Tecnología, Ciencia y Sociedad 11, n^o 2 (14 juillet 2022) : 123–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.37467/gkarevtechno.v11.3252.

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In this paper, I examine the term "posthuman," which is often used to describe the possible future state of humanity. However, it is often difficult to understand what this term is meant to describe. I examine the claims of two movements that use this term: transhumanism and posthumanism. These movements are presented in the context of humanism. Both movements present how technologies are changing human autonomy and how posthuman beings arise out of this change. I formalise and critique these accounts of the posthuman. I conclude that neither movement adequately explains the transition from the human to the posthuman.

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Putra, David Aprizon, et M. Anton Alifandi. « Legal Study of The Existence of Genuine Autonomy in Order to Organize Village Autonomy in Indonesia ». NEGREI : Academic Journal of Law and Governance 1, n^o 1 (3 juillet 2021) : 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.29240/negrei.v1i1.2623.

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The centralized system implemented by the New Order government made the central to regional movements only as the form of exploitative movements. Meanwhile, the movement from the regions to the center has only become an enslaving movement. This fact then became the basis for the formation of genuine autonomy, which seeks to turn imperial cosmopolitanism into micro-politics in the form of regional autonomy. This was followed by the birth of Village autonomy in 2014, which certainly brought fresh air in the governance development order in Indonesia. The effort to restore the essence of genuine autonomy, which is indeed a pure value that has existed and belonged to the archipelago, is one of the gold goals for implementing this village autonomy. This legal research uses a normative-sociological approach based on statutory data, literature studies and history. There are many significant things related to strengthening the existence of Genuine Autonomy/Village Autonomy in Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages. We can see this in terms of: Regarding the definition of village (Article 1 point 1), Setting 10 percent of APBN funds to be allocated to the Village, Regarding to the evolution of village authority (Articles 18 and 19), Regarding the portion of village rights [Article 6 act (1 )], Regulation on Village-Owned Enterprises (Article 87). There are several things we can do in an effort to maintain the existence of genuine autonomy/village autonomy in Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages: 1). Legislative: The need of a strong legal certainty foundation; 2). Executive: The need for Government Apparatus with integrity, professional, neutral, and noble character, Community Participation; 3). Community: Strong and Participatory Civil Society

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Morales Hudon, Anahi. « Redefining Alliances in the Struggle for Organizational Autonomy ». Canadian Journal of Political Science 50, n^o 2 (juin 2017) : 461–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423917000476.

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AbstractThis paper aims to contribute to discussions around alliances and collaborations between feminisms. It analyses relations between movements in the development of indigenous women's organizational autonomy in Mexico. It seeks to understand how the struggle for autonomy involved a redefinition of the forms of collaboration by indigenous women in the consolidation of their movement. An intersectional perspective is proposed to better understand how power relations affect the organizing processes of social movements, as well as how organizations and individuals respond to and challenge them. I argue here that the redefinition of collaborations and alliances has been a key determinant in the organizing capacity of indigenous women to position themselves as autonomous political actors. From the analysis of two specific cases, this paper poses broader questions regarding representation and autonomy that may be applied towards a reflection of our feminist practices and discourses of solidarity.

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Diani, Mario, et Alberto Melucci. « Searching for autonomy : the sociology of social movements in Italy ». Social Science Information 27, n^o 3 (septembre 1988) : 333–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/053901888027003002.

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ROUSSEAU, STÉPHANIE, et ANAHI MORALES HUDON. « Paths towards Autonomy in Indigenous Women's Movements : Mexico, Peru, Bolivia ». Journal of Latin American Studies 48, n^o 1 (15 juillet 2015) : 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x15000802.

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AbstractBased on comparative research this article analyses indigenous women's organising trajectories and the creation of spaces where they position themselves as autonomous political actors. Drawing on social movement theory and intersectionality, we present a typology of the organisational forms adopted by indigenous women in Peru, Bolivia and Mexico over the last two decades. One of the key findings of our comparative study is that indigenous women have become social movement actors through different organisational forms that in part determine the degree of autonomy they can exercise as political subjects.

