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1
Vasil'ev, V. « Russia and Austria : Mutually Beneficial Cooperation and its Prospects ». World Economy and International Relations, no 10 (2014) : 28–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-10-28-36.
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The aim of this article is to explore political aspects of Russian–Austrian relations in the conditions of globalization and European integration, and the factors contributing to the advanced development of multidimensional interaction between Moscow and Vienna. The paper deals with approaches taken by the Government and the main parties in Austria to the policy in Russian direction; it also singles out the trends of the bilateral partnership widening. An important element consists in the analysis of image formation of contemporary Russia and Austria. For Austrians, the quality of Russia’s political setup and its socio-economic model is determined by the existence of a real multi-party system, competitiveness between parties in elections and objective summing up of voting returns, natural change of elites, efficiency of various sectors within economy, and the degree of effort aimed to combat corruption. Vienna is criticizing Moscow for actions, which, as seen by Austrian experts, are a violation of human rights and freedoms and constrict the opportunities for development of civil society in Russia. Analysis reveals that the political dialogue is a pragmatic foundation for diverse bilateral links. Stability and reliability of Russian–Austrian relations is confirmed by regular contacts at the top and high level, intensity of cross-sectoral consultations, building up of inter-parliamentary relations and strengthening of fruitful cooperation between regions and cities of the two countries. The trade and economic dimension of bilateral relations imply an incremental cooperation between Moscow and Vienna because Austria’s achievements in innovative, high-tech and other fields, on one hand, meet Russia’s needs in modernizing its national economy and, on the other hand, ensure the sales of Austrian export items in Russian markets as well as safeguard the continuous prosperity for citizens of the Alpine Republic. Cultural and scientific ties as a value factor in bilateral relations testify to the natural attraction of people in both countries and create favorable prerequisites for a dialogue on the issues of common European values. The Austrian experience is of major scientific and practical interest in many respects. Present-day theory and practice of Austria’s governmental and party construction point to the democratic opportunities of involving of various population sections in political competition, and a joint quest for a compromise between different regions, political forces and ethnic groups. The institution of social partnership seems useful. Rich experience of cooperation, high degree of confidence at the political level, long-lasting mutual likes between Russians and Austrians allow one to speak in terms of an unique creative potential of Moscow and Vienna that is successfully implemented in various spheres of socio-political life.
2
Ress, Imre. « Archival Legacy of Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the National States ». Central-European Studies 2020, no 3 (12) (2021) : 98–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.5.
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The article examines the consequences of the processes of disintegration of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and of making of national states for the archival heritage of the multiethnic empire of the Habsburgs. It is based on the provisions of the Saint-Germain and Trianon peace treaties concluded in 1919 and 1920 at Versailles concerning the intellectual and cultural heritage, as well as archival and published sources from Vienna and Budapest relating to the order of execution of these provisions. The victorious successor states that strove to divide the organically created archival heritage of the Monarchy and the funds of the Hungarian National Archives according to the territorial approach and ethnic principal, in order to satisfy the needs of national historiographies which needed additional resources for legitimisation of their independent statehoods. Both treaties provided for the application of the principle of provenance for the provision of archival services (or the transfer of documents), which were considered national intellectual property, but they did not provide a substantive explanation of these terms. Thus, this general regulation did not provide a solid legal basis for bilateral negotiations, so they were largely dependent on the balance of political power and economic considerations. From a historical perspective, the archival convention between Austria and Hungary turned out to be the most effective from a professional point of view, since in it the concept of national intellectual property, vaguely formulated in peace treaties, was not exclusively tied to the territory of a national state. In Austro-Hungarian relations, mutual recognition and use of the principle of common intellectual property allowed for cultural and academic interest in archival material outside its own territory, and at the same time guaranteed unrestricted access to information and the ability to influence the professional processing of archival material. The principles of the Baden Convention of 1926, progressive for their time, and the very adherence to its spirit, triumphed in international archival theory and practice in the 1960s as one of the possible models for resolving interstate archival disputes.
3
Bezarov, Oleksandr. « The Phenomenon of Interethnic Tolerance in Bukovyna (1861-1914) : the History of the Bukovynian Jews ». Науковий вісник Чернівецького національного університету імені Юрія Федьковича. Історія 2, no 46 (20 décembre 2017) : 67–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2017.46.67-75.
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The article analyzes the phenomenon of interethnic tolerance in Bukovyna during the period of 1861-1914 on the example from the history of the Bukovynian Jews. The importance of the concept of «Bukovynism», by which modern scholars consider the phenomenon of interethnic and interconfessional tolerance in Bukovyna, is mentioned. It is proved that mutual understanding in the political and socio-cultural space of Bukovyna was achieved due to the efforts of the Austrian administration during 1861-1914. Among the factors contributing to the establishment of political consensus here, the author names such as the reform of the political system of the Austrian empire in the 1960s of the XIXth century, high intensity of the ethno-cultural communications in Bukovyna (interlingual interference) and the migration policy of the central authorities, as a result of which there was formed the German-Jewish political symbiosis with the «new socio-economic ideology»of the «Middle European economic people».
The Jews, who in the second half of the XIXth century reached a marked level of political influence on the processes of socio-economic life of Bukovyna, at the beginning of the XXth century, found themselves, according to the author, in a unique situation, in which they almost did not feel the manifestations of the policy of anti-Semitism, which became noticeable in other provinces of Austria-Hungary, as well as in Vienna; the Bukovyna Jews proved to be more bearers of imperial loyalty than the Germans themselves; they managed to preserve their traditional culture, focused, first of all, in shtetls (the Jewish towns) and at the same time remained a “demographic reserve” in the production of the cultural values in Bukovyna.
Instead, during the given historical period the Bukovynian Jews did not avoid the negative phenomena in their political life, which were connected, first of all, with the processes of modernization of the Habsburg Empire (urbanization, nationalism of imperial ethnic groups) and strengthening of the Viennese anti-Semitism at the beginning of the XXth century. The Austrian administration in Bukovyna stubbornly denied the Jews as an independent ethno-group, and in the economic life of the region gradually introduced the principles of segregation of the Jews. But such negative phenomena almost did not affect the situation of the Jews of Bukovyna, which, until the beginning of the World War, remained generally satisfactory, and showed, on the one hand, that the general-imperial economic crisis of the 1870s in Bukovyna did not acquire such sharpness, as in other regions of the country, and on the other hand, that alternatives to tolerant relations in the processes of harmonious development of multinational societies do not exist.
Key words: Bukovynism, tolerance, identity, Jews, Bukovуna
4
Kohlbacher, Josef. « Frustrating Beginnings : How Social Ties Compensate Housing Integration Barriers for Afghan Refugees in Vienna ». Urban Planning 5, no 3 (28 juillet 2020) : 127–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/up.v5i3.2872.
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In this article, we present findings from a recent (2017–2018) qualitative survey on the integration of Afghan refugees in Vienna. Vienna is by far the largest city in Austria with a diversified labour and housing market and a multi-faceted (migrant) economy. It doubtlessly is the most attractive ‘arrival city’ in Austria. Moreover, Vienna has received the bulk of refugees during the so-called ‘refugee crisis’ of 2015–2016 and before. The analysis will focus on Ager and Strang’s (2008) argument, which characterizes housing as a core domain in integration. Housing constitutes a potential means of supporting integration into domains other than the labour market. In the process of housing integration, researchers (Aigner, 2018; Borevi & Bengtsson, 2015) have emphasized the relevance of refugees’ social ties with family and co-ethnic groups, whereas the importance of inter-ethnic networking with members of the receiving society remains insufficiently explored. The majority of the 65 interviewees had emphasized the importance of refugees’ social ties for their efforts towards structural integration. This analysis therefore aims at describing Afghans’ challenging access paths into the local housing market, and the outstanding compensatory relevance of social ties in this process. Thus, we can identify special constraints (e.g., ‘Afghanophobia,’ exploitative conditions) and coping strategies of this under-researched ‘newcomer’ group of refugees in Austria.
