Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Austria – Vienna – Ethnic relations »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Austria – Vienna – Ethnic relations"
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Vasil'ev, V. "Russia and Austria: Mutually Beneficial Cooperation and its Prospects." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2014): 28–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-10-28-36.
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The aim of this article is to explore political aspects of Russian–Austrian relations in the conditions of globalization and European integration, and the factors contributing to the advanced development of multidimensional interaction between Moscow and Vienna. The paper deals with approaches taken by the Government and the main parties in Austria to the policy in Russian direction; it also singles out the trends of the bilateral partnership widening. An important element consists in the analysis of image formation of contemporary Russia and Austria. For Austrians, the quality of Russia’s political setup and its socio-economic model is determined by the existence of a real multi-party system, competitiveness between parties in elections and objective summing up of voting returns, natural change of elites, efficiency of various sectors within economy, and the degree of effort aimed to combat corruption. Vienna is criticizing Moscow for actions, which, as seen by Austrian experts, are a violation of human rights and freedoms and constrict the opportunities for development of civil society in Russia. Analysis reveals that the political dialogue is a pragmatic foundation for diverse bilateral links. Stability and reliability of Russian–Austrian relations is confirmed by regular contacts at the top and high level, intensity of cross-sectoral consultations, building up of inter-parliamentary relations and strengthening of fruitful cooperation between regions and cities of the two countries. The trade and economic dimension of bilateral relations imply an incremental cooperation between Moscow and Vienna because Austria’s achievements in innovative, high-tech and other fields, on one hand, meet Russia’s needs in modernizing its national economy and, on the other hand, ensure the sales of Austrian export items in Russian markets as well as safeguard the continuous prosperity for citizens of the Alpine Republic. Cultural and scientific ties as a value factor in bilateral relations testify to the natural attraction of people in both countries and create favorable prerequisites for a dialogue on the issues of common European values. The Austrian experience is of major scientific and practical interest in many respects. Present-day theory and practice of Austria’s governmental and party construction point to the democratic opportunities of involving of various population sections in political competition, and a joint quest for a compromise between different regions, political forces and ethnic groups. The institution of social partnership seems useful. Rich experience of cooperation, high degree of confidence at the political level, long-lasting mutual likes between Russians and Austrians allow one to speak in terms of an unique creative potential of Moscow and Vienna that is successfully implemented in various spheres of socio-political life.
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Ress, Imre. "Archival Legacy of Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the National States." Central-European Studies 2020, no. 3 (12) (2021): 98–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2020.3.5.
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The article examines the consequences of the processes of disintegration of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and of making of national states for the archival heritage of the multiethnic empire of the Habsburgs. It is based on the provisions of the Saint-Germain and Trianon peace treaties concluded in 1919 and 1920 at Versailles concerning the intellectual and cultural heritage, as well as archival and published sources from Vienna and Budapest relating to the order of execution of these provisions. The victorious successor states that strove to divide the organically created archival heritage of the Monarchy and the funds of the Hungarian National Archives according to the territorial approach and ethnic principal, in order to satisfy the needs of national historiographies which needed additional resources for legitimisation of their independent statehoods. Both treaties provided for the application of the principle of provenance for the provision of archival services (or the transfer of documents), which were considered national intellectual property, but they did not provide a substantive explanation of these terms. Thus, this general regulation did not provide a solid legal basis for bilateral negotiations, so they were largely dependent on the balance of political power and economic considerations. From a historical perspective, the archival convention between Austria and Hungary turned out to be the most effective from a professional point of view, since in it the concept of national intellectual property, vaguely formulated in peace treaties, was not exclusively tied to the territory of a national state. In Austro-Hungarian relations, mutual recognition and use of the principle of common intellectual property allowed for cultural and academic interest in archival material outside its own territory, and at the same time guaranteed unrestricted access to information and the ability to influence the professional processing of archival material. The principles of the Baden Convention of 1926, progressive for their time, and the very adherence to its spirit, triumphed in international archival theory and practice in the 1960s as one of the possible models for resolving interstate archival disputes.
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Bezarov, Oleksandr. "The Phenomenon of Interethnic Tolerance in Bukovyna (1861-1914): the History of the Bukovynian Jews." Науковий вісник Чернівецького національного університету імені Юрія Федьковича. Історія 2, no. 46 (2017): 67–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2017.46.67-75.