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Ray, R., et A. C. Korteweg. « WOMEN'S MOVEMENTS IN THE THIRD WORLD : Identity, Mobilization, and Autonomy ». Annual Review of Sociology 25, n^o 1 (août 1999) : 47–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.soc.25.1.47.

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Tamayo Flores, Sergio. « Autonomy, networks of significance and institutional impact of social movements ». Anuario de Espacios Urbanos, Historia, Cultura y Diseño, n^o 04 (1 décembre 1997) : 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.24275/kdre3506.

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Singharoy, Debal. « Development, Environmental and Indigenous People’s Movements in Australia : Issues of Autonomy and Identity ». Cosmopolitan Civil Societies : An Interdisciplinary Journal 4, n^o 1 (12 mars 2012) : 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v4i1.2185.

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Indigenous movements in Australia are at a crossroad in their efforts to protect their intrinsic relations with land, nature and culture on the one hand and engaging with the reconciliatory and developmental dynamics of the state on the other. This paper examines the process of articulation and rejuvenation of indigenous identities that negotiate across culture, environment, sustainable livelihood and the developmental needs of the community. Locating these movements within wider socio-historical contexts it focuses on the tensions between a pro-conservation and a pro-development approach in grass roots indigenous movements. Three case studies are presented – drawn from the Sydney region. One indigenous group’s struggle against a housing development, defined as a threat to indigenous and environmental heritage, is contrasted with an indigenous group that is internally divided over an agreement with a mining developer, and a third group that has engaged in constructing housing and welfare projects, and in part has itself become a developer. The article thereby addresses the reformulation of indigenous identities in Australian society as indigenous peoples’ movements have renegotiated the contending pressures of environment and development.

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Muldoon, James, et Danny Rye. « Conceptualising party-driven movements ». British Journal of Politics and International Relations 22, n^o 3 (20 mai 2020) : 485–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148120919744.

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This article contributes to scholarship on the relationship between political parties and social movements by proposing the concept of ‘party-driven movements’ to understand the formation of a new hybrid model within existing political parties in majoritarian systems. In our two case studies – Momentum’s relationship with the UK Labour Party and the Bernie Sanders-inspired ‘Our Revolution’ with the US Democratic Party – we highlight the conditions under which they emerge and their key characteristics. We analyse how party-driven movements express an ambivalence in terms of strategy (working inside and outside the party), political aims (aiming to transform the party and society) and organisation (in the desire to maintain autonomy while participating within party structures). Our analysis suggests that such party-driven movements provide a potential answer to political parties’ alienation from civil society and may thus be a more enduring feature of Anglo-American majoritarian party systems than the current literature suggests.

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Amsler, Sarah. « ‘Insane with courage’ : Free university experiments and the struggle for higher education in historical perspective ». Learning and Teaching 10, n^o 1 (1 mars 2017) : 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/latiss.2017.100102.

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This article considers the role of experiments in learning in movements to democratise higher education ‘under the rule of capital’ (Gutierrez, Navarro and Linsalata 2017). It focuses on the emergence of a new generation of ‘free universities’ in the United Kingdom, situating these in a historical tradition of educational experimentation and a current context of global movements for autonomy from the state, capital and dominating epistemologies. It argues that free universities can contribute to transforming the relationship between knowledge, university and society, but that these contributions are often invisible within the logic of the dominant institutional systems. Conceptualising the projects as struggles for autonomy renders these contributions visible and valuable for educational reformers working both within and independently of the university.

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Fortuna, Cinira Magali, Trude Ribeiro da Costa Franceschini, Silvana Martins Mishima, Silvia Matumoto et Maria José Bistafa Pereira. « Movements of permanent health education triggered by the training of facilitators ». Revista Latino-Americana de Enfermagem 19, n^o 2 (avril 2011) : 411–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-11692011000200025.