5
Kostenko, Yurii. « Ukrainians in Austria ». Diplomatic Ukraine, no XIX (2018) : 767–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-48.
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Many Austrian citizens of Ukrainian origin actively helped diplomats of the young Ukraine to take the first steps in the development of bilateral relations with the Republic of Austria. The social and cultural life of Austrians of Ukrainian origin in the late 20 and early 21 centuries was concentrated around the Greek Catholic Church of St. Barbara in Vienna. With the restoration of Ukraine’s independence, their leading associations, in particular the Austrian Union of Ukrainian Philatelists, were reformatted, and the Ukrainian-Austrian Association was created, which implemented many interesting projects. A significant contribution to the dissemination of positive information about Ukraine in the world was made by the magazines of these associations: “Visti SUFA”, “Austrian-Ukrainian review”, “KyiViden”. In the Austrian capital during these years fruitfully worked outstanding cultural figures: composer and choirmaster A. Hnatyshyn, master of artistic embroidery K. Kolotylo, artists Kh. Kurytsia-Tsimmerman, L. Mudretskyi. During nearly one and a half century, starting from 1772, a great part of the western Ukraine – firstly Galicia and then Bukovyna – formed part of the Austrian Monarchy. Interests of Ukrainians of these Crown Lands were represented in the Austrian Parliament – the Reichsrat − by the so-called “ruthen” parliamentarians, among which was Mykola Vasylko, the first Ambassador of Ukraine to Vienna in the early 20 century. Many talented Ukrainian youth studied at Austrian universities. Prominent figures of national culture visited Vienna for a long time, including Lesia Ukrainka, Mykhailo Drahomanov and Ivan Franko. There were also many student- and labour societies. The independence of the Ukrainian state opened new horizons for cooperation between philatelists of the two countries, in particular, the exchange of philatelic material – new stamps, envelopes, etc. Keywords: Diaspora, Austria, philately, culture, art.
6
Rydberg, Åsa. « Constitutional and Institutional Developments ». Leiden Journal of International Law 12, no 4 (décembre 1999) : 931–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156599000473.
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On 23 July 1999, an Agreement on the enforcement of sentences of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was concluded between the United Nations and the Federal Government of Austria. The formalization of the Agreement took place during a meeting in Vienna between Judge Gabrielle Kirk McDonald, President of the ICTY, H.E. Mrs. Benita Ferrero-Waldner, State Secretary, Federal Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Austria and H.E. Mr. Nikolaus Michalek, Federal Minister for Justice of Austria. Austria is the fifth state to enter into such an Agreement.
7
Sanford, William E. « Government-Minority Dialogue in Austria ». International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 3, no 4 (1995) : 261–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181196x00029.
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AbstractThe purpose of this article is to analyze the functioning of Austria's Ethnic Advisory Councils as institutionalized mechanisms for government-minority dialogue. The article first describes the Austrian social and political context, specifically regarding Austria's six officially-recognized autochthonous ethnic groups2. After an overview of the historic and contemporary situations of these groups, their legal status and the process for policy-making on minority issues in Austria are examined. Based on extensive interviews with policy-makers and minority representatives during Summer 1995, the last sections specifically address the role of the Ethnic Advisory Councils and consider various proposals for improving their functioning.
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Kisztelińska-Węgrzyńska, Agnieszka. « Partner na trudny czas. Obraz Austrii w świetle materiałów Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych Polskiej Rzeczpospolitej Ludowej z lat 1980–1983 ». Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no 24/1 (29 avril 2016) : 145–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2016.24.06.
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The aim of this article is to show how the Fourth Department (Western Europe) of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) assessed its relations with Austria in 1980–1983. This topic is analysed from the perspective of the existing research on Polish foreign policy and its relations with the West. The article mainly presents the Polish perspective of bilateral relations and efforts to restore good trade relations with Austria. Before martial law was introduced in the PRL, this neutral Western country had evidently favoured Polish affairs in the international arena. The contribution of Bruno Kreisky’s personal diplomacy to the development of trade relations with the PRL is also taken into account. There is a thesis that Austria was one of the first countries in the West which renewed diplomatic relations with the PRL after their having been frozen in December 1981. In the light of the existing studies, such measures were first taken in 1984 in the so-called fraternal countries and in 1985 in Western countries. Materials taken into account in this analysis have not yet been published, and come from the archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In the Polish diplomatic documents from 1980–1983, Austria has the image of „a partner in difficult times”. Since 1970, the Austrian government under the leadership of Chancellor Bruno Kreisky was at first perceived exceptionally well in the PRL, compared to other Western countries. After the imposition of martial law, Vienna repeatedly confirmed its willingness to provide Poland with not just humanitarian, but also diplomatic and economic support, refraining from making negative comments on Polish authorities on the international forum. Kreisky avoided sharp statements against Polish authorities, fearing the possible escalation of the conflict. He was convinced that the shift in power was not possible at that time and in that area. He judged negatively Western economic sanctions for two reasons. As he claimed, they struck only the society and common people, having no impact on the decisions of Polish politicians; on the other hand, they threatened the interests of Austria, which was inclined to import Polish raw materials and repay the existing financial obligations. Shortly after the exchange of correspondence on the circumstances of the martial law, the Austrian side, through the Embassy in Vienna, offered to re-establish correct relations. They excluded the possibility of conducting official state visits until the lifting of martial law; however, in April 1983, the first working group meeting with Otto von Bauer, the Deputy Secretary General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Austria, was arranged in Vienna. This event was treated as an example to follow in the other diplomatic posts of the Fourth Department.
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PASITSKA, Oksana. « METROPOLITAN A. SHEPTYTSKYI, F.M. T. VOINAROVSKYI AND THE UKRAINIAN DIASPORA IN VIENNA : COOPERATION IN THE INTERESTS OF THE CHURCH AND THE PEOPLE ». Contemporary era 10 (2022) : 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2022-10-81-96.
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Based on archival materials from Vienna and Lviv, periodicals, and achievements of historiography, the article analyzes the relations and cooperation of Metropolitan Andrei Sheptytskyi, Father-Mitrat Tyt Voinarovskyi with the Ukrainian diaspora in Vienna. To start with, the Greek-Catholic bishops' activities in Vienna in behalf of the Church and the people, are investigated. The role of Metropolitan Andrei Sheptytskyi and Father-Mitrat Tyt Voinarovskyi in representing and defending the interests of Ukrainians in the Viennese Parliament is shown, in particular, in reforming the electoral, agrarian, and educational system. Furthermore, much attention is focused on the relations of the Greek Catholic bishops with representatives of the Ukrainian diaspora in Vienna, including a large number of politicians, artists, workers, and students. As stated, the Greek-Catholic bishops conducted a representative and mediating-communicative function between representatives of the Ukrainian diaspora in Vienna and Ukrainians in ethnic Ukrainian lands. Also, the study analyzes the relationship among the Greek-Catholic bishops and the Church of St. Barbara in Vienna parish priest Myron Hornykevych. Thanks to their close cooperation, it was possible to keep safe the ZUNR archive and private archival collections of public figures, unite Ukrainian emigrants in educational and youth organizations, provide young people with access to theological studies, and implement several charitable events in ethnic Ukrainian lands and abroad. Finally, specific examples show the public moods and everyday life, issues, and challenges of Ukrainian emigrants in Vienna, which was frequently the subject of correspondence of A. Sheptytskyi, T. Voinarovskyi, K. Sheptytskyi, M. Hornykevych, S. Dnistrianskyi, K. Blyzniuk,V. Singalevych, K. Avdykovych, to name a few. Keywords Greek Catholic Church, Metropolitan Sheptytskyi, Father Mitrat Tyt Voinarovskyi, Vienna, Ukrainian diaspora, emigration.