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The article analyzes the phenomenon of interethnic tolerance in Bukovyna during the period of 1861-1914 on the example from the history of the Bukovynian Jews. The importance of the concept of «Bukovynism», by which modern scholars consider the phenomenon of interethnic and interconfessional tolerance in Bukovyna, is mentioned. It is proved that mutual understanding in the political and socio-cultural space of Bukovyna was achieved due to the efforts of the Austrian administration during 1861-1914. Among the factors contributing to the establishment of political consensus here, the author names such as the reform of the political system of the Austrian empire in the 1960s of the XIXth century, high intensity of the ethno-cultural communications in Bukovyna (interlingual interference) and the migration policy of the central authorities, as a result of which there was formed the German-Jewish political symbiosis with the «new socio-economic ideology»of the «Middle European economic people».
 The Jews, who in the second half of the XIXth century reached a marked level of political influence on the processes of socio-economic life of Bukovyna, at the beginning of the XXth century, found themselves, according to the author, in a unique situation, in which they almost did not feel the manifestations of the policy of anti-Semitism, which became noticeable in other provinces of Austria-Hungary, as well as in Vienna; the Bukovyna Jews proved to be more bearers of imperial loyalty than the Germans themselves; they managed to preserve their traditional culture, focused, first of all, in shtetls (the Jewish towns) and at the same time remained a “demographic reserve” in the production of the cultural values in Bukovyna.
 Instead, during the given historical period the Bukovynian Jews did not avoid the negative phenomena in their political life, which were connected, first of all, with the processes of modernization of the Habsburg Empire (urbanization, nationalism of imperial ethnic groups) and strengthening of the Viennese anti-Semitism at the beginning of the XXth century. The Austrian administration in Bukovyna stubbornly denied the Jews as an independent ethno-group, and in the economic life of the region gradually introduced the principles of segregation of the Jews. But such negative phenomena almost did not affect the situation of the Jews of Bukovyna, which, until the beginning of the World War, remained generally satisfactory, and showed, on the one hand, that the general-imperial economic crisis of the 1870s in Bukovyna did not acquire such sharpness, as in other regions of the country, and on the other hand, that alternatives to tolerant relations in the processes of harmonious development of multinational societies do not exist.
 Key words: Bukovynism, tolerance, identity, Jews, Bukovуna
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Kohlbacher, Josef. "Frustrating Beginnings: How Social Ties Compensate Housing Integration Barriers for Afghan Refugees in Vienna." Urban Planning 5, no. 3 (2020): 127–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/up.v5i3.2872.
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In this article, we present findings from a recent (2017–2018) qualitative survey on the integration of Afghan refugees in Vienna. Vienna is by far the largest city in Austria with a diversified labour and housing market and a multi-faceted (migrant) economy. It doubtlessly is the most attractive ‘arrival city’ in Austria. Moreover, Vienna has received the bulk of refugees during the so-called ‘refugee crisis’ of 2015–2016 and before. The analysis will focus on Ager and Strang’s (2008) argument, which characterizes housing as a core domain in integration. Housing constitutes a potential means of supporting integration into domains other than the labour market. In the process of housing integration, researchers (Aigner, 2018; Borevi & Bengtsson, 2015) have emphasized the relevance of refugees’ social ties with family and co-ethnic groups, whereas the importance of inter-ethnic networking with members of the receiving society remains insufficiently explored. The majority of the 65 interviewees had emphasized the importance of refugees’ social ties for their efforts towards structural integration. This analysis therefore aims at describing Afghans’ challenging access paths into the local housing market, and the outstanding compensatory relevance of social ties in this process. Thus, we can identify special constraints (e.g., ‘Afghanophobia,’ exploitative conditions) and coping strategies of this under-researched ‘newcomer’ group of refugees in Austria.
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Kostenko, Yurii. "Ukrainians in Austria." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 767–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-48.
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Many Austrian citizens of Ukrainian origin actively helped diplomats of the young Ukraine to take the first steps in the development of bilateral relations with the Republic of Austria. The social and cultural life of Austrians of Ukrainian origin in the late 20 and early 21 centuries was concentrated around the Greek Catholic Church of St. Barbara in Vienna. With the restoration of Ukraine’s independence, their leading associations, in particular the Austrian Union of Ukrainian Philatelists, were reformatted, and the Ukrainian-Austrian Association was created, which implemented many interesting projects. A significant contribution to the dissemination of positive information about Ukraine in the world was made by the magazines of these associations: “Visti SUFA”, “Austrian-Ukrainian review”, “KyiViden”. In the Austrian capital during these years fruitfully worked outstanding cultural figures: composer and choirmaster A. Hnatyshyn, master of artistic embroidery K. Kolotylo, artists Kh. Kurytsia-Tsimmerman, L. Mudretskyi. During nearly one and a half century, starting from 1772, a great part of the western Ukraine – firstly Galicia and then Bukovyna – formed part of the Austrian Monarchy. Interests of Ukrainians of these Crown Lands were represented in the Austrian Parliament – the Reichsrat − by the so-called “ruthen” parliamentarians, among which was Mykola Vasylko, the first Ambassador of Ukraine to Vienna in the early 20 century. Many talented Ukrainian youth studied at Austrian universities. Prominent figures of national culture visited Vienna for a long time, including Lesia Ukrainka, Mykhailo Drahomanov and Ivan Franko. There were also many student- and labour societies. The independence of the Ukrainian state opened new horizons for cooperation between philatelists of the two countries, in particular, the exchange of philatelic material – new stamps, envelopes, etc. Keywords: Diaspora, Austria, philately, culture, art.