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This study mapped the movements of Permanent Health Education in the region of Araraquara, São Paulo, Brazil, begun by the Permanent Health Education Facilitators program, promoted by the Ministry of Health and the National School of Public Health. This qualitative study was grounded on the theoretical framework of institutional and schizoanalysis. Data were collected from operative groups of individuals who finished the program. The results were grouped into two plans: micropolitics and organization. Micropolitics indicates the production of different concepts concerning permanent education and different ways to establish it. Autonomy and control and also a tenuous relationship between tutorship and autonomy were highlighted, in the plan of organization. In conclusion, the program was an important device that suffered captures/overcoding but also produced changes in practice.

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Silva Thiesen, Juares da. « Educational management and schooling in crisis contexts and regulation ». Open Access Journal of Science 7, n^o 1 (1 avril 2024) : 80–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15406/oajs.2024.07.00217.

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The text highlights the complexity of power relations in educational management and schooling, emphasizing the importance of resisting authoritarian forms of regulation with innovative practices that promote freedom and autonomy in management and schools. Currently, the field of education is under pressure from global political and economic movements that seek to impose a centralized management logic based on objective results, thus affecting the autonomy and creativity of schools. Although schools constitute spaces of freedom and autonomy, they face institutional contradictions and significant challenges in management. Despite these challenges, it is understood that there are still spaces for innovation.

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Liber, George. « Ukrainian Nationalism and the 1918 Law on National - Personal Autonomy ». Nationalities Papers 15, n^o 1 (1987) : 22–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998708408043.

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Traditionally in Eastern Europe, one national group constituted a majority in the countryside but a minority in the urban areas. Thus, while the cities of Eastern Europe possessed a disproportionate share of an area's political and socio-economic resources, for the most part they were ethnically alien to the peasantry. This was not a problem until the nineteenth century, which by 1914 turned Eastern Europe into a cauldron of inter-ethnic and anti-Semitic tensions. In the subsequent struggle for power, the national movements of both the urban and rural areas claimed the cities as well as the surrounding countryside. Inasmuch as these movements did not possess a common set of interests, whatever the proposed solution — whether territorial autonomy, irredentism, independence, expansion, or the maintenance of the status quo — hardly any provision was made for minority rights.

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Pirhonen, Jari, Helinä Melkas, Arto Laitinen et Satu Pekkarinen. « Could robots strengthen the sense of autonomy of older people residing in assisted living facilities?—A future-oriented study ». Ethics and Information Technology 22, n^o 2 (26 décembre 2019) : 151–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10676-019-09524-z.

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AbstractThere is an urge to introduce high technology and robotics in care settings. Assisted living (AL) is the fastest growing form of older adults’ long-term care. Resident autonomy has become the watchword for good care. This article sheds light on the potential effects of care robotics on the sense of autonomy of older people in AL. Three aspects of the residents’ sense of autonomy are of particular interest: (a) interaction-based sense of autonomy, (b) coping-based sense of autonomy, and (c) potential-based sense of autonomy. Ethnographical data on resident autonomy in an AL facility and existing literature on care robots are utilized in studying what kind of assurances different types of robots would provide to maintain the sense of autonomy in AL. Robots could strengthen the different types of sense of autonomy in multiple ways. Different types of robots could widen the residents’ space of daily movements, sustain their capacities, and help them maintain and even create future expectations. Robots may strengthen the sense of autonomy of older persons in AL; however, they may simultaneously pose a threat. Multi-professional discussions are needed on whether robots are welcomed in care, and if they are, how, for whom, and in what areas.

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Singha, Komol. « Migration, Ethnicity-based Movements and State’s Response ». International Studies 55, n^o 1 (janvier 2018) : 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881718754958.

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Following reclamation of Assamese ethnic identity, the movements for making Assam a nation province started in the 1960s. The caveat, however, was the ever-growing Bengali migrants from Bangladesh. The Assamese movement, bolstered by the exclusivity and dominance, caused resentment from the non-Assamese communities and this ostracism was manifested in the form of counter movements. After restoring normalcy for a few years, armed movement for secession kicked-off in the early 1980s and intensified in the 1990s. Unfortunately, State’s intervention failed to contain protracted conflicts, rather compounded the situation and gave rise to hybrid ethnic identities in the 2000s. This further led to demands for ethnicity-based autonomy movements.