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Holzer, Werner, et Rainer Münz. « Ethnic Diversity in Eastern Austria : The Case of Burgenland ». Nationalities Papers 23, no 4 (décembre 1995) : 697–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408412.
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Unlike the Habsburg Empire, the Republic of Austria established in 1918 saw and sees itself basically as an ethnically homogeneous state—as did the Weimar Republic and Federal Republic of Germany. Austria's constitution of 1920 made German the official language, just as Hungarian became the official language in Hungary. The relatively high degree of ethnic homogeneity in Austria and Hungary were a result of the collapse of the multi-ethnic Austro-Hungarian Empire and the new borders of these two successor states. Before 1918, the German-speaking and Hungarian-speaking population of the Empire were politically dominant, but. from a quantitative point of view, “minorities.” It was only the borders established by the Entente in the peace treaties of Saint-Germain and Trianon that reduced Austria and Hungary geographically to two territories, in which the German-speaking population on one side and the Hungarian on the other also became numerically superior, while creating large German and Hungarian minorities in the neighboring countries of Italy, Czechoslovakia, Romania, and SHS-Yugoslavia.
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Varon, Anat. « Welcome to Vienna : The Story of Austria as Reflected in the British and American Versions of the Soldier’s Guides to Austria ». Journal of Austrian-American History 5, no 2 (1 décembre 2021) : 180–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jaustamerhist.5.2.0180.
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Abstract This article discusses and analyzes British and American perceptions, postwar planning aims, and stereotypes about Austria and its future restoration–post World War II. The article uses the concept of “militourist gaze” in order to compare differences and similarities between the British and the American attitudes reflected in their military handbooks for Austria. Through comparative research and close reading of Austria—A Soldier’s Guide, with other Second World War II soldier’s guides that were published by the British and the Americans respectively, we can conclude that it was the British and not the Americans who published the booklet Austria—A Soldier’s Guide. Furthermore, a typeset titled “A Short Guide to Austria,” found in the British National Archives, reveals the American version of the soldier’s guide to Austria, although this version was never published and both armies distributed the British guide to their troops. Using the militourist gaze in our interpretation of the soldier’s guide(s) to Austria we can better understand how British and American military media used prewar stereotypes on Austrians and Austria in order to rebuild Austrian nationhood vis-a-vis Germany. In this sense the British Austria—A Soldier’s Guide holds a special place since it is intended not only for army indoctrination of troops and their mission in Austria, but also as a means of national propaganda for the Austrians themselves, both by using the Moscow Declaration as subtext in the guide and by voicing prewar Austrian self-understanding from the interwar period.
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Kotova, Elena. « The last Congress of the Holy Alliance. Alexander I and K. L. Metternich in Verona in 1822 ». ISTORIYA 13, no 9 (119) (2022) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022834-6.
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The last congress of the Holy Alliance was held 200 years ago. The era of congresses has played an important role in the history of Europe. During this period, the foundations of the Vienna system of international relations were laid, formulated at the Congress of 1814—1815. The concert of European powers that developed at that time — Russia, Austria, France, Great Britain, Prussia — determined world politics. The revolutions of 1820—1821 in European countries became a serious challenge to the Vienna system. At the congresses of the Holy Alliance, measures were developed to combat the revolutionary and national liberation movement. Alexander I and Metternich were among the leading actors in international politics of that time. The article pays special attention to their relationship.
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Kupchyk, Oleh. « Austria as a Foreign Trading Partner of the Soviet Ukraine in the Early 1920s ». Diplomatic Ukraine, no XX (2019) : 120–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-7.
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The article reveals the circumstances under which trade relations between the Austrian Republic and the Ukrainian SSR were established in the early 1920s. The contractual and legal framework, organizational forms of commercial activity of the Ukrainian SSR in Austria are clarified. The author introduces the activities of Ukrainian trade representatives in Austria, namely S. Derevenskyi and Zuckerman. The organizational and staff structure of the trade mission of the Ukrainian SSR in the Austrian Republic is provided. The role of the trade mission of the Ukrainian SSR in Vienna in foreign trade activity of the Ukrainian SSR is revealed. The place of the Austrian market in export-import operations of the Ukrainian SSR is highlighted. The transit value of Austria and the Danube in the trade of the Ukrainian SSR with the countries of Central and South-Eastern Europe is indicated. The monetary equivalent indicates the volume of export-import operations and their subject. «The Ukrainian aspect» of the USSR trade mission’s activities in the Austrian Republic in 1923–1924 is noted. It was emphasized that the establishment of mixed Austrian-Ukrainian partnerships was important in trade with Austria. Among the Ukrainian goods exported to Austria were horsehair, soda, leather, guts, hair, medicinal herbs. Sickles, scythes, light bulbs, stationery (paper, pencils), typewriters, microscopes, automobiles, cigarettes and books were imported from Austria. It is proved that in establishing trade relations with Austria, the Council of People’s Commissars of the Ukrainian SSR (Radnarkom) counted on mutual interest, relative territorial proximity, ancient Ukrainian-Austrian historical ties, which dated back to the time of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. The establishment of trade relations between Austria and Ukraine was facilitated by the decision of the leadership of the Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Trade, according to which Austria was referred to as a country ‘important for Ukraine’. Keywords: export, import, golden karbovanets, koruna, market, goods, trade mission, trade representative.
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Howe, Philip J. « Electoral Institutions and Ethnic Group Politics in Austria, 1867–1914 ». Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 16, no 2 (26 juillet 2010) : 164–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2010.490749.
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Stetsyshyn, Oleh. « Activities of the Assembly Center of the Ukrainian National Army in Vienna for Recruitment of Non-Ukrainian Soldiers to the Galician Army ». Kyiv Historical Studies 12, no 1 (2021) : 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2021.12.
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The article examines such a little-known phenomenon of national history as foreign military mercenaries, who helped Ukrainians defend their country’s independence. This problem is investigated on the example of the Assembly Center of the Ukrainian National Army (Zbirna Stanytsia Ukrainskoi Natsionalnoi armii, in Ukrainian, abbreviated ZS UNA), which in 1918–1923 operated in the Austrian capital Vienna. At this time, after the end of the First World War and the collapse of Austria-Hungary, the nations of Central and Eastern Europe proclaimed their nation states. The Western Ukrainian People’s Republic (Zakhidnoukrainska narodna respublika, in Ukrainian, abbreviated ZUNR), which in November 1918 was proclaimed in the Ukrainian ethnic lands of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire was among them. The young Ukrainian state had many personnel problems during the formation of its armed forces, named the Galician Army. To solve these problems Assembly Center of the Ukrainian National Army in Vienna was established. Its creators were Ukrainian politicians and soldiers of former Austro-Hungarian army. ZS UNA recruited for the Ukrainian military service non-Ukrainian soldiers and also transported at home Ukrainian soldiers, who after the end of First World War remained in Austria and other European countries. The research is based on a critical study of the working documentation of the Assembly Center of the Ukrainian National Army, other documents of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic and the Galician Army, including published in newspapers of that period and in numerous memoirs of veterans of the Ukrainian revolution. Many of these documents have not been used in scientific practice yet.
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Goreis, Andreas, Urs M. Nater et Ricarda Mewes. « Effects of chronic ethnic discrimination in the daily life of Turkish immigrants living in Austria : study protocol of a 30-day ambulatory assessment study ». BMJ Open 11, no 10 (octobre 2021) : e046697. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2020-046697.