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Rydberg, Åsa. "Constitutional and Institutional Developments." Leiden Journal of International Law 12, no. 4 (1999): 931–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156599000473.
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On 23 July 1999, an Agreement on the enforcement of sentences of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was concluded between the United Nations and the Federal Government of Austria. The formalization of the Agreement took place during a meeting in Vienna between Judge Gabrielle Kirk McDonald, President of the ICTY, H.E. Mrs. Benita Ferrero-Waldner, State Secretary, Federal Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Austria and H.E. Mr. Nikolaus Michalek, Federal Minister for Justice of Austria. Austria is the fifth state to enter into such an Agreement.
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Sanford, William E. "Government-Minority Dialogue in Austria." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 3, no. 4 (1995): 261–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181196x00029.
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AbstractThe purpose of this article is to analyze the functioning of Austria's Ethnic Advisory Councils as institutionalized mechanisms for government-minority dialogue. The article first describes the Austrian social and political context, specifically regarding Austria's six officially-recognized autochthonous ethnic groups2. After an overview of the historic and contemporary situations of these groups, their legal status and the process for policy-making on minority issues in Austria are examined. Based on extensive interviews with policy-makers and minority representatives during Summer 1995, the last sections specifically address the role of the Ethnic Advisory Councils and consider various proposals for improving their functioning.
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Kisztelińska-Węgrzyńska, Agnieszka. "Partner na trudny czas. Obraz Austrii w świetle materiałów Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych Polskiej Rzeczpospolitej Ludowej z lat 1980–1983." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 24/1 (April 29, 2016): 145–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2016.24.06.
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The aim of this article is to show how the Fourth Department (Western Europe) of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) assessed its relations with Austria in 1980–1983. This topic is analysed from the perspective of the existing research on Polish foreign policy and its relations with the West. The article mainly presents the Polish perspective of bilateral relations and efforts to restore good trade relations with Austria. Before martial law was introduced in the PRL, this neutral Western country had evidently favoured Polish affairs in the international arena. The contribution of Bruno Kreisky’s personal diplomacy to the development of trade relations with the PRL is also taken into account. There is a thesis that Austria was one of the first countries in the West which renewed diplomatic relations with the PRL after their having been frozen in December 1981. In the light of the existing studies, such measures were first taken in 1984 in the so-called fraternal countries and in 1985 in Western countries. Materials taken into account in this analysis have not yet been published, and come from the archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In the Polish diplomatic documents from 1980–1983, Austria has the image of „a partner in difficult times”. Since 1970, the Austrian government under the leadership of Chancellor Bruno Kreisky was at first perceived exceptionally well in the PRL, compared to other Western countries. After the imposition of martial law, Vienna repeatedly confirmed its willingness to provide Poland with not just humanitarian, but also diplomatic and economic support, refraining from making negative comments on Polish authorities on the international forum. Kreisky avoided sharp statements against Polish authorities, fearing the possible escalation of the conflict. He was convinced that the shift in power was not possible at that time and in that area. He judged negatively Western economic sanctions for two reasons. As he claimed, they struck only the society and common people, having no impact on the decisions of Polish politicians; on the other hand, they threatened the interests of Austria, which was inclined to import Polish raw materials and repay the existing financial obligations. Shortly after the exchange of correspondence on the circumstances of the martial law, the Austrian side, through the Embassy in Vienna, offered to re-establish correct relations. They excluded the possibility of conducting official state visits until the lifting of martial law; however, in April 1983, the first working group meeting with Otto von Bauer, the Deputy Secretary General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Austria, was arranged in Vienna. This event was treated as an example to follow in the other diplomatic posts of the Fourth Department.
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PASITSKA, Oksana. "METROPOLITAN A. SHEPTYTSKYI, F.M. T. VOINAROVSKYI AND THE UKRAINIAN DIASPORA IN VIENNA: COOPERATION IN THE INTERESTS OF THE CHURCH AND THE PEOPLE." Contemporary era 10 (2022): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2022-10-81-96.