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BALLANTYNE, KATHERINE. « “Students Are [Not] Slaves” : 1960s Student Power Debates in Tennessee ». Journal of American Studies 54, n^o 2 (4 janvier 2019) : 295–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875818001482.

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This article examines 1960s student power debates at Tennessee universities. It makes three main arguments. First, student protests overin loco parentisrestrictions fit into an emerging student demand for autonomy more broadly, even in a politically and culturally conservative state like Tennessee. Second, these student power debates complicate the 1960s movements declension narrative, since Tennessee student activism peaked in 1970. Third, though black and white students both demanded greater personal autonomy, continued racial inequities on and off Tennessee campuses rendered their experiences distinct.

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Gunes, Cengiz. « Approaches to Kurdish Autonomy in the Middle East ». Nationalities Papers 48, n^o 2 (23 octobre 2019) : 323–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.21.

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AbstractThis article focuses on the approaches and challenges to Kurdish autonomy in Iraq, Syria, and Turkey. Accommodation of Kurdish rights via autonomy arrangements has a long history as an idea but negotiating actual autonomy agreements was often a fruitless task. However, the weakening of state power in Iraq since 1991 and in Syria since 2011 has created opportunities for Kurdish movements in these states to develop and consolidate their autonomous administrations. Consequently, in recent years, the debate on Kurdish autonomy in the Middle East has taken center stage in the regional political discourse. This article first discusses the literature on approaches to autonomy to set out the main models and assess their strengths and weaknesses. It then provides accounts of the models of autonomy that are either practiced or proposed by Kurdish actors or entities in Iraq, Turkey, and Syria. The final section assesses the ability and suitability of the proposed or practiced models for the accommodation of Kurdish rights and demands and develops insights into how the current difficulties preventing the accommodation of Kurdish rights in the Middle East may be overcome.

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Groys, Boris. « The logic of equal aesthetic rights ». Tekstualia 2, n^o 49 (12 juin 2017) : 125–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.3111.

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The author of the essay addresses the question of the autonomy of art and its possible paradoxical role in supporting or projecting social and political movements. The modern territory of art in his view is organized around the absence or rejection of any immanent, purely aesthetic value judgments. Thus the autonomy of art implies not an autonomous hierarchy of taste, but the undoing of every such hierarchy and the creation of a space for the regime of equal aesthetic rights for all artforms and artworks.

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Silva Júnior, Silvio. « A ALTERIDADE DO SUJEITO NA PESQUISA EM LINGUÍSTICA APLICADA ». Entremeios, Revista de Estudos do Discurso 22, n^o 22 (29 décembre 2020) : 154–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.20337/issn2179-3514revistaentremeiosvol22pagina154a170.

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Among the debates surrounding the area of Applied Linguistics studies, I am interested in this work, those that focus on the reflective and alterative character in qualitative research. I seek to discuss the subject's otherness movements in research actions in Applied Linguistics. From a theoretical-practical perspective, I present the alterity movements that surrounded a research based on the initial research project and the master's dissertation in its final version. The study showed that the linguist's autonomy applied in his practices reveals some movements of otherness, such as: the subject's otherness with the social situation, the subject's otherness with the context and the subject's otherness with the data.

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MacDonald, Scott B., et Jonathan Lemco. « Political Islam in Southeast Asia ». Current History 101, n^o 658 (1 novembre 2002) : 388–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2002.101.658.388.

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Significant differences exist between the Islamic revivalist movements looking to cultural and spiritual renewal that have swept Southeast Asia in recent years and transnational terrorist networks. Straddling these two extremes are political parties and groups seeking greater autonomy or secession of predominantly Islamic regions.