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IntroductionChronic ethnic discrimination is associated with negative mental and physical health outcomes in ethnic minority groups. It is assumed that suffering from repeated discriminatory events leads, over time, to psychological consequences such as higher perceived stress, higher negative affect and lower positive affect. Higher stress reactivity to non-discriminatory stressors, such as daily hassles, as well as anticipation and avoidance behaviour regarding discriminatory events, may further contribute to the overall burden for affected individuals. Studies investigating chronic ethnic discrimination and its psychological consequences in the daily lives of affected persons are lacking. Here, we present a study protocol to investigate the impact of chronic ethnic discrimination and acute discriminatory events in the daily lives of Turkish immigrants living in Austria, using an ambulatory assessment design. The feasibility of our study design was tested and confirmed in a pilot study (n=10).Methods and analysisNinety male Turkish immigrants will complete daily questionnaires for 30 days. Participants will indicate stress, perceived discrimination, negative and positive affect, daily hassles, anticipation and avoidance behaviour, as well as rumination with regard to discriminatory events on a daily basis. Furthermore, they will use preprogrammed iPods to assess acute discriminatory events in real time. Our hypotheses will be tested using multilevel analyses.Ethics and disseminationThis study has been approved by the institutional review board of the University of Vienna (reference number 00358). Results will be presented at conferences and submitted for publication in a peer-reviewed journal.
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Ailianos, Costis J. « The Balkan Conundrum and Relations between Austria-Hungary and Greece, 1912–1914 ». Südost-Forschungen 73, no 1 (8 août 2014) : 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sofo-2014-0103.
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Abstract Relations between Greece and Austria-Hungary had never been particularly cordial, despite some brief periods of a certain rapprochement, and Vienna displayed a total lack of consideration for the interests of Athens also during the Balkan Wars. Greek ‘dreams’ were only marginally ‘tangent’ to Vienna’s interests and the Ballhausplatz did not envisage any point of convergence of their political goals. The cooperation, let alone the alliance, between Greece and Serbia proved to be a thorn in the Greco-Austrian relations. All issues of Greek interest met with Vienna’s strong opposition: the drawing of the southern/southeastern borders of Albania; the fate of Thessaloniki and Kavalla; the future of the East Aegean islands. While Austria was aiming at bringing Bulgaria in her sphere of influence, Germany wanted to attract Athens closer to the Triple Alliance, which led to serious misunderstandings between the two empires. Ultimately, this divergence of policy worked in favour of Greece that obtained Thessaloniki and its hinterland, Kavalla, a large part of Epirus, safeguarded her titles on the Aegean islands and secured a common Greco-Serbian borderline. However, the issue of Northern Epirus was left in abeyance until after the First World War. Finally, the Ballhausplatz, re-evaluating the new geopolitical realities in the Balkans, started looking constructively to the future role of Greece in the region.
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Ailianos, Costis J. « The Balkan Conundrum and Relations between Austria-Hungary and Greece, 1912–1914 ». Südost-Forschungen 73, no 1 (8 janvier 2014) : 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sofo-2016-0103.
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AbstractRelations between Greece and Austria-Hungary had never been particularly cordial, despite some brief periods of a certain rapprochement, and Vienna displayed a total lack of consideration for the interests of Athens also during the Balkan Wars. Greek ‘dreams’ were only marginally ‘tangent’ to Vienna’s interests and the Ballhausplatz did not envisage any point of convergence of their political goals. The cooperation, let alone the alliance, between Greece and Serbia proved to be a thorn in the Greco-Austrian relations. All issues of Greek interest met with Vienna’s strong opposition: the drawing of the southern/southeastern borders of Albania; the fate of Thessaloniki and Kavalla; the future of the East Aegean islands. While Austria was aiming at bringing Bulgaria in her sphere of influence, Germany wanted to attract Athens closer to the Triple Alliance, which led to serious misunderstandings between the two empires. Ultimately, this divergence of policy worked in favour of Greece that obtained Thessaloniki and its hinterland, Kavalla, a large part of Epirus, safeguarded her titles on the Aegean islands and secured a common Greco-Serbian borderline. However, the issue of Northern Epirus was left in abeyance until after the First World War. Finally, the Ballhausplatz, re-evaluating the new geopolitical realities in the Balkans, started looking constructively to the future role of Greece in the region.
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Garczewski, Krzysztof. « Miejsce i rola Federacji Rosyjskiej w austriackiej „polityce wschodniej” ». Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no 26 (28 septembre 2018) : 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2018.26.01.
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The article analyses the attitude of the Republic of Austria towards the Russian Federation in the context of the contemporary ‘eastern policy’ pursued by this central European state. It focuses on events following Russia’s annexation of Crimea and the outbreak of war in eastern Ukraine in 2014. In recent years, Vienna has tried to play the role of an intermediary in talks between Moscow and Kiev. Despite the confrontational attitude of Russia in eastern Europe, the Austrian government undertook a number of activities to further deepen relations with Russia, considering mainly economic issues. However, these actions have contributed to the weakening of the European Union’s common foreign and security policy. The article also draws attention to the positions of the main political parties towards Russia, primarily in the context of the elections to the National Council, which took place in October 2017. The author also indicates the controversial activities of members of the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ), who formed a government coalition at federal level with politicians from the Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP), which was also important in the context of the relationship between Vienna and Moscow. He shows the most important differences and similarities between the Austrian and German ‘eastern policies’.
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Kaufmann, Alexander. « Euro-Commentary : The Role of Urban RTI Policy in Stimulating Innovation in the Local Economy : The Case of the City of Vienna ». European Urban and Regional Studies 14, no 1 (janvier 2007) : 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776406072665.
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Innovation networks have been analysed at several spatial levels, from the local to the global, with increasing interest in innovation systems below the national level.A wide range of regions has been studied including cities as major centres of innovation. But there is often a difference between the importance of a city as a location of innovation activities and to what extent they can be influenced by politics and public institutions at the city level.This commentary focuses on Vienna, the capital of Austria. Analysing the innovation networks of firms located in Vienna shows the potential scope and limits of the city’s influence on innovation relations. Data from an innovation survey of the Viennese economy lead to the conclusion that only a minor share of the innovation relations of local firms can be influenced directly by the city’s institutions. The results give some indication of where and how the city could be able to increase its influence on the innovation activities of the local economy, reducing Vienna’s dependence on Austria’s federal research, technology and innovation policy.
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Healy, Maureen. « 1883 Vienna in the Turkish Mirror ». Austrian History Yearbook 40 (avril 2009) : 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237809000095.
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In his 1883 playDie Türken vor Wien, Richard von Kralik, the Catholic writer and later doyen of Christian Socialism, recounts the story of the 1683 siege of Vienna. Habsburg military heroes, ordinary Viennese Bürger, and the Ottoman grand vizier Kara Mustafa appear on stage in Kralik's retelling of what had become a foundational moment in Austrian historiography. The defeat of the Turks at Vienna in 1683 has been hailed as Austria's finest hour, the Habsburgs' greatest service to Europe, and as the moment when Austria defended all of Western civilization from, among other things, the East, Asian barbarism, and Muslim infidels. Kralik may be the playwright here; but in a preface to the play, he introduces the two figures who are the true sources for his tale of 1683: Lady History and Lady Legend. They work together, each playing her part. Lady History and Lady Legend, he explains, sing in beautiful duet, “both accurate and truthful, neither lying nor inventing.” Kralik's juxtaposition of history and legend was astute. Any historian looking back to the events of 1683 and the stories that have since accumulated about Austria's “saving the occident” encounters a multi-century work in progress, a story under revision, a tale in which “legends” about coffee (said to be introduced to Europe by Turks fleeing Vienna) and croissants (a bun shaped, suspiciously, like a crescent) persist alongside themes more properly in the domain of “history”: class tensions, national conflict, and church-state relations.
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Flubacher, Mi-Cha. « Desire and confusion : A sociolinguistic ethnography on affect in the ethnic economy of Thai massage ». International Journal of the Sociology of Language 2020, no 264 (27 août 2020) : 115–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijsl-2020-2096.