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Based on archival materials from Vienna and Lviv, periodicals, and achievements of historiography, the article analyzes the relations and cooperation of Metropolitan Andrei Sheptytskyi, Father-Mitrat Tyt Voinarovskyi with the Ukrainian diaspora in Vienna. To start with, the Greek-Catholic bishops' activities in Vienna in behalf of the Church and the people, are investigated. The role of Metropolitan Andrei Sheptytskyi and Father-Mitrat Tyt Voinarovskyi in representing and defending the interests of Ukrainians in the Viennese Parliament is shown, in particular, in reforming the electoral, agrarian, and educational system. Furthermore, much attention is focused on the relations of the Greek Catholic bishops with representatives of the Ukrainian diaspora in Vienna, including a large number of politicians, artists, workers, and students. As stated, the Greek-Catholic bishops conducted a representative and mediating-communicative function between representatives of the Ukrainian diaspora in Vienna and Ukrainians in ethnic Ukrainian lands. Also, the study analyzes the relationship among the Greek-Catholic bishops and the Church of St. Barbara in Vienna parish priest Myron Hornykevych. Thanks to their close cooperation, it was possible to keep safe the ZUNR archive and private archival collections of public figures, unite Ukrainian emigrants in educational and youth organizations, provide young people with access to theological studies, and implement several charitable events in ethnic Ukrainian lands and abroad. Finally, specific examples show the public moods and everyday life, issues, and challenges of Ukrainian emigrants in Vienna, which was frequently the subject of correspondence of A. Sheptytskyi, T. Voinarovskyi, K. Sheptytskyi, M. Hornykevych, S. Dnistrianskyi, K. Blyzniuk,V. Singalevych, K. Avdykovych, to name a few. Keywords Greek Catholic Church, Metropolitan Sheptytskyi, Father Mitrat Tyt Voinarovskyi, Vienna, Ukrainian diaspora, emigration.
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Holzer, Werner, and Rainer Münz. "Ethnic Diversity in Eastern Austria: The Case of Burgenland." Nationalities Papers 23, no. 4 (1995): 697–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408412.
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Unlike the Habsburg Empire, the Republic of Austria established in 1918 saw and sees itself basically as an ethnically homogeneous state—as did the Weimar Republic and Federal Republic of Germany. Austria's constitution of 1920 made German the official language, just as Hungarian became the official language in Hungary. The relatively high degree of ethnic homogeneity in Austria and Hungary were a result of the collapse of the multi-ethnic Austro-Hungarian Empire and the new borders of these two successor states. Before 1918, the German-speaking and Hungarian-speaking population of the Empire were politically dominant, but. from a quantitative point of view, “minorities.” It was only the borders established by the Entente in the peace treaties of Saint-Germain and Trianon that reduced Austria and Hungary geographically to two territories, in which the German-speaking population on one side and the Hungarian on the other also became numerically superior, while creating large German and Hungarian minorities in the neighboring countries of Italy, Czechoslovakia, Romania, and SHS-Yugoslavia.
Thèses sur le sujet "Austria – Vienna – Ethnic relations"
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Marshall, Alex. "Die uralte moderne Lösung : nation, space and modernity in Austro-German Zionism before 1917." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:bfafc7d6-4f9c-4a0e-823f-d087d0dae43e.
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Zionism represents a turning point in the rise of the nation-state to its present near-ubiquity, a national movement which did not construct an identity concurrently with its embrace of nationalism, but reconstructed a diaspora to fit it. I explore how early Political Zionists, particularly Theodor Herzl, perceived both the push and pull of nationalism, and why they were drawn to adopt an ideology and political structure whose basic principles, I argue, were intrinsically hostile to Jews. I begin by examining the socialist Moses Hess as a forerunner and microcosm of later Zionism, arguing his work is underpinned by anxiety about social heterogeneity. The second chapter focuses on portrayals of diaspora, its contradictions and the ambivalence they caused towards less assimilated Jews, nonetheless used as models for national identity. I continue by investigating the countries Herzl looked to as partners on the world stage and models of nationhood, arguing his vision of nationhood was far broader than that of most nationalists and involved a recognised role among other nations. The fourth chapter concerns understandings of 'homeland' and the relationship between people and territory, concluding Zionism's effect is achieved, not just by inhabiting Palestine, but by public desire and effort to do so. I devote my final chapter to concepts of modernity, its perception as both paradoxical and inescapable, and how national historical narratives arrange history into a rational, linear structure. While Zionists left many presumptions of nationalism and modernity unchallenged, most importantly that both nation and state transcend political divides, my conclusion stresses those presumptions they accepted, those aspects they saw as inescapable, and those they pragmatically performed belief in, to achieve Gentile acceptance of Jewish nationhood. I surmise that it was this sense of inevitability, along with the difficulties of diaspora, which gave Jews reason to make displays of accepting the nation-state.