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Polivanova, K. N., A. A. Bochaver et K. V. Pavlenko. « The development of adolescent behavioral autonomy and parental control on the example of independent city movements ». Современная зарубежная психология 9, n^o 4 (2020) : 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/jmfp.2020090404.

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The article is centered on the disclosure of links between the formation of child behavioral autonomy (self-reliance), manifested in independent movements around the city, and parental practices, primarily – the practice of controlling and supporting the autonomy of the child. It has been found that a number of environmental factors influence the way parents perceive the environment and, as a result, how early and freely they allow children to move around the territory without adult supervision. Also, the socio-economic status of the family, the number of children, their gender, age and the subjective assessment of their maturity by parents have an impact on the accessibility of independent movements for children. Empirical evidence confirms that different forms of control – behavioral, providing the activity framework, and manipulative (psychological) aimed at tracking a child's thoughts and experiences – have different effects on a child's development. The perspective of empirical studies of independent movement of children is discussed.

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Mezzadra, Sandro, et Verónica Gago. « In the wake of the plebeian revolt : Social movements, ‘progressive’ governments, and the politics of autonomy in Latin America ». Anthropological Theory 17, n^o 4 (décembre 2017) : 474–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499617735257.

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The article takes the debates surrounding the ‘politics of autonomy’ in Latin America as its point of departure and investigates the transformations of the political notion of autonomy against the background of developments that have characterized the so-called long decade of the new ‘progressive governments’ in the region. Moving beyond the alternative between ‘conflict’ and ‘cooptation’ that has shaped academic and political debates on the topic, the authors analyze the relations between ‘social movements’ and ‘progressive governments’ from the angle of the transformations of capitalism in Latin America and of emerging new forms of activism rooted within everyday life (particularly within ‘popular economies”). The article critically discusses such notions as neoliberalism and neo-extractivism in order to build an analytical framework within which to reconstruct the history of Latin American social movements since the early 2000s and to test the productivity and the limits of the very notion of ‘social movement’ in the present political conjuncture.

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Encarnación, Omar G. « Why Separatism Is No Match for Democracy ». Journal of Democracy 35, n^o 1 (janvier 2024) : 134–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2024.a915354.

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Abstract: A central paradox in the relationship between separatism and democracy is that while democracy provides a fertile environment for separatism—often by means of democracy's own institutions, mechanisms, and policies—democratic states are also well equipped to thwart and defeat separatist movements. The same pluralistic flexibility that allows pro-independence movements to blossom provides the tools to subvert and even crush separatist aspirations. Whether stonewalled by constitutional constraints, locked into systems of regional autonomy, undercut by counter-separatist movements, or cowed by the economic consequences of going it alone, separatist movements in democratic states are likely to turn quixotic. Catalonia and Scotland—two regions that only a few years ago seemed to be on the cusp of realizing longtime dreams of independence—prominently display the paradoxical politics inherent in separatism in democratic systems.

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Eaton, Kent. « Conservative Autonomy Movements : Territorial Dimensions of Ideological Conflict in Bolivia and Ecuador ». Comparative Politics 43, n^o 3 (1 avril 2011) : 291–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041511795274896.

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Lopes de Souza, Marcelo. « Lessons from Praxis : Autonomy and Spatiality in Contemporary Latin American Social Movements ». Antipode 48, n^o 5 (6 octobre 2016) : 1292–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/anti.12210.

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Broadbent, Jeffrey. « The Ties that Bind : Social Fabric and the Mobilization of Environmental Movements in Japan ». International Journal of Mass Emergencies & ; Disasters 4, n^o 2 (août 1986) : 227–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/028072708600400212.

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This paper compares twelve social movements, all supporting or opposing environmental and industrialization issues, which occurred in the sixties and seventies in one prefecture in southern Japan, The independent variable is the type of local social fabric they arose within; the dependet variables, their mobilization process and goals. The data was collected through qualitative field work, including interviewing, observation and documents, and later coded into questionnaire form. The local social fabric, associational, mixed, or communal, affected several aspects of their mobilization process: goals, leader and follower motives, rate of success, and relation to dominant elites. In communal movements, the leader had more autonomy in setting goals, and followers were more loyal to him. Such movements were more idealistic. In associational movements, leadere and followers emphasized individualistic and material goals and motives. Elites attempted to coopt communal leaders more, because of the leaders’ more arbitrary power. Communal leaders reisted that if they had strong internalized values. Values penetrate movements through leaders. Communal social fabrics support new social movements in Japan, contrary to the Western experience, where such movements arise in more associational, middleclase fabrics.