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AbstractIn my contribution, I will look at the interconnections between language, work, ethnicity and gender in the exemplary site of the Thai massage studio as part of a larger sociolinguistic ethnography in Vienna, Austria. I argue that Thai massage therapists are trying to establish an independent and professional self, while being continuously repositioned along gendered and racial stereotypes based on post-colonial ideas of the “exotic woman”. In other words, their work empowers them on the local labour market, but simultaneously threatens to reinstall clear social and ethnical hierarchies. In order to unpack this complex, I propose to discuss two theoretical concepts from a critical sociolinguistic perspective: the ethnic economy and the affect of desire, as they both inform an understanding of Thai massage as a particular localised global practice. I will first discuss ambivalent opportunities related to language competences in the ethnic economy, and then turn to examine how male clients come to ascribe “confused affect” to their experience with desire in the Thai massage. Finally, I will discuss the issue of researcher positionality in dealing with the potential reproduction of exoticisation through research.
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Csire, Marta, et Johanna Laakso. « Teaching the heritage language as a foreign language : on the questions of bilingualism and minority language teaching in Austria ». Eesti ja soome-ugri keeleteaduse ajakiri. Journal of Estonian and Finno-Ugric Linguistics 2, no 1 (17 juin 2011) : 93–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/jeful.2011.2.1.06.
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Although Hungarians in Austria are an officially recognised ethnic minority, surprisingly little attention has been given tothe specific problems in teaching Hungarian as a heritage language.This paper focuses on the situation of heritage-language students who study Hungarian as part of a university curriculum in Vienna, together with German speakers. These students have learnt colloquial varieties of Hungarian as a spoken language in their families but typically have no formal training in the standard written language. This leads to learners’ errors which are often due to lacking language awareness: heritage-language students are unable to analyse their grammatical intuitions. It is also obvious that heritage-language students do not profit from traditional second-language teaching methods and material; furthermore, heterogeneous teaching groups rather create than solve problems. These issues, probably critical for an increasing group of multilingual speakers in many countries, call for more differentiated approaches to language planning and educational strategies.
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Nadirov, Rashid A. « The influence of the First World War on the social and economic position of Vienna in 1914–1916 ». Tambov University Review. Series : Humanities, no 190 (2021) : 235–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2021-26-190-235-241.
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The influence of the First World War on the social and economic position of Vienna, the capital of the dualistic Austro-Hungarian Empire in the first two years of the war, is considered. It was during these two years that there was an increase in contradictions between various social groups, which would ultimately lead to the collapse of the Empire in 1918. One of the important sources when analyzing the situation in Vienna is the weekly police reports. It is by studying the materials of police reports that a picture of wartime Vienna appears in front of us. As the problems grew, the volume of reports constantly increased, new headings appeared, which made it possible to study not only the existence of problems in the capital of Austria-Hungary, but also to trace their dynamics and the measures taken by the government of Franz Joseph. A special role is given to the food problem, in particular, the dynamics of prices, the deterioration of the quality of bread, the growing shortage, the growth of speculation. In addition, the national relations and the attitude of the Viennese towards the arriving refugees were analyzed. Based on the material studied, it was concluded that the First World War greatly changed the life of the population of Vienna, showed the inability of the government and local authorities to quickly solve the emerging problems of the city.
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Šedivý, Miroslav. « The Path to the Austro-Sardinian War : The Post-Napoleonic States System and the End of Peace in Europe in 1848 ». European History Quarterly 49, no 3 (juillet 2019) : 367–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419853481.
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The aim of this article is to explain the long-term process leading to the decision of Sardinian King Charles Albert to wage war against Austria in March 1848. Moving beyond the normal stress on Italian national consciousness, the article focuses more on the King’s attitude towards the conduct of European powers in Italian affairs and attempts to prove that repeated illegal and aggressive actions of the European powers after 1830 destroyed the King’s faith in the fairness of the political-legal system established at the Congress of Vienna in 1815, leading also to his loss of faith in the strength of law and increasing his belief in the power of armed force in international relations. All this significantly contributed to his final decision to start a war of conquest against Austria, which he regarded as weak and thus no longer respected, much like his attitude towards the existing political-legal order in general.
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Sisa, József. « Neo-Gothic Architecture and Restoration of Historic Buildings in Central Europe : Friedrich Schmidt and His School ». Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 61, no 2 (1 juin 2002) : 170–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/991838.
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Friedrich Schmidt, the foremost Gothicist of Austria, exerted seminal influence in central Europe through his activities as architect, restorer of historic buildings, and professor at the Vienna Academy of Fine Arts. His unorthodox teaching methods included personal tuition near the drawing board and study trips to examine medieval buildings, attended by students of different ethnic, religious, and cultural backgrounds from all corners of the monarchy and even beyond. The students' school society, called Wiener Bauhütte, or Vienna Building Lodge, published their drawings in albums under the same name. The reception of Gothic in the countries of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy differed according to local traditions, historical associations, and political circumstances. Revived Gothic best suited church building, in which Schmidt's pupils, often relying on their teacher's models, excelled. Gothic did not fare so well in monumental public architecture, though in the Budapest Parliament House by Imre Steindl, Schmidt's school witnessed the summation of its ambitions and the transcendence of its limitations. Schmidt's orientation in his later life toward German Neo-Renaissance and Neo-Romanesque found echo in several of his pupils' work; these styles again carried national connotations, which were nowhere more apparent than in German- and Czech-inhabited Bohemia. Schmidt and his pupils virtually monopolized the restoration of historic buildings in the monarchy, though their puristic and often destructive practices gave rise to severe criticism as a new century dawned.
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Kupchik, Oleg. « States of Central Europe in Establishment of the Official Relations With Soviet Ukraine in the early 1920 s ». European Historical Studies, no 6 (2017) : 120–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.06.120-138.
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The Pre-Conditions of political negotiations of governments of the countries of Central Europe with government of Soviet Ukraine at the beginning of 1920th years have been investigated. The processof talks between the parties to negotiations have been examined. The maintenance of their international agreements has been analysed. The article reveals the prerequisites of the political negotiations between governments of Central Europe and Sovnarcom of the USSR in the early 1920s. The content of the international agreements reached have been analyzed. Although the «Previous trade agreement» (December 7, 1921) was signed between Austria and the SSR RSFSR, the deal has been inked by the Ukrainian representative M. Levitskyi. According to the «Temporary agreement» (June 6, 1922) with Czechoslovakia, the issue of the official recognition of the USSR hasn’t been placed on the agenda. The operation of a “Rappalo agreement” in the USSR barely had been prevented by the Ukrainian People’s Commissars’ claims to return 410 million Hetman Skoropadskyi gold marks owed by Germany. According to Article 2 «Agreement on the extension of the agreement’s Rappalo» (November 5, 1922), the mutual financial claims had to be resolved after further examination. The relations with Hungary have been confined to the repatriate agreements. The article analyzes the official recognition of the Soviet Ukraine by Austria, Czechoslovakia and Germany. The Central European states have focused on the economic provisions of the Treaty and feasibility of development of trade and economic relations. The SSR has emphasized its international legal recognition. Besides Budapest, the UPR Embassies in Vienna, Prague and Berlin have been closed. The estimations of the official recognition of the Soviet Ukraine by Austria, Czechoslovakia and Germany have been given.
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Dolezal, Martin, Marc Helbling et Swen Hutter. « Debating Islam in Austria, Germany and Switzerland : Ethnic Citizenship, Church–State Relations and Right-Wing Populism ». West European Politics 33, no 2 (18 février 2010) : 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380903538773.
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Neubauer, John. « The Fin de Siècles in literature ». European Review 2, no 3 (juillet 1994) : 221–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700001125.