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Hurst, Jordan Dwayne. "Arthur Schnitzler's Outsider-Insiders in Fin de Siècle Vienna." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1372092281.
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Lang, Eva. "Young adult "migrant" women's experiences at work : Exploring intersections of gender, origins and age in Germany and Austria." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och välfärdsstudier, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-149645.
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Weirich, Armelle. "Berta Zuckerkandl (1864 -1945) salonnière, journaliste et critique d'art, entre Vienne et Paris (1871-1918)." Thesis, Dijon, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014DIJOL037.
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A la charnière des XIXe et XXe siècles, Berta Zuckerkandl (1864-1945), salonnière et journaliste autrichienne, participa activement à établir des échanges artistiques, culturels et politiques entre la France et l'Empire austro-hongrois. Alors que ses liens familiaux avec Georges Clemenceau lui permirent d'entrer en contact avec les artistes et intellectuels parisiens qu'il fréquentait - Rodin, Carrière, Raffelli, Geffroy..., son salon rassemblait à Vienne quelques-uns des acteurs emblématiques de la Wiener Moderne - Bahr, Klimt, Wagner, Mahler...-, formant le noyau d'un vaste réseau social européen. Porte-parole de la Sécession viennoise, Zuckerkandl s'imposa également comme l'une des critiques d'art les plus productives de son temps, guidant les artistes et initiant le public à l'art moderne, en s'appuyant sur les initiatives françaises pour orienter le développement de l'art. Cette étude vise ainsi à mettre en lumière son rôle dans la dynamique des échanges artistiques entre Vienne et Paris. Elle apporte d'abord des éléments biographiques éclairant la place privilégiée de Zuckerkandl à la rencontre des cultures française et autrichienne. Elle montre ensuite son implication au sein des cercles artistiques autrichiens et offre une analyse détaillée d'un corpus d'écrits sur l'art moderne. Elle expose enfin les résultats de ses interventions en faveur de la promotion des artistes français et de la réception de leurs oeuvres en Autriche, mettant en lumière les objectifs artistiques, culturels et politiques poursuivis par Zuckerkandl, décidé à préserver la culture autrichienne à l'épreuve de la guerre et de la chute de l'Empire austro-hongrois<br>At the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century, Berta Zuckerkandl (1864-1945), Austrian salonnière and journalist, engaged actively in artistic, cultural and political exchanges between France and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Being on familiar terms with Georges Clemenceau gave her the opportunity to exchange ideas with artists and intellectuals in Paris, including Rodin, Carriere, Raffaelli, and Geffroy. Her salon in Vienna gathered some of the most pioneering personalities of the Wiener Moderne...- Bahr, Klimt, Wagner, Mahler...- and thus formed the centre of a vast social network within Europe. Being a spokeswoman of the Vienna Secession, Zuckerkandl established herself as one of the most active contemporary art critics. She guided artists and introduced the public into modern art by drawing on French initiatives to influence the art's development. The present study thus aims at highlighting her role in the dynamic artistic exchange between Vienna and Paris. It will first present Zuckerkandl's biography in order to draw attention to her privileged position in the exchange of the French and Austrian cultures. Secondly, it will show her impact on artistic Austrian groups and provide a detailed analysis of a corpus of selected documents dealing with modern art. It will finally discuss her interventions in favour of French artists and the reception of their works in Austria by highlighting the artistic, cultural and political aims pursued by Zuckerkandl, who was determined to preserve the Austrian culture despite the war and the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire
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HADJ-ABDOU, Leila. "Governing urban diversity : immigrant integration policies and discourses in Dublin and Vienna." Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/29623.