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Pamungkas, Martinus Danang, Zulfikri Suleman et Anang Dwi Santoso. « ON DIGITAL ETHNOGRAPHY : NONVIOLENT CAMPAIGN MOVEMENT OF THE INSTAGRAM COMMUNITY @TOLERANSI.ID IN REALIZING RELIGIOUS MODERATION ». Al-Qalam 30, n^o 1 (1 juin 2024) : 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.31969/alq.v30i1.1427.

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<em>This study discusses the movements of the Instagram community @toleransi.id in promoting religious moderation through nonviolent campaigns during online radicalism and religious extremism. Instagram is used as a tool to achieve religious harmony. However, the community faces challenges such as digital repression and restrictions on the freedom of religious expression. The research method involves qualitative descriptive content analysis. Furthermore, digital ethnography is used to holistically understand the cultural and social experiences of @toleransi.id community activities in the digital world of Instagram. Data were collected through observation and documentation of digital content published by @toleransi.id from 2019 to 2023. Data analysis involved symbol classification, determination of analysis criteria, and analysis using the theoretical and conceptual frameworks of nonviolent campaigns, networked social movements, and religious moderation. The results show that this community faces semantic and behavioral barriers due to the open autonomy space of the internet. They use tactics such as creative and inclusive digital content, dialogue spaces, intellectual discourse, and Instagram as a campaign platform to influence public opinion and build networks. The findings contribute to the study of social movements and religious moderation by showing how @toleransi.id initiated a religious moderation movement with a nonviolent campaign initiated by the Internet autonomy space</em>

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Stacey, Emily. « Networked Protests ». International Journal of Civic Engagement and Social Change 2, n^o 3 (juillet 2015) : 36–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcesc.2015070103.

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This article explores social movement theory and attempts to modernize and explain contemporary movements with consideration of the digital tools being utilized by citizens on the ground. The ability to transcend borders and traditional boundaries using digital media, to facilitate international participation and develop communication, and the dissemination of information and coordination among activist networks around the world is hugely important. This article asserts that modern contentious collective actions and contemporary movements have received an infusion of autonomy and grassroots energy fueled by digital technologies, and social networking platforms.

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Dalle Mulle, Emmanuel, et Mona Bieling. « Autonomy Over Independence : Self-Determination in Catalonia, Flanders and South Tyrol in the Aftermath of the Great War ». European History Quarterly 53, n^o 4 (octobre 2023) : 641–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914231198182.

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The end of the First World War was a crucial time for nationalist leaders and minority communities across the European continent and beyond. The impact of the post-war spread of self-determination on the redrawing of Eastern European borders and on the claims of colonial independence movements has been extensively researched. By contrast, the international historiography has paid little attention to minority nationalist movements in Western Europe. This article focuses on three regions (Catalonia, Flanders and South Tyrol) that experienced considerable sub-state national mobilization in the interwar period. We aim to understand whether the leaders of Western European minorities and stateless nations shared the same enthusiasm as their anti-colonial and Eastern European counterparts for the new international order that self-determination seemed to foreshadow in the months following the end of the First World War. Because the American President Woodrow Wilson stood out as the most prominent purveyor of the new international legitimacy of self-determination, the article further examines how Western European nationalist movements exploited Wilson's image and advocacy to achieve their own goals. Nationalist forces in Catalonia, Flanders and South Tyrol initially mobilized self-determination and referred to Wilson as a symbol of national liberation, but this instrumentalization of self-determination was not sustained. Large-scale mobilization occurred only in Catalonia, and, even there, it disappeared suddenly in spring 1919. Furthermore, sub-state nationalist movements in Western Europe tended to mobilize self-determination to gain regional autonomy, rather than full independence, thus pursuing internal, not external, self-determination. The willingness of these movements to privilege autonomy over full independence made them more receptive to compromise. Radical forces would become stronger only in the 1930s and largely for reasons not directly connected to the post-war mobilization around self-determination.