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Jacques Derrida's remark, ‘What is proper to a culture is to not be identical to itself,’ serves as a point of departure for a discussion of artistic and ethnic identities in late-19th and late 20th century literatures. The first part of this paper studies the images of the European and the colonized ‘Other’ in Joseph Conrad's The Heart of Darkness and J. M. Coetzee's Waiting for the Barbarians. The second part examines notions of artistic and ethnic identity in the culture of fin de siècle Vienna. The ‘crisis of liberalism’, which plays a pivotal role in Carl Schorske's study of that culture, gains new and urgent meaning through the ethnic conflicts that arose in the wake of the dissolution of the Soviet empire. Studying artistic identity today, we must distinguish between notions of diffuse identity in post-modern culture and the ethnic identity that writers not infrequently assume in Middle-and Eastern Europe.
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Röhrlich, Elisabeth. « An Attitude of Caution : The IAEA, the UN, and the 1958 Pugwash Conference in Austria ». Journal of Cold War Studies 20, no 1 (avril 2018) : 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00800.
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This article examines the relationship between transnational and intergovernmental organizations in the formation of the international nuclear order in the 1950s. It focuses on three major events in September 1958: the second United Nations (UN) International Conference on the Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy in Geneva, the third Pugwash Conference on Science and World Affairs (held in Tyrol), and the second General Conference of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in Vienna. The three nuclear conferences of 1958, linked closely in time and location, were shaped by interplays of science and politics at a unique moment in nuclear history. The analysis here sheds light on the organizational and institutional beginnings of the Cold War nuclear order and the evolving distinction between transnational and intergovernmental organizations that shaped it. The article shows that competitive dynamics affected relations between the IAEA and the Pugwash organization and between the IAEA and other organizations of the UN.
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Stergar, Rok, et Tamara Scheer. « Ethnic boxes : the unintended consequences of Habsburg bureaucratic classification ». Nationalities Papers 46, no 4 (juillet 2018) : 575–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2018.1448374.
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The classificatory efforts that accompanied the modernization of the Habsburg state inadvertently helped establish, promote, and perpetuate national categories of identification, often contrary to the intentions of the Habsburg bureaucracy. The state did not create nations, but its classification of languages made available some ethnolinguistic identity categories that nationalists used to make political claims. The institutionalization of these categories also made them more relevant, especially as nationalist movements simultaneously worked toward the same goal. Yet identification with a nation did not follow an algorithmic logic, in the beginning of the twentieth century, sometimes earlier, various nationalisms could undoubtedly mobilize large numbers of people in Austria-Hungary, but people still had agency and nationness remained contingent and situational.
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Brown, Ralph W. « Makingthe third manlook pale : American‐soviet conflict in Vienna during the early cold war in Austria, 1945–1950 ». Journal of Slavic Military Studies 14, no 4 (décembre 2001) : 81–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518040108430499.
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Kudryavtseva, E. P. « Two Chancellors : Metternich and Nesselrode ». MGIMO Review of International Relations 64, no 1 (22 mars 2019) : 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-1-64-45-58.
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The article is devoted to the relations of two distinguished statesmen of the Vienna System period – Austrian Chancellor Metternich and Russian Chancellor Nesselrode. They took the helm of the foreign affairs of the allied states for a long period of time – their cooperation lasted almost 40 years. Russian-Austrian union was based on concurrence in their political views regarding the Concert of Europe, adherence to the principles of legitimacy, conservatism and hostility to revolution and remained until the Crimean War. According to estimates of historians, Nesselrode was just an obedient apprentice of the Austrian Chancellor who orchestrated the whole European policy. Adherence to the principles of conservatism and The Holy Alliance resulted in nothing but misfortunes of Russian foreign policy and its submission to the «European Idea». Austria benefited from this and therefore Nesselrode was called «Russian foreign minister in the service of Austria». However documents witness that Nesselrode being an adept of Metternich’s doctrine wasn’t just a blindfolded follower of all Austrian initiatives. He could stand his ground in face of difficult European politics. In his way he faithfully served Russia and Nicolas the I.
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Hassemer, Jonas. « (Meta-)communicative work in a counselling centre for refugees : reiteration, erasure and agency ». International Journal of the Sociology of Language 2021, no 272 (1 novembre 2021) : 75–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijsl-2020-0092.
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Abstract We have no apartments is a phrase repeated over and over again at the counselling centre for refugees on housing matters based in Vienna, Austria, where I conducted ethnographic fieldwork. Based on an analysis of processes of entextualisation, de- and recontextualisation in the reiterative, discursive chain, this paper traces the emergence of an institutional regime of communication and the ways institutional actors – counsellors and volunteers – produce, navigate and reproduce this regime by engaging in (meta-)communicative work. The analysis shows how individual agency is both contingent and co-productive of institutional order and social order more generally. With this contribution, I propose Judith Butler’s concept of the postsovereign subject as a way to understand the relations between “local” practices and wider processes of trans-situational meaning-making.
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Bertram, Laurie K. « Icelandic Cake Fight : History of an Immigrant Recipe ». Gastronomica 19, no 4 (2019) : 28–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2019.19.4.28.
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This article explores the history of vínarterta, a striped fruit torte imported by Icelandic immigrants to North America in the late nineteenth century and obsessively preserved by their descendants today. When roughly 20–25 percent of the population of Iceland relocated to North America between 1870 and 1914, they brought with them a host of culinary traditions, the most popular and enduring of which is this labor-intensive, spiced, layered dessert. Considered an essential fixture at any important gathering, including weddings, holidays, and funerals, vínarterta looms large in Icelandic–North American popular culture. Family recipes are often closely guarded, and any alterations to the “correct recipe,” including number of layers, inclusion or exclusion of cardamom or frosting, and the use of almond extract, are still hotly debated by community members who see changes to “original” recipes as a controversial, even offensive sign of cultural degeneration. In spite of this dedication to authenticity, this torte is an unusual ethnic symbol with a complex past. The first recipes for “Vienna torte” were Danish imports via Austria, originally popular with the Icelandic immigrant generation in the late nineteenth century because of their glamorous connections to continental Europe. Moreover, the dessert fell out of fashion in Iceland roughly at the same time as it ascended as an ethnic symbol in wartime and postwar North American heritage spectacles. Proceeding from recipe books, oral history interviews, memoirs, and Icelandic and English language newspapers, this article examines the complex history of this particular dessert.
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Sofka, James R. « Metternich's Theory of European Order : A Political Agenda for “Perpetual Peace” ». Review of Politics 60, no 1 (1998) : 115–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500043953.
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This article examines the foreign policy of Prince Clemens Metternich of Austria, the chief architect of the Vienna Treaty of 1815, in the light of Enlightenment political thought. Metternich is commonly considered a reactionary and practitioner of callous balance-of-power diplomacy, and this article seeks to refute this conclusion. By examining Metternich's deeply held theoretical beliefs on the nature of the European state system, and above all his Kantian belief in progress and federalism, this essay concludes that Metternich pursued a reformist, and indeed idealistic, program in international politics which cannot be divorced from late Enlightenment philosophy. His Conference System, which was designed to regulate European politics in the aftermath of the Napoleonic Wars, represented a novel experiment in European union which remains a pressing concern in the contemporary international system.
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Pakhomova, Lidia. « Russian Sources on Bosnia and Herzegovina under Austro–Hungarian Rule, 1878–1908 ». Historical Studies on Central Europe 2, no 2 (22 décembre 2022) : 245–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.47074/hsce.2022-2.12.
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The article provides a brief overview of Russian historical sources on the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period of the Austro–Hungarian occupation. The body of literature on the subject includes a wealth of work devoted to Austria–Hungary’s modernisation policies in Bosnia and Herzegovina between 1878 and 1914. However, researchers have not yet considered how the Great Powers that made important decisions about the fate of the provinces appraised the governance model of the Austro–Hungarian Empire. Such decisions were made not only on the basis of foreign policy interests and international relations, but also on the basis of observations from the occupied territories. Russian analysts closely explored the development of the provinces in the multi-ethnic Habsburg Monarchy between 1878 and 1908. Russian officials realised that the situation in the multireligious region was very complicated. They analysed both how Austria–Hungary managed this situation as an empire, and their governance model from the point of view of another empire.
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Ragozin, German. « The Emergence of Habsburgs in Early Works of Joseph von Hormayr ». Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no 3 (2022) : 833–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2022.310.
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The paper deals with the issue of emergence of the Austrian historical myth in the early 19th century. The identity crisis in Austria, Holy Roman Empire and Habsburg possessions due to the French revolution and collapse of the “Old empire” brought a discussion on loyalty towards dynasty, throne, and the state. Relations of Habsburgs with their non-Germanic realms also underwent a transformation connected with the creation of the Austrian empire in 1804. Intellectuals in the early 19th century Vienna were faced with the challenge to revisit the remains of the old model of identity and relationships between the state and the society in a new context. The new model combining romanticism and conservatism pursued to find a model of “natural” relations between the sovereign, state and society. Joseph von Hormayr was the author of concepts for Austrian history, Habsburg dynasty, and its relations with the society in the early 19th century. He justified them with legitimism, dynastic patriotism, and general historical memory. “The Austrian Plutarch” made an impact on Austrian historical memory in the 19th century. The images of early Habsburgs were supposed to demonstrate the role of monarchy in the success of the state, social stability, and European balance. The essays showed the moral right of the dynasty to leadership in Germany and Central Europe. Hormayr disseminated the concepts of “Austrian freedom” in the Empire, “putting an end to the anarchy”, consistent centralization of Southern-eastern German areas, and its support from estates. The sovereigns appeared both in the image of mobilization figures for the duchy and neighboring countries, and possessors of the personal features turning Austria into the Empire later.
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Pörtner, Regina. « Policing the Subject : Confessional Absolutism and Communal Autonomy in Eighteenth-Century Austria ». Austrian History Yearbook 40 (avril 2009) : 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006723780900006x.
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If proverbial wisdom predicts longevity to the falsely proclaimed dead, then the paradigm of absolutism and its confessional variant must surely be considered a prime example. Having drawn intense fire from scholars of Western Europe over the past two decades, the concept of absolutism has recently been given a fresh lease of life by research, exploring and, to some extent, vindicating its applicability in the context of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Central Europe. Given the evolutionary nature of the making of the early modern Austrian-Habsburg monarchy, the complexity of its constitutional, religious, and ethnic makeup, and the waywardness of some of its governing personnel, it seems doubtful if future research will ever be able to satisfactorily clarify the relationship between the political aspirations of individual Austrian rulers, among whom Ferdinand II arguably made the most serious bid for absolute rule, and the practice of negotiated power that characterized the normal state of relations between the Crown and the monarchy's estates.
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Cordell, Karl. « Politics and Society in Upper Silesia Today : The German Minority Since 1945 ». Nationalities Papers 24, no 2 (juin 1996) : 269–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408441.
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In 1919, Polish nationalist forces led by Josef Pilsudski succeeded in re-establishing an independent Polish state. Poland had disappeared from the map of Europe in 1794 following the third partition. It had been devoured by its traditional enemies; Prussia, Austria and Russia. Historically, Poland had been a state without fixed borders, and via a combination of changing dynastic alliances and a pattern of eastward migration, from the twelfth century formerly Slav areas east of the rivers Oder and Neisse became progressively germanicized. By 1921, following the end of World War I, several peace conferences, and after a series of referenda in disputed (former) German areas and a series of wars with all of its neighbors, including an especially successfully prosecuted war against the embryonic Soviet Union, the new state had managed to become a state which incorporated virtually all ethnic Poles. However, in addition to incorporating the overwhelming majority of ethnic Poles, the borders of the new Polish state also included huge numbers of other ethnic, religious and national groups.
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Roider, Karl A. « The Habsburg Foreign Ministry and Political Reform, 1801–1805 ». Central European History 22, no 2 (juin 1989) : 160–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900011481.
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On 6 December 1800, a courier galloped through the gates of Vienna, rushed to the Hofburg, the winter palace of the Habsburgs, and presented to Emperor Francis II a bitter message from Archduke John, the emperor's brother and commander of the Austrian armed forces in Germany. The message read that three days earlier the archduke's troops had engaged the French army under Jean Moreau at Hohenlinden, had suffered serious losses, and were falling back to Salzburg with the officers struggling to maintain order in the ranks while they did so. The news was a crushing blow to Francis. In 1799 the Austrians had begun the War of the Second Coalition with high hopes of reversing the years of defeat at the hands of Revolutionary France. Russia and Britain had agreed to cooperate closely with Austria; France seemed weaker than ever domestically; and Napoleon Bonaparte, who had caused Vienna such grief in 1797, was far away in Egypt trying to inflict damage upon the British Empire. But these hopes turned to ashes. Russia abandoned the Coalition after its army suffered serious losses in Switzerland—indeed, in their wake the Russian ruler, Tsar Paul, had thundered so vehemently against what he saw as Austrian treachery that he had broken relations with Vienna—; Britain had been able to provide much needed funds but not more-needed soldiers; and Bonaparte had returned to work his magic on both the French army and the French people. The result was Hohenlinden, Austrian defeat, and in February 1800 the Treaty of Lunéville that ceded to France primary influence in Germany and Italy.
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Skyrda, Tetiana. « FORMATION OF ACADEMIC MOBILITY FOR FUTURE BACHELORS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS : THE CONTEXT OF BOLOGNA'S REFORMS ». Educational Discourse : collection of scientific papers, no 17(10) (25 novembre 2019) : 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.33930/ed.2019.5007.17(10)-5.
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Among the peculiarities of the professional training of future bachelors in international relations in NAU are the following: a focus on a high level of fundamental and practical training; formation of general and specific competences of a future specialist in the field of international economic, legal and information activity; providing up-to-date knowledge of the basic principles and norms of international business and law; providing deep knowledge of the theory and practice of international relations, acquiring the skills to successful advancement into the world markets with the competitive national products, analysis of market conditions, formation of foreign language competence. Analysis of the documents of the Bologna process, including the Bologna Joint Declaration (Italy, 1999), the Copenhagen Declaration (Denmark, 2001), the Bergen Communiqué (Norway, 2005), the London Communiqué (United Kingdom, 2007), the Leuven Communiqué (Belgium, 2009), Budapest The Vienna Declaration (Hungary Austria, 2010), the materials of the Bucharest Conference and the Third Bologna Forum (Romania, 2012), the Paris Communiqué (France, 2018), indicate that mobility is one of its important goals and tools. The documents of the Bologna Process, as well as the legislative and legal support of Ukraine, create the basis for the formation of academic mobility of NAU students, including bachelors in international relations.
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Haindorfer, Raimund. « Impacts of negative labor market experiences on the life satisfaction of European East–West mobile workers : Cross-border commuters from the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary in Austria ». Journal of Industrial Relations 62, no 2 (24 janvier 2020) : 256–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185619897087.
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This article investigates the impacts of negative labor market experiences on the life satisfaction of European East–West mobile workers by taking Czech, Slovak and Hungarian cross-border commuters working in Austria as an example. The recent literature has indicated a ‘dark side’ of East–West mobility, as many mobile Eastern Europeans face negative labor market experiences in the Western labor markets. If East–West commuters accept such experiences, employers and employees may quite easily subvert working standards, with detrimental effects on host countries that are intertwined in cross-border labor markets. Empirically, this study used a sequential mixed-methods design, based on quantitative and qualitative data from a research project on East–West commuters in Austria. The empirical findings showed that the negative labor market experiences are not important for commuters’ life satisfaction. From a multitude of those experiences under investigation, only ethnic discrimination experiences had a significantly negative impact. Instead, life satisfaction was mainly influenced by the overall health status and the perception that one’s own living conditions have improved in comparison with those of others from one’s country of origin. The in-depth qualitative findings corroborated the quantitative findings in terms of the low relevance of negative labor market experiences for the subjective assessments of commuting.
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Zhytariuk, Mar’yan. « Ukraine-Czechoslovakian and Ukraine-Romanian Relations in the Interpretation of the Magazine “Dilo” (Lviv) ». Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no 37-38 (20 décembre 2018) : 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.198-207.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Lviv daily “Dilo”, as well as the Ukrainian press in Galicia, Bukovina, Volyn and Transcarpathia in the interwar period, could not keep a way from the numerous and systematic facts of Ukrainophobia and immediately responded to the form available to it, mainly as digest and translations of foreign publications about Ukrainians and Ukrainian ethnic land.
Thirties of the Twentieth century entered the Ukrainian history under the sign of Polish “pacification” in Eastern Galicia (there were also the petitions of Ukrainian and British representations to the League of Nations), artificially created famine and genocide in Soviet Ukraine, the Bolshevik terror (not only against the national Ukrainian intellectuals, but also against the Ukrainian leadership of the Communist Party of the Bolsheviks), the German propaganda concerning the prospects of independent Ukraine and other significant phenomena, which formed together the basis of the "Ukrainian problem". All this in general was reflected by the European press (Great Britain, Germany, France, Switzerland, Belgium, Austria, Italy) and the US press, Canada, Japan. At the same time, from the standpoint of advocacy and sympathy, there was hardly any publication in the press of Czechoslovakia, Poland, Romania (except for Ukrainian-language editions), in the Soviet periodicals, however the governments of these countries were interested in further weakening and leveling of Ukrainian ethnic, mental, religious, historical and other factors that could cement Ukrainians nationally.
Keywords: magazine “Dilo” (Lviv), interethnic relations, Bukovyna, Galychyna, interwar period
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Ksenofontov, Igor Alekseevich. « Czech-French political contacts in the early 1870s ». Исторический журнал : научные исследования, no 5 (mai 2021) : 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.5.36758.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The subject of this research is the political relations that developed between the Czech national politicians of Bohemia and the French diplomatic mission in Austria-Hungary in the early 1870s. Analysis is conducted on the initial stage of Czech political Francophilism. The article employs the historical-genetic method that allows tracing the establishment and development of the indicated ties. Comparative-historical method is used for describing the specificity and important aspects of the Czech-French contacts of the early 1870s in relation to 1860s, as well as on the background of parallel Czech-Russian relations. The novelty is defined by the fact that this topic, namely the Czech political Francophilism, has not been previously covered within the Russian historiography. The main conclusion lies in the thesis that in the early 1870s Czech politicians and French diplomats manifested equal and mutual interest for the first time. Both parties pursued to exert pressure on Vienna: the French – to entice over the Third Republic in the conflict with Prussia, and the Czechs – to force change the status of the Czech lands in the monarchy. The analysis demonstrates that the Czech politicians were exceedingly pragmatic: if in the end of 1870 they openly supported France, then in the beginning of 1871 they have ignored the initiatives of French diplomats. This is substantiated by the potentially successful negotiations with the imperial center. Moreover, the political Francophilism suggested the desire of the Czechs to show the strategic (economic, political, and cultural) significance of the lands of the Czech Crown not only in Austria-Hungary, but also in the European space.
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Grilj, Benjamin. « Multigenerational Experiences of Flight : The Case of Jewish Refugees from Galicia and Bukovina in Vienna and Lower Austria, 1918–1941 ». Journal of Holocaust Research 35, no 3 (3 juillet 2021) : 214–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/25785648.2021.1945189.
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Fedotov, Egor. « Ideas, Structural Ambiguity, and the Struggle for Bilingual Signage by Carinthian Slovenes in Austria ». European Review 28, no 2 (3 décembre 2019) : 185–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798719000401.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The studies of human behaviour that foreground the explanatory role of exogenously given incentives and constraints give short shrift to the role of agency, or the behaviour(s) of actors, in attempting to shed light on both policy and behaviour. This article reverses the emphasis – with the example of ethnic politics in the southern Austrian province of Carinthia with respect to the preservation and/or erection of German-language and Slovenian-language inscriptions – by arguing that the behavioural strategies of vulnerable or disadvantaged groups, such as national minorities, can carry significant political consequences – and thus are worthy of study. Specifically, the article looks into a politics of consensus and a politics of (political) realism, as the latter are advocated by Carinthian Slovenes in Austria. The findings serve as a wake-up call for West European states in particular, which, arguably, have grown complacent about their own minority rights records.
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Cullis, Michael. « Understanding Austria : the political reports and analyses of Martin F. Herz, political officer of the US Legation in Vienna, 1945–1948 ». International Affairs 61, no 2 (avril 1985) : 309–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2617514.
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Peshkin, Vitalii Mikhailovich. « Problems in the Relations of the Visegrad Group States with the European Union in 2014-2022. » Genesis : исторические исследования, no 2 (février 2023) : 10–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2023.2.39783.
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The subject of the study is the historical conditions in which the disloyal attitude of the Visegrad Group towards the solutions proposed by the EU began to grow during the specified period of time. The analysis of the migration crisis, which has aggravated political, economic, financial, social, and religious problems in the EU countries, is carried out. The EU's efforts to overcome it have become the basis for strengthening the role of right-wing parties in the Quartet. The role of Hungary, which represents itself as a defender of "Europe as a continent for Europeans", which has pursued the most active restrictive migration policy, is considered. The plans of the leadership of Germany and Austria for the management of migration flows, reflecting the ambitions of Berlin and Vienna for the transit and reception of refugees, are presented. The "central" line of Brussels on overcoming the migration crisis is being studied. The tools used by V4 to overcome the migration crisis caused by the vulnerability of the Quartet countries to refugee flows are considered. The article also examines criticism from the "quartet" of the process of overcoming the migration crisis, which saw in the measures proposed by Brussels a threat to the national identity of its small states and a sign of disrespect for the interests of small states in the EU. In general, the migration crisis has resulted in the strengthening of far-right parties in Hungary and Poland, the radicalization of public opinion, which contradicts the main goals of European integration. Thus, the internal political development in some countries of the "Visegrad Four" has actually become a new noticeable element of confrontation with the European Union. Hungary and Poland reacted extremely painfully to criticism of the EU, appealing for support to partners in the Visegrad Group, to other countries where right-wing and conservative parties are also popular (Italy, Austria). As a counteraction, the EU leadership raised the issue of a threat to EU values in Poland and Hungary and considered the possibility of using a mechanism to influence countries that do not respect the values of the European Union.
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Çiçek, Hüseyin I., et Mieste Hotopp-Riecke. « Strangers. Proximity. Homeland. Identification with and rejection of transcultural lifestyles on the background of the Mehmed Ali Pasha project. A position paper ». Historical Ethnology 7, no 1 (2022) : 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/he.2022-7-1.145-160.
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Phenomena such as migration, flight, integration, conversion and multilingualism play a major role in the multi-ethnic societies of Eurasia, whether in Germany and Austria or in Turkey and Tatarstan. In Germany, a model was developed on how to deal with these phenomena with young people in an emphatic, empowering and multilingual manner. This "Pasha method" ties in with the genealogy, language and religion of the participating children. The inspiration for the method came from Alabuga in Tatarstan in 2011 . This text attempts to discuss further possibilities of utilizing the Pasha method in the light of interreligious relations and comparative biographical analysis, since the biographies between the Ottoman Empire and Germany in the 19th century were often colorful and multifaceted, like those of the Ottoman Pasha named Mehmed Ali from Magdeburg.