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Defence date: 16 September 2013<br>Examining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute (Supervisor) Professor Donatella Della Porta, European University Institute (Co-Supervisor) Professor Bryan Fanning, University College Dublin Professor Andrew Geddes, University of Sheffield.<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>This thesis explores how city governments respond to the presence of immigrants and the increasing ethno-cultural difference that comes with it, seeking to explain these responses. The thesis analyses discourses about immigrants and immigration by relevant policy-makers as well as types of immigrant integration policy. The thesis is based upon a comparison (longitudinal and across-cities) of the capital of Ireland - a city of recent immigration - and the capital of Austria, a city with a long history of immigration. These contrasting cases, which at the same time exhibit similar positions within their two nation states and within the global setting, allow an examination of the processes of convergence, as well as a scrutiny of the particularities of European cities in the domain of immigrant integration. The thesis argues that an analysis of both discourses and policies contributes to a more accurate understanding of the dynamics of immigrant integration in the urban space. The majority of research on immigrant integration in cities focuses solely on policies. This research tends to depict cities as an inclusive and liberal arena in contrast to the nation state. Cities, indeed, differ from nation states. The nation state and national citizenship are institutions that are based on principles of social closure and the notion of the imagined community. Rights and resources are widely accessible to its members, while this is not necessarily the case for others. Cities, in contrast, are potentially more predisposed to welcoming strangers. One becomes a member of the city by the fact of residence, and loses membership automatically by giving up residence. To a certain degree, the research findings of the thesis challenge this idea of the open city. It is shown that cities are clearly embedded in the national categorisations of boundary-making and are constrained by institutional mechanisms located at the nation-state level. Local governments are not only pragmatic actors which have to deal with the problems of integration on the ground. This thesis demonstrates that urban immigrant integration policies are led by cost and benefit considerations of policy actors confronted with global economic competition. Moreover, the policies of the cities as well as the discourses about immigrants are led by ideas such as the collective memory of a city and cross-city travelling concepts of immigrant integration. Urban responses to immigrants are also driven by institutional factors such as the make-up of the welfare regime and the electoral and party systems. Political party competition in particular is a relevant factor, substantially shaping both discourses and policies.
Livres sur le sujet "Austria – Vienna – Ethnic relations"
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Vienna and its Jews: The tragedy of success : 1880s-1980s. Abt Books, 1988.
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Wistrich, Robert S. The Jews of Vienna in the age of Franz Joseph. Published for the Littman Library by Oxford University Press, 1989.
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Rechter, David. The Jews of Vienna and the First World War. Littman Library of Jewish Civilization, 2001.
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The Jews of Vienna in the age of Franz Joseph. Published for the Littman Library by Oxford University Press, 1990.
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Project on Ethnic Relations--Princeton, USA., ed. Vojvodina: The politics of interethnic accommodation : Vienna, Austria, September 23-25, 1999 : Athens, Greece, February 13-15, 2000. Project on Ethnic Relations, 2000.
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(Austria), Allgemeines Verwaltungsarchiv. Allgemeines Verwaltungsarchiv, Archiv der Republik, Vienna. Garland Pub., 1995.
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Clare, George. Last waltz in Vienna: The rise and destruction of a family, 1842-1942. Henry Holt and Co., 1989.
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Mayer, Jutta, Martin T. Dokulil, Monika Salbrechter, et al. "Seasonal successions and trophic relations between phytoplankton, zooplankton, ciliate and bacteria in a hypertrophic shallow lake in Vienna, Austria." In Shallow Lakes ’95. Springer Netherlands, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-5648-6_18.
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Tezarek, Laura, and Christian Zolles. "Surrealism in Post-War Vienna." In Neo-Avant-Gardes. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474486095.003.0019.
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Owing to its fundamental lack of national esteem and slim prospects after the First World War and the end of the multi-ethnic Habsburg monarchy, there was a significant delay in the historical avant-garde reaching Austria. During the Nazi regime, ‘avant-gardist’ art and literature had not been available in Austria, which also led to a later lack of clarity in regard to what could be considered ‘surrealist writing’. For a young generation of progressive artists and writers in Vienna at the end of the 1940s and the beginning of the 1950s, among them the poet Andreas Okopenko, surrealism became a much-discussed topic. Confronted with its intoxicating and anarchic energies for the first time, those artists perceived surrealism as an opportunity to radically break with the predominantly conservative literature of the last decades. Paradoxically, the radical questioning of traditions through the reception of international experimental arts would subsequently provide a significant contribution to the strengthening of a national identity, by forming an Austrian counterculture.
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Böhler, Jochen. "Nations, States, and Conflict in Central Europe." In Civil War in Central Europe, 1918-1921. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198794486.003.0002.
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Chapter 1 describes the rise of nations in Central Europe, with an emphasis on developments in the tripartite Polish lands under German, Austrian, and Russian rule. Following a recent trend in historiography, it questions the nationalistic master narrative of “oppressive empires” in decline and “democratic nation states” on the rise. With the notable exception of armed insurrections and revolutions, in the long run their relation was one of negotiation rather than of antagonism. Between the Congress of Vienna and the outbreak of the Great War, the area witnessed a century of relative calm. Nevertheless, ethnic nationalism challenged the multinational imperial order. With the empires gone, from 1918 onwards, the new nation states of Central and Southeastern Europe divided their respective populations into titular nations versus minorities, thus defining who was part of the “national project,” and who was not. This exclusive nationalism led to ethnic conflict and war.
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Boyer, John W. "Two Decades of Constitutional Upheaval, 1895‒1914." In Austria 1867–1955. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198221296.003.0005.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This chapter takes the book’s narrative down to 1914 on the eve of the war. It provides a comprehensive overview of the course of state-level politics from the Badeni government in 1896 down to the ministry led by Karl Stürgkh in 1914. The book shows how the ongoing crisis in Bohemia and Moravia became one chronic axis of conflict that destabilized the Empire, but that this was counterposed to two new social and political movements emerging in Vienna—Christian Socialism and Social Democracy—which had an entirely different, non-ethnic logic. The institution of universal suffrage in 1907, which was meant to try to ameliorate the bitter ethnic conflicts in Bohemia and Moravia, also gave huge impetus to expansion of the Viennese mass ideological parties as well. By 1907 the two largest parties in the Austrian parliament (Reichsrat) were the Christian Socials and Social Democrats, neither of which had existed in the 1880s. The result was that, upon the collapse of the Empire in 1918, these two ideological movements—the Catholics and the Socialists—were ready to take possession of the new republican state. The chapter concludes by reviewing the plans that Archduke Franz Ferdinand had developed for his accession to the throne and suggests that the perennial debate about the longer-term possible survival of the Habsburg Empire in the twentieth century which has much preoccupied recent scholarship has to hinge on how historians evaluate Franz Ferdinand’s capacity for effective administrative leadership.
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Boyer, John W. "The Monarchy in the First World War." In Austria 1867–1955. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198221296.003.0007.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This chapter provides a detailed account of the demise of the Habsburg Empire as a multi-ethnic, constitutional state as a result of the horrors of World War I. It shows how the Empire, completely unprepared for a long war, stumbled into wartime absolutist governance practices, with brutal military domination over civilian life. The result of inefficiencies, political gaffs, and supply shortfalls was the “hunger winter” of 1916/17 and even worse conditions in 1918 that brought general misery to millions of poor citizens. Franz Joseph’s death in 1916 ended a personal regime of sixty-eight years, comprehending five generations of traumatic political upheavals. The Emperor was succeeded by his grandnephew, Karl Franz Joseph, a 29-year-old amateur soldier who was thrust into the middle of a political morass. Karl became infamous for his lack of systematic decision-making. The reaction among Austrian Slavic leaders to the collapse of the 1918 offensives in Italy and in France and to the slow, yet tangible weakening of the independent standing of the Crown in the Sixtus Affair was unmistakable. The decision of the revolutionary State Council on November 10, 1918 to place a draft of a fundamental law on the formation of a new Austro-German Republic before the Provisional National Assembly in Vienna compelled Karl’s “renunciation” (de facto, abdication) of any involvement in the affairs of state. The end of the Empire as a juristic unit came on the afternoon of November 11, 1918.
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Boyer, John W. "The Settlement of 1867 and the Creation of a Liberal Constitutional Order." In Austria 1867–1955. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198221296.003.0002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This chapter introduces the main narrative of the book by describing how the Austro-German Liberals successfully forced the Habsburg Crown to accept a genuine constitutional revolution in 1867, including laws creating a legitimate national parliament with control over the state budget, laws guaranteeing freedom of thought and expression, a free judiciary, the separation of justice and administration, public access to administrative decision-making, the introduction of jury trials, freedom for the press, the protection of associations and the right of assembly, the reorganization of Church‒state relations and the repeal of the Concordat, and the creation of a new high court responsible for appeals against flawed administrative decisions. It also explains the settlement (Ausgleich) that took place between Austria and Hungary in 1867, which created a composite state unlike any other in modern Europe of the nineteenth century. Unlike other major states in nineteenth-century Europe, Austria coped with a wider range of centripetal social and ethnic pressures within its civic system at the very time that its constitutional development gained traction against the authoritarian powers of the Crown. The Liberals were stunningly successful in compelling the Emperor to share the state, much as their predecessors in Frankfurt in early 1849 had hoped that the Prussian King would divide up the new German national state with a new imperial parliament. The Austrian Liberals in turn would be asked in the 1870s, 1880s, and 1890s to share the state with other rival and competing electoral groups.
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Bryan, Simms. "The Celebrated Composer, 1928–34." In Berg. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190931445.003.0009.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this chapter aspects of Berg’s life during his last eight years are recounted. Berg’s childhood friend Hermann Watznauer proposed a biography of Berg, in which project the composer concurred. Berg was offered an academic appointment at the Berlin Musikhochschule, but he preferred to stay in Vienna, hoping for a position at the Vienna Music Academy, which did not materialize. His complex relations with his family contributed to a slowing of his attention to music. As his mood darkened, he complained of losing his ability to compose, and he attempted to revive his spirits by flirtations with two women, Anny Askenase and Edith Edwards. Berg purchased a summer retreat, the Waldhaus, in 1932. From about this time, with the rise of the Nazis, Berg’s music had few performances in Germany and Austria and he gradually faced a financial crisis. In 1929 he received a lucrative commission from the soprano Ružena Herlinger to compose a concert aria for her use. Berg then composed Der Wein, a setting for voice and orchestra of poetry by Baudelaire. The work was his first to bring in styles from popular dance music such as the tango.
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Richter, Jessica, and Tim Rütten. ""[S]ie war männersüchtig, vergnügungssüchtig, unrein, faul ,bis zum Exceß' [...]". Wandel und Kontinuität im häuslichen Dienst." In Niederösterreich im 19. Jahrhundert, Band 2: Gesellschaft und Gemeinschaft. Eine Regionalgeschichte der Moderne. NÖ Institut für Landeskunde, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52035/noil.2021.19jh02.11.
Texte intégralRésumé :
“[S]he was obsessed with men, sybaritic, impure, lazy to extremes […].” Change and Continuity in Domestic Service. In the 19th century, domestic service became a livelihood almost exclusively of women of the lower social strata. It was, however, characterised by the continuity of unequal power relations. Service legislation stabilised servants’ dependence on their masters and mistresses in the context of the household until the 1920s, a dependence intended to control servants’ behaviour and mobility. Stereotypes of female servants in particular formed the basis of service legislation and supported the dominance of middle- and upper-class as well as agrarian elites. Such gendered perceptions were represented and produced inter alia in popular, political and legal texts. This contribution investigates the entanglement of legislation and discourse from a perspective of gender history and describes their transformation in Vienna and Lower Austria in the course of the long 19th century.
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McCarthy, Justin. "British Politicians and Macedonia." In The British and the Turks. Edinburgh University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781399500043.003.0005.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Foreign Secretaries Lansdowne and Grey worked to remove Macedonia from Ottoman rule. They planned to apply what were styled as “coercive measures” to force the Ottomans to comply. They were thwarted by Austria and Russia, who submitted less restrictive measures (Vienna Plan and Mürsteg Proposals). These would have allowed the Ottomans limited control over Macedonia, over vehement British objections. The situation in Macedonia grew worse as Greece and Serbia joined the conflict, each supporting rebels from their own ethnic group. The Europeans were never able to quell the troubles in Macedonia, because they decided the problem was the need of Ottoman reform. They put all the pressure on the Ottomans, including restricting Ottoman military action against the rebels, but they put no pressure on the Bulgarians, Greeks, and Serbs who armed and gave safe havens to the rebels. As it had in Eastern Anatolia, Ottoman financial weakness stood in the way of reform. Throughout the conflict, the British acted against Ottoman interests. The British stood against customs tariff increases that would have aided the Ottoman exchequer. British government leaders deceived parliament and the public on events in the Ottoman Empire. In the end, the Europeans abandoned the intractable Macedonian problem.
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Brückl, Ewald, Peter Carniel, Stefan Mertl, and Rita Meurers. "Seismological Data Acquisition and Analysis within the Scope of Citizen Science." In Earthquakes - From Tectonics to Buildings. IntechOpen, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.95273.
Texte intégralRésumé :
From 2017 till 2020 a low cost seismic sensor network was built in the southern Vienna Basin, Lower Austria, as a part of ongoing educational and citizen science projects. The purpose of the project is to inform society about the seismic activity in this area and to include authorities and interested citizens into data acquisition and exploitation. Near real time (NRT) seismic data are made accessible online. Seismic events are detected and archived automatically. The visualization of these events online facilitates instantaneously estimates of the extent of the shaking area and potential damage. Peak ground velocities (PGV) are related to macroseismic intensities (EMS-98) derived from reports about ground motion felt in the vicinity of the network stations. Observed amplitudes and travel times are modeled by simple, but effective relations. Traditional and innovative localization methods based on travel times and amplitudes are applied and analyzed with respect to data quality and localization accuracy. All results are accessible online and the computer code is open and applicable, e.g. for educational purposes.