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Hiskey, Jonathan T., et Gary L. Goodman. « The Participation Paradox of Indigenous Autonomy in Mexico ». Latin American Politics and Society 53, n^o 2 (2011) : 61–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2011.00117.x.

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AbstractAs indigenous movements around the world seek to strengthen their collective voice in their respective political systems, efforts continue to design political institutions that offer both sufficient local autonomy and incentives to participate in the broader political system. The state of Oaxaca, Mexico, offers a test case of one such effort at indigenous-based institutional design. This article argues that such reforms often fail to confront the tension between local autonomy and citizen engagement in politics outside the borders of the community. Testing this theory through a comparative analysis of voter turnout rates in municipalities across the state of Oaxaca and the neighboring state of Guerrero, this study finds that the adoption of indigenous institutions at the local level is associated with significantly lower voter turnout rates for national elections.

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Cashell, K. (K C. ). « Autonomy and agency : The event of punk ». Punk & ; Post-Punk 00, n^o 00 (19 août 2022) : 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/punk_00159_1.

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This article interrogates the contested politics of punk. Against the reactionary trend to accept the ephemerality of punk as evidence of its obvious failure, its political naivete and subsequent recuperation, I defend the continuing relevance of punk precisely as a political project. Identified as an event in Badiou’s sense, punk erupts spontaneously in parallel with complementary European resistance movements and, for a brief incandescent moment, convulses history, placing all criteria of meaning and value in question. So, even if it ‘disappeared just as quickly’, punk survives its transience through people who, haunted by its emancipatory promise and radicalized by its ‘aesthetics of resistance’, are motivated to ‘a new way of being’ in its memory. Channelling the late Mark Fisher (aka k-punk), this article recovers the lost politics of punk, invoking its fidelity to social transformation through autonomous cultural practice to fulfil its revolutionary promise. The argument concludes that, far from an exhausted ‘musical genre’, the event of punk remains efficacious precisely because it is not reducible to any of its actual historical iterations.

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Perreault, Tom, et Barbara Green. « Reworking the spaces of indigeneity : the Bolivian ayllu and lowland autonomy movements compared ». Environment and Planning D : Society and Space 31, n^o 1 (2013) : 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d0112.

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IVANCHEVA, MARIYA P. « The Discreet Charm of University Autonomy : Conflicting Legacies in the Venezuelan Student Movements ». Bulletin of Latin American Research 36, n^o 2 (15 mars 2016) : 177–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/blar.12472.

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Wang, Na, et Wei Bai. « Indigenous Language Revitalization Movements : Resistance Against Colonial Linguistic Domination ». Communications in Humanities Research 35, n^o 1 (31 mai 2024) : 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/35/20240015.

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Indigenous communities worldwide have confronted the persistent threat of cultural assimilation and linguistic erasure as a result of colonial dominance. In response, robust language revitalization movements have emerged as acts of resistance, seeking to reclaim indigenous languages and safeguard cultural heritage. Led by indigenous intellectuals, educators, and activists, these movements encompass diverse initiatives, including the establishment of community-based language schools, advocacy for language rights, and cultural resurgence endeavors. By contesting colonial language ideologies and fostering intergenerational connections, indigenous communities reaffirm their linguistic autonomy and cultural sovereignty. This paper critically examines the significance of indigenous-led language revitalization movements in preserving linguistic diversity, challenging entrenched colonial legacies, and affirming indigenous rights to linguistic and cultural self-determination. Through an exploration of these movements, this study contributes to a deeper understanding of the resilience and agency of indigenous peoples in the face of historical oppression and ongoing struggles for cultural survival and revitalization.